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+ <title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Study of the Topography and Municipal History of Praeneste, by Ralph Van Deman Magoffin.</title>
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+<body>
+<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 12770 ***</div>
+
+<h3>SERIES XXVI NOS. 9-10</h3>
+<h3>JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES</h3>
+<h3>IN
+HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE</h3>
+<h3>Under the Direction of the
+Departments of</h3>
+<h3>History, Political Economy,</h3>
+<h3>and
+Political Science</h3>
+<h1>STUDY OF THE TOPOGRAPHY</h1>
+<h1>AND
+MUNICIPAL HISTORY OF</h1>
+<h1>PR&AElig;NESTE</h1>
+<h3>BY</h3>
+<h2>RALPH VAN DEMAN MAGOFFIN, A.B.</h2>
+<h2>Fellow in Latin.</h2>
+<br />
+<h3>September, October, 1908</h3>
+<h3>COPYRIGHT 1908</h3>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<br />
+<h2>CONTENTS.</h2>
+<div style="margin-left: 160px;"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a>.
+THE TOPOGRAPHY OF PR&AElig;NESTE<br />
+<a href="#EXTENT"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">EXTENT OF THE DOMAIN
+OF PR&AElig;NESTE</span></a><br />
+<a href="#CITY"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE CITY, ITS WALLS AND
+GATES</span></a><br />
+<a href="#PORTA_TRIUMPHALIS"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE PORTA
+TRIUMPHALIS</span></a><br />
+<a href="#GATES"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE GATES</span></a><br />
+<a href="#WATER"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE WATER SUPPLY OF
+PR&AElig;NESTE</span></a><br />
+<a href="#TEMPLE"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNA
+PRIMIGENIA</span></a><br />
+<a href="#EPIGRAPHICAL_TOPOGRAPHY"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE
+EPIGRAPHICAL TOPOGRAPHY OF
+PR&AElig;NESTE</span></a><br />
+<a href="#FORUM"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE FORA</span></a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE SACRA VIA</span><br />
+<br />
+<a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a>. THE MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT OF
+PR&AElig;NESTE<br />
+<a href="#MUNICIPIUM"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">WAS
+PR&AElig;NESTE A MUNICIPIUM?</span></a><br />
+<a href="#COLONY"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">PR&AElig;NESTE AS A
+COLONY</span></a><br />
+<a href="#OFFICES"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE DISTRIBUTION OF
+OFFICES</span></a><br />
+<a href="#OFFICIALS"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE REGULATIONS
+ABOUT OFFICIALS</span></a><br />
+<a href="#QUINQUENNALES"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">THE
+QUINQUENNALES</span></a><br />
+<br />
+<a href="#ALPHABETICAL_LIST">AN ALPHABETICAL LIST OF THE MUNICIPAL
+OFFICERS OF PR&AElig;NESTE</a><br />
+<br />
+A CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE MUNICIPAL OFFICERS OF PR&AElig;NESTE<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">1. <a href="#BEFORE">BEFORE
+PR&AElig;NESTE WAS A COLONY</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">2. <a href="#AFTER">AFTER
+PR&AElig;NESTE WAS A COLONY</a></span><br />
+</div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<br />
+<h2>PREFACE.</h2>
+<p>This study is the first of a series of studies already in
+progress, in which the author hopes to make some contributions
+to the history of the towns of the early Latin League,
+from the topographical and epigraphical points of view.</p>
+<p>The author takes this opportunity to thank Dr. Kirby
+Flower Smith, Head of the Department of Latin, at whose
+suggestion this study was begun, and under whose supervision
+and with whose hearty assistance its revision was
+completed.</p>
+<p>He owes his warmest thanks also to Dr. Harry Langford
+Wilson, Professor of Roman Arch&aelig;ology and Epigraphy,
+with whom he made many trips to Pr&aelig;neste, and whose
+help and suggestions were most valuable.</p>
+<p>Especially does he wish to testify to the inspiration to
+thoroughness which came from the teaching and the example
+of his dearly revered teacher, Professor Basil Lanneau Gildersleeve,
+Head of the Greek Department, and he acknowledges
+also with pleasure the benefit from the scholarly
+methods of Dr. David M. Robinson, and the manifold suggestiveness
+of the teaching of Dr. Maurice Bloomfield.</p>
+<p>The cordial assistance of the author's aunt, Dr. Esther B.
+Van Deman, Carnegie Fellow in the American School at
+Rome, both during his stay in Rome and Pr&aelig;neste and since
+his return to America, has been invaluable, and the privilege
+afforded him by Professor Dr. Christian H&uuml;lsen, of the German
+Arch&aelig;ological Institute, of consulting the as yet unpublished
+indices of the sixth volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum
+Latinarum, is acknowledged with deep gratitude.</p>
+<p>The author is deeply grateful for the facilities afforded
+him in the prosecution of his investigations while he was
+a resident in Palestrina, and he takes great pleasure in
+thanking for their courtesies, Cav. Capitano Felice Cicerchia,
+President of the Arch&aelig;ological Society at Palestrina, his
+brother, Cav. Emilio Cicerchia, Government Inspector of
+Antiquities, Professor Pompeo Bernardini, Mayor of the
+City, and Cav. Francesco Coltellacci, Municipal Secretary.</p>
+<p>Finally, he desires to express his cordial appreciation of
+the kind advice and generous assistance given by Professor
+John Martin Vincent in connection with the publication of
+this monograph.</p>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<br />
+<h1>A STUDY OF THE TOPOGRAPHY</h1>
+<h1>AND MUNICIPAL</h1>
+<h1>HISTORY OF PR&AElig;NESTE.</h1>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<a name="CHAPTER_I"></a>
+<h2>CHAPTER I.
+</h2>
+<h2>THE TOPOGRAPHY OF PR&AElig;NESTE.</h2>
+<p>Nearly a half mile out from the rugged Sabine mountains,
+standing clear from them, and directly in front of
+the sinuous little valley which the northernmost headstream
+of the Trerus made for itself, rises a conspicuous and commanding
+mountain, two thousand three hundred and eighteen
+feet above the level of the sea, and something more
+than half that height above the plain below. This limestone
+mountain, the modern Monte Glicestro, presents on the north
+a precipitous and unapproachable side to the Sabines, but
+turns a fairer face to the southern and western plain.
+From its conical summit the mountain stretches steeply
+down toward the southwest, dividing almost at once into
+two rounded slopes, one of which, the Colle di S. Martino,
+faces nearly west, the other in a direction a little west of
+south. On this latter slope is situated the modern Palestrina,
+which is built on the site of the ancient Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+<p>From the summit of the mountain, where the arx or
+citadel was, it becomes clear at once why Pr&aelig;neste occupied
+a proud and commanding position among the towns of
+Latium. The city, clambering up the slope on its terraces,
+occupied a notably strong position<a name="FNanchor_1"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_1"><sup>[1]</sup></a>, and the citadel
+was wholly impregnable to assault. Below and south
+of the city stretched fertile land easy of access to the
+Pr&aelig;nestines, and sufficiently distant from other strong
+Latin towns to be safe for regular cultivation. Further,
+there is to be added to the fortunate situation
+of Pr&aelig;neste with regard to her own territory and that of
+her contiguous dependencies, her position at a spot which
+almost forced upon her a wide territorial influence, for
+Monte Glicestro faces exactly the wide and deep depression
+between the Volscian mountains and the Alban Hills, and
+is at the same time at the head of the Trerus-Liris valley.
+Thus Pr&aelig;neste at once commanded not only one of the
+passes back into the highland country of the &AElig;quians, but
+also the inland routes between Upper and Lower Italy, the
+roads which made relations possible between the Hernicans,
+Volscians, Samnites, and Latins. From Pr&aelig;neste the
+movements of Volscians and Latins, even beyond the Alban
+Hills and on down in the Pontine district, could be seen,
+and any hostile demonstrations could be prepared against
+or forestalled. In short, Pr&aelig;neste held the key to Rome
+from the south.</p>
+<p>Monte Glicestro is of limestone pushed up through the
+tertiary crust by volcanic forces, but the long ridges
+which run off to the northwest are of lava, while the shorter
+and wider ones extending toward the southwest are of
+tufa. These ridges are from three to seven miles in length.
+It is shown either by remains of roads and foundations or
+(in three cases) by the actual presence of modern towns
+that in antiquity the tip of almost every one of these ridges
+was occupied by a city. The whole of the tufa and lava
+plain that stretches out from Pr&aelig;neste toward the Roman
+Campagna is flat to the eye, and the towns on the tips of
+the ridges seem so low that their strong military position
+is overlooked. The tops of these ridges, however, are
+everywhere more than an hundred feet above the valley
+and, in addition, their sides are very steep. Thus the
+towns were practically impregnable except by an attack
+along the top of the ridge, and as all these ridges run back
+to the base of the mountain on which Pr&aelig;neste was situated,
+both these ridges and their towns necessarily were always
+closely connected with Pr&aelig;neste and dependent upon her.</p>
+<p>There is a simple expedient by which a conception of the
+topography of the country about Pr&aelig;neste can be obtained.
+Place the left hand, palm down, flat on a table spreading
+the fingers slightly, then the palm of the right hand on the
+back of the left with the fingers pointing at right angles to
+those of the left hand. Imagine that the mountain, on
+which Pr&aelig;neste lay, rises in the middle of the back of the
+upper hand, sinks off to the knuckles of both hands, and
+extends itself in the alternate ridges and valleys which the
+fingers and the spaces between them represent.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="EXTENT"></a>EXTENT OF THE DOMAIN OF PR&AElig;NESTE.</p>
+<p>Just as the modern roads and streets in both country and
+city of ancient territory are taken as the first and best proof
+of the presence of ancient boundary lines and thoroughfares,
+just so the territorial jurisdiction of a city in modern
+Italy, where tradition has been so constant and so strong,
+is the best proof for the extent of ancient domain.<a name="FNanchor_2"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_2"><sup>[2]</sup></a> Before
+trying, therefore, to settle the limits of the domain of Pr&aelig;neste
+from the provenience of ancient inscriptions, and by
+deductions from ancient literary sources, and present topographical
+and arch&aelig;ological arguments, it will be well worth
+while to trace rapidly the diocesan boundaries which the
+Roman church gave to Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+<p>The Christian faith had one of its longest and hardest
+fights at Pr&aelig;neste to overcome the old Roman cult of
+Fortuna Primigenia. Christianity triumphed completely,
+and Pr&aelig;neste was so important a place, that it was made
+one of the six suburban bishoprics,<a name="FNanchor_3"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_3"><sup>[3]</sup></a> and from that time on
+there is more or less mention in the Papal records of the
+diocese of Pr&aelig;neste, or Penestrino as it began to be called.</p>
+<p>In the fifth century A.D. there is mention of a gift to
+a church by Sixtus III, Pope from 432 to 440, of a certain
+possession in Pr&aelig;nestine territory called Marmorata,<a
+ name="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4"><sup>[4]</sup></a> which
+seems best located near the town of Genazzano.</p>
+<p>About the year 970 the territory of Pr&aelig;neste was increased
+in extent by Pope John XIII, who ceded to his
+sister Stefania a territory that extended back into the mountains
+to Aqua alta near Subiaco, and as far as the Rivo lato
+near Genazzano, and to the west and north from the head
+of the Anio river to the Via Labicana.<a name="FNanchor_5"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_5"><sup>[5]</sup></a></p>
+<p>A few years later, in 998, because of some troubles, the
+domain of Pr&aelig;neste was very much diminished. This is
+of the greatest importance here, because the territory of
+the diocese in 998 corresponds almost exactly not only to
+the natural boundaries, but also, as will be shown later, to
+the ancient boundaries of her domain. The extent of this
+restricted territory was about five by six miles, and took in
+Zagarolo, Valmontone, Cave, Rocca di Cave, Capranica,
+Poli, and Gallicano.<a name="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6"><sup>[6]</sup></a>
+These towns form a circle around
+Pr&aelig;neste and mark very nearly the ancient boundary. The
+towns of Valmontone, Cave, and Poli, however, although
+in a great degree dependent upon Pr&aelig;neste, were, I think,
+just outside her proper territorial domain.</p>
+<p>In 1043, when Emilia, a descendant of the Stefania mentioned
+above, married Stefano di Colonna, Count of Tusculum,
+Pr&aelig;neste's territory seems to have been enlarged again
+to its former extent, because in 1080 at Emilia's death, Pope
+Gregory VII excommunicated the Colonna because they
+insisted upon retaining the Pr&aelig;nestine territory which had
+been given as a fief to Stefania, and which upon Emilia's
+death should have reverted to the Church.<a name="FNanchor_7"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_7"><sup>[7]</sup></a></p>
+<p>We get a glance again at the probable size of the Pr&aelig;nestine
+diocese in 1190, from the fact that the fortieth bishop
+of Pr&aelig;neste was Giovanni Anagnino de' Conti di Segni
+(1190-1196),<a name="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8"><sup>[8]</sup></a>
+and this seems to imply a further extension
+of the diocese to the southeast down the Trerus (Sacco)
+valley.</p>
+<p>Again, in 1300 after the papal destruction of Palestrina,
+the government of the city was turned over to Cardinal
+Ranieri, who was to hold the city and its castle (mons),
+the mountain and its territory. At this time the diocese comprised
+the land as far as Artena (Monte Fortino) and
+and Rocca Priora, one of the towns in the Alban Hills, and
+to Castrum Novum Tiburtinum, which may well be
+Corcolle.<a name="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9"><sup>[9]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The natural limits of the ancient city proper can hardly be
+mistaken. The city included not only the arx and that portion
+of the southern slope of the mountain which was
+walled in, but also a level piece of fertile ground below the
+city, across the present Via degli Arconi. This piece of flat
+land has an area about six hundred yards square, the natural
+boundaries of which are: on the west, the deep bed of the
+watercourse spanned by the Ponte dei Sardoni; on the east,
+the cut over which is built the Ponte dell' Ospedalato, and
+on the south, the depression running parallel to the Via
+degli Arconi, and containing the modern road from S.
+Rocco to Cave.</p>
+<p>From the natural limits of the town itself we now pass to
+what would seem to have been the extent of territory dependent
+upon her. The strongest argument of this discussion
+is based upon the natural configuration of the land.
+To the west, the domain of Pr&aelig;neste certainly followed
+those long fertile ridges accessible only from Pr&aelig;neste.
+First, and most important, it extended along the very wide
+ridge known as Le Tende and Le Colonnelle which stretches
+down toward Gallicano. Some distance above that town
+it splits, one half, under the name of Colle S. Rocco, running
+out to the point on which Gallicano is situated, and
+the other, as the Colle Caipoli, reaching farther out into
+the Campagna. Along and across this ridge ran several
+ancient roads.<a name="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10"><sup>[10]</sup></a>
+With the combination of fertile ground
+well situated, in a position farthest away from all hostile
+attack, and a location not only in plain sight from
+the citadel of Pr&aelig;neste, but also between Pr&aelig;neste and
+her closest friend and ally, Tibur, it is certain that in
+this ridge we have one of the most favored and valuable
+of Pr&aelig;neste's possessions, and quite as certain that Gallicano,
+probably the ancient Pedum,<a name="FNanchor_11"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_11"><sup>[11]</sup></a> was one of the towns
+which were dependent allies of Pr&aelig;neste. It was along
+this ridge too that probably the earlier, and certainly the
+more intimate communication between Pr&aelig;neste and Tibur
+passed, for of the three possible routes, this was both the
+nearest and safest.<a name="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12"><sup>[12]</sup></a></p>
+<p style="text-align: center;"><img style="width: 512px; height: 415px;"
+ alt="PLATE I. Pr&aelig;neste, on mountain in background; Gallicano, on top of ridge, in foreground"
+ title="PLATE I. Pr&aelig;neste, on mountain in background; Gallicano, on top of ridge, in foreground"
+ src="images/imag001.jpg" /></p>
+<p>The second ridge, called Colle di Pastore as far as the
+Gallicano cut, and Colle Collafri beyond it, along which for
+four miles runs the Via Pr&aelig;nestina, undoubtedly belonged
+to the domain of Pr&aelig;neste.<a name="FNanchor_13"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_13"><sup>[13]</sup></a> But it was not so important a
+piece of property as the ridges on either side, for it is much
+narrower, and it had no town at its end. There was probably
+always a road out this ridge, as is shown by the presence
+of the later Via Pr&aelig;nestina, but that there was no
+town at the end of the ridge is well proved by the fact that
+Ashby finds no remains there which give evidence of one.
+Then, too, we have plain enough proof of general unfitness
+for a town. In the first place the ridge runs oil into the
+junction of two roadless valleys, there is not much fertile
+land back of where the town site would have been, but
+above all, however, it is certain that the Via Pr&aelig;nestina was
+an officially made Roman road, and did not occupy anything
+more than a previous track of little consequence. This is
+shown by the absence of tombs of the early necropolis style
+along this road.</p>
+<p>The next ridge must always have been one of the most
+important, for from above Cavamonte as far as Passerano,
+at the bottom of the ridge on the side toward Rome, connecting
+with the highway which was the later Via Latina,
+ran the main road through Zagarolo, Passerano, Corcolle, on
+to Tibur and the north.<a name="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14"><sup>[14]</sup></a>
+As this was the other of the two
+great roads which ran to the north without getting out on
+the Roman Campagna, it is certain that Pr&aelig;neste considered
+it in her territory, and probably kept the travel well in
+hand. With dependent towns at Zagarolo and Passerano,
+which are several miles distant from each other, there must
+have been at least one more town between them, to guard
+the road against attack from Tusculum or Gabii. The fact
+that the Via Pr&aelig;nestina later cut the Colle del Pero-Colle
+Seloa just below a point where an ancient road ascends the
+ridge to a place well adapted for a town, and where there
+are some remains,<a name="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15"><sup>[15]</sup></a>
+seems to prove the supposition, and to
+locate another of the dependent cities of Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+<p>That the next ridge, the one on which Zagarolo is situated,
+was also part of Pr&aelig;neste's territory, aside from the fact
+that it has always been part of the diocese of Pr&aelig;neste, is
+clearly shown by the topography of the district. The only
+easy access to Zagarolo is from Palestrina, and although the
+town itself cannot be seen from the mountain of Pr&aelig;neste,
+nevertheless the approach to it along the ridge is clearly
+visible.</p>
+<p>The country south and in front of Pr&aelig;neste spreads out
+more like a solid plain for a mile or so before splitting off
+into the ridges which are so characteristic of the neighborhood.
+East of the ridge on which Zagarolo stands, and
+running nearly at right angles to it, is a piece of territory
+along which runs the present road (the Omata di Palestrina)
+to the Palestrina railroad station, and which as far
+as the cross valley at Colle dell'Aquila, is incontestably
+Pr&aelig;nestine domain.</p>
+<p>But the territory which most certainly belonged to Pr&aelig;neste,
+and which was at once the most valuable and the
+oldest of her possessions is the wide ridge now known
+as the Vigne di Loreto, along which runs the road to
+Marcigliano.<a name="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16"><sup>[16]</sup></a>
+Not only does this ridge lie most closely
+bound to Pr&aelig;neste by nature, but it leads directly toward
+Velitr&aelig;, her most advantageous ally. Tibur was perhaps
+always Pr&aelig;neste's closest and most loyal ally, but the alliance
+with her had not the same opportunity for mutual
+advantage as one with Velitr&aelig;, because each of these towns
+commanded the territory the other wished to know most
+about, and both together could draw across the upper Trerus
+valley a tight line which was of the utmost importance from
+a strategic point of view. These two facts would in themselves
+be a satisfactory proof that this ridge was Pr&aelig;neste's
+first expansion and most important acquisition, but there is
+proof other than topographical and argumentative.</p>
+<p>At the head of this ridge in la Colombella, along the road
+leading to Marcigliano from the little church of S. Rocco,
+have been found three strata of tombs. The line of graves
+in the lowest stratum, the date of which is not later than
+the fifth or sixth century B.C., points exactly along the
+ancient road, now the Via della Marcigliana or di Loreto.<a
+ name="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17"><sup>[17]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The natural limit of Pr&aelig;nestine domain to the south has
+now been reached, and that it is actually the natural limit is
+shown by the accompanying illustration.</p>
+<p>Through the Valle di Pepe or Fosso dell' Ospedalato
+(see <a href="#plate_ii">Plate II</a>), which is wide as well as deep,
+runs the
+uppermost feeder of the Trerus river. One sees at a glance
+that the whole slope of the mountain from arx to base is
+continued by a natural depression which would make an
+ideal boundary for Pr&aelig;nestine territory. Nor is the topographical
+proof all. No inscriptions of consequence, and
+no architectural remains of the pre-imperial period have
+been found across this valley. The road along the top of
+the ridge beyond it is an ancient one, and ran to Valmontone
+as it does today, and was undoubtedly often used
+between Pr&aelig;neste and the towns on the Volscians. The
+ridge, however, was exposed to sudden attack from too
+many directions to be of practical value to Pr&aelig;neste.
+Valmontone, which lay out beyond the end of this ridge,
+commanded it, and Valmontone was not a dependency of
+Pr&aelig;neste, as is shown by an inscription which mentions the
+adlectio of a citizen there into the senate (decuriones) of
+Pr&aelig;neste.<a name="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18"><sup>[18]</sup></a></p>
+<p>There are still two other places which as we have seen
+were included at different times in the papal diocese of
+Pr&aelig;neste,<a name="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19"><sup>[19]</sup></a>
+namely, Capranica and Cave.<a name="FNanchor_20"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_20"><sup>[20]</sup></a> Inscriptional
+evidence is not forthcoming in either place sufficient to warrant
+any certainty in the matter of correspondence of local
+names to those in Pr&aelig;neste. Of the two, Capranica had
+much more need of dependence on Pr&aelig;neste than Cave. It
+was down through the little valley back of Pr&aelig;neste, at
+the head of which Capranica lay, that her later aqueducts
+came. The outlet from Capranica back over the mountains
+was very difficult, and the only tillable soil within reach of
+that town lay to the north of Pr&aelig;neste on the ridge running
+toward Gallicano, and on a smaller ridge which curved
+around toward Tibur and lay still closer to the mountains.
+In short, Capranica, which never attained importance
+enough to be of any consequence, appears to have been
+always dependent upon Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+<p>But as for Cave, that is another question. Her friends
+were to the east, and there was easy access into the mountains
+to Sublaqueum (Subiaco) and beyond, through the
+splendid passes via either of the modern towns, Genazzano
+or Olevano.</p>
+<p style="text-align: center;"><a name="plate_ii"></a><img
+ style="width: 512px; height: 404px;"
+ alt="PLATE II. Pr&aelig;neste, Monte Glicestro with citadel, as seen from Valle di Pepe."
+ title="PLATE II. Pr&aelig;neste, Monte Glicestro with citadel, as seen from Valle di Pepe."
+ src="images/imag002.jpg" /></p>
+<p>It is quite evident that Cave was never a large town, and
+it seems most probable that she realized that an amicable
+understanding with Pr&aelig;neste was discreet. This is rendered
+almost certain by the proof of a continuance of business
+relations between the two places. The greater number of
+the big tombs of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. are of
+a peperino from Cave,<a name="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21"><sup>[21]</sup></a>
+and a good deal of the tufa used
+in wall construction in Pr&aelig;neste is from the quarries near
+Cave, as Fernique saw.<a name="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22"><sup>[22]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Rocca di Cave, on a hill top behind Cave, is too insignificant
+a location to have been the cause of the lower town,
+which at the best does not itself occupy a very advantageous
+position in any way, except that it is in the line of a trade
+route from lower Italy. It might be maintained with some
+reason that Cave was a settlement of dissatisfied merchants
+from Pr&aelig;neste, who had gone out and established themselves
+on the main road for the purpose of anticipating the
+trade, but there is much against such an argument.</p>
+<p>It has been shown that there were peaceable relations
+between Pr&aelig;neste and Cave in the fifth and sixth centuries
+B.C., but that the two towns were on terms of equality is
+impossible, and that Cave was a dependency of Pr&aelig;neste,
+and in her domain, is most unlikely both topographically
+and epigraphically. And more than this, just as an ancient
+feud can be proved between Pr&aelig;neste and Rome from the
+slurs on Pr&aelig;neste which one finds in literature from Plautus
+down,<a name="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23"><sup>[23]</sup></a>
+if no other proofs were to be had,<a name="FNanchor_24"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_24"><sup>[24]</sup></a> just so there
+is a very ancient grudge between Pr&aelig;neste and Cave, which
+has been perpetuated and is very noticeable even at the
+present day.<a name="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25"><sup>[25]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The topography of Pr&aelig;neste as to the site of the city
+proper, and as to its territorial domain is then, about as
+follows.</p>
+<p>In very early times, probably as early as the ninth or
+tenth century B.C., Pr&aelig;neste was a town on the southern
+slope of Monte Glicestro,<a name="FNanchor_26"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_26"><sup>[26]</sup></a> with an arx on the summit.
+As the town grew, it spread first to the level ground
+directly below, and out along the ridge west of the Valle di
+Pepe toward Marcigliano, because it was territory not only
+fertile and easily defended, being directly under the very
+eyes of the citizens, but also because it stretched out toward
+Velitr&aelig;, an old and trusted ally.<a name="FNanchor_27"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_27"><sup>[27]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Her next expansion was in the direction of Tibur, along
+the trade route which followed the Sabine side of the Liris-Trerus
+valley, and this expansion gave her a most fertile
+piece of territory. To insure this against incursions from
+the pass which led back into the mountains, it seems certain
+that Pr&aelig;neste secured or perhaps colonized Capranica.</p>
+<p>The last Pr&aelig;nestine expansion in territory had a motive
+beyond the acquisition of land, for it was also important
+from a strategical point of view. It will be remembered
+that the second great trade route which came into the
+Roman plain ran past Zagarolo, Passerano, and Corcolle.<a
+ name="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28"><sup>[28]</sup></a>
+This road runs along a valley just below ridges which radiate
+from the mountain on which Pr&aelig;neste is situated, and
+thus bordered the land which was by nature territory
+dependent upon Pr&aelig;neste.<a name="FNanchor_29"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_29"><sup>[29]</sup></a> So this final extension of her
+domain was to command this important road. With the
+carrying out of this project all the ridges mentioned above
+came gradually into the possession of Praneste, as natural,
+expedient, and unquestioned domain, and on the ends of
+those ridges which were defensible, dependent towns grew
+up. There was also a town at Cavamonte above the
+Maremmana road, probably a village out on the Colle
+dell'Oro, and undoubtedly one at Marcigliano, or in that
+vicinity.</p>
+<p>We have already seen that across a valley and a stream of
+some consequence there is a ridge not at all connected
+with the mountain on which Pr&aelig;neste was situated, but
+belonging rather to Valmontone, which was better suited
+for neutral ground or to act as a buffer to the southeast.
+We turn to mention this ridge again as territory topographically
+outside Pr&aelig;neste's domain, in order to say more forcibly
+that one must cross still another valley and stream
+before reaching the territory of Cave, and so Cave, although
+dependent upon Pr&aelig;neste, by reason of its size and interests,
+was not a dependent city of Pr&aelig;neste, nor was it a
+part of her domain.<a name="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30"><sup>[30]</sup></a></p>
+<p>In short, to describe Pr&aelig;neste, that famous town of
+Latium, and her domain in a true if homely way, she was
+an ancient and proud city whose territory was a commanding
+mountain and a number of ridges running out from it,
+which spread out like a fan all the way from the Fosso
+dell'Ospedalato (the depression shown in <a href="#plate_ii">plate II</a>)
+to the
+Sabine mountains on the north.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="CITY"></a>THE CITY, ITS WALLS AND GATES.</p>
+<p>The general supposition has been that the earliest inhabitants
+of Pr&aelig;neste lived only in the citadel on top of the
+hill. This theory is supported by the fact that there is
+room enough, and, as will be shown below, there was in
+early times plenty of water there; nevertheless it is certain
+that this was not the whole of the site of the early city.</p>
+<p>The earliest inhabitants of Pr&aelig;neste needed first of all,
+safety, then a place for pasturage, and withal, to be as close
+to the fertile land at the foot of the mountain as possible.
+The first thing the inhabitants of the new city did was to
+build a wall. There is still a little of this oldest wall in the
+circuit about the citadel, and it was built at exactly the same
+time as the lower part of the double walls that extend down
+the southern slope of the mountain on each side of the
+upper part of the modern town. It happens that by following
+the edges of the slope of this southern face of the
+mountain down to a certain point, one realizes that even
+without a wall the place would be practically impregnable.
+Add to this the fact that all the stones necessary for a wall
+were obtained during the scarping of the arx on the side
+toward the Sabines,<a name="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31"><sup>[31]</sup></a>
+and needed only to be rolled down,
+not up, to their places in the wall, which made the task a
+very easy one comparatively. Now if a place can be found
+which is naturally a suitable place for a lower cross wall,
+we shall have what an ancient site demanded; first, safety,
+because the site now proposed is just as impregnable as the
+citadel itself, and still very high above the plain below;
+second, pasturage, for on the slope between the lower town
+and the arx is the necessary space which the arx itself
+hardly supplies; and third, a more reasonable nearness to
+the fertile land below. All the conditions necessary are fulfilled
+by a cross wall in Pr&aelig;neste, which up to this time has
+remained mostly unknown, often neglected or wrongly
+described, and wholly misunderstood. As we shall see,
+however, this very wall was the lower boundary of the
+earliest Pr&aelig;neste. The establishment of this important fact
+will remove one of the many stumbling blocks over which
+earlier writers on Pr&aelig;neste have fallen.</p>
+<p>It has been said above that the lowest part of the wall
+of the arx, and the two walls from it down the mountain
+were built at the same time. The accompanying plate
+(<a href="#plate_iii">III</a>) shows very plainly the course of the
+western wall
+as it comes down the hill lining the edge of the slope
+where it breaks off most sharply. Porta San Francesco,
+the modern gate, is above the second tree from the
+right in the illustration, just where the wall seems to
+turn suddenly. There is no trace of ancient wall after the
+gate is passed. The white wall, as one proceeds from the
+gate to the right, is the modern wall of the Franciscan monastery.
+All the writers on Pr&aelig;neste say that the ancient
+wall came on around the town where the lower wall of the
+monastery now is, and followed the western limit of the
+present town as far as the Porta San Martino.</p>
+<p>Returning now to plate II we observe a thin white line
+of wall which joins a black line running off at an angle to
+our left. This is also a piece of the earliest cyclopean wall,
+and it is built just at the eastern edge of the hill where it
+falls off very sharply.</p>
+<p>Now if one follows the Via di San Francesco in from the
+gate of that name (see <a href="#plate_iii">plate III</a> again) and
+then continues
+down a narrow street east of the monastery as far as the
+open space in front of the church of Santa Maria del Carmine,
+he will see that on his left above him the slope of the
+mountain was not only precipitous by nature but that also
+it has been rendered entirely unassailable by scarping.<a
+ name="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32"><sup>[32]</sup></a>
+From the lower end of this steep escarpment there is a
+cyclopean wall, of the same date as the upper side walls
+of the town, and the wall of the arx, which runs entirely
+across the city to within a few yards of the wall on the east,
+and to a point just below a portella, where the upper cyclopean
+wall makes a slight change in direction. The presence
+of the gate and the change of direction in the wall mean
+a corner in the wall.</p>
+<p style="text-align: center;"><a name="plate_iii"></a><img
+ style="width: 512px; height: 412px;"
+ alt="PLATE III. The western cyclopean wall of Pr&aelig;neste, and the depression which divides Monte Glicestro."
+ title="PLATE III. The western cyclopean wall of Pr&aelig;neste, and the depression which divides Monte Glicestro."
+ src="images/imag003.jpg" /><br />
+</p>
+<h5>PLATE III. The western cyclopean wall of Pr&aelig;neste, and the
+depression which divides
+Monte Glicestro.</h5>
+<p>It is strange indeed that this wall has not been recognized
+for what it really is. A bit of it shows above the steps
+where the Via dello Spregato leaves the Via del Borgo.
+Fernique shows this much in his map, but by a curious
+oversight names it opus incertum.<a name="FNanchor_33"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_33"><sup>[33]</sup></a> More than
+two irregular courses are to be seen here, and fifteen
+feet in from the street, forming the back wall of cellars
+and pig pens, the cyclopean wall, in places to a height
+of fifteen feet or more, can be followed to within a few
+yards of the open space in front of Santa Maria del Carmine.
+And on the other side toward the east the same wall
+begins again, after being broken by the Via dello Spregato,
+and forms the foundations and side walls of the houses on
+the south side of that street, and at the extreme east end
+is easily found as the back wall of a blacksmith's shop at
+the top of the Via della Fontana, and can be identified as
+cyclopean by a little cleaning of the wall.</p>
+<p>The circuit of the earliest cyclopean wall and natural
+ramparts of the contemporaneous citadel and town of Pr&aelig;neste
+was as follows: An arc of cyclopean wall below the
+cap of the hill which swung round from the precipitous
+cliff on the west to that on the east, the whole of the side
+of the arx toward the mountains being so steep that no
+wall was necessary; then a second loop of cyclopean wall
+from the arx down the steep western edge of the southern
+slope of the mountain as far as the present Porta San
+Francesco. From this point natural cliffs reinforced at the
+upper end by a short connecting wall bring us to the beginning
+of the wall which runs across the town back of the
+Via del Borgo from Santa Maria del Carmine to within a
+short distance of the east wall of the city, separated from
+it in fact only by the Via della Fontana, which runs up just
+inside the wall. There it joins the cyclopean wall which
+comes down from the citadel on the east side of the town.</p>
+<p>The reasons why this is the oldest circuit of the city's
+walls are the following: first, all this stretch of wall is the
+oldest and was built at the same time; second, topography
+has marked out most clearly that the territory inclosed by
+these walls, here and only here, fulfills the two indispensable
+requisites of the ancient town, namely space and defensibility;
+third, below the gate San Francesco all the way
+round the city as far as Porta del Sole, neither in the wall
+nor in the buildings, nor in the valley below, is there any
+trace of cyclopean wall stones;<a name="FNanchor_34"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_34"><sup>[34]</sup></a> fourth, at the point where
+the cross wall and the long wall must have met at the east,
+the wall makes a change in direction, and there is an ancient
+postern gate just above the jog in the wall; and last, the
+cyclopean wall from this junction on down to near the
+Porta del Sole is later than that of the circuit just
+described.<a name="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35"><sup>[35]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The city was extended within a century perhaps, and the
+new line of the city wall was continued on the east in
+cyclopean style as far as the present Porta del Sole, where it
+turned to the west and continued until the hill itself offered
+enough height so that escarpment of the natural cliff would
+serve in place of the wall. Then it turned up the hill between
+the present Via San Biagio and Via del Carmine back of
+Santa Maria del Carmine. The proof for this expansion
+is clear. The continuation of the cyclopean
+wall can be seen now as far as the Porta del Sole,<a name="FNanchor_36"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_36"><sup>[36]</sup></a>
+and the line of the wall which turns to the west
+is positively known from the cippi of the ancient pomerium,
+which were found in 1824 along the present Via
+degli Arconi.<a name="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37"><sup>[37]</sup></a>
+The ancient gate, now closed, in the opus
+quadratum wall under the Cardinal's garden, is in direct
+line with the ancient pavement of the road which comes up
+to the city from the south,<a name="FNanchor_38"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_38"><sup>[38]</sup></a> and the continuation of that
+road, which seems to have been everywhere too steep for
+wagons, is the Via del Carmine. There had always been
+another road outside the wall which went up a less steep
+grade, and came round the angle of the wall at what is now
+the Porta S. Martino, where it entered a gate that opened
+out of the present Corso toward the west. When at a later
+time, probably in the middle ages, the city was built out to
+its present boundary on the west, the wagon road was simply
+arched over, and this arch is now the gate San Martino.<a
+ name="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39"><sup>[39]</sup></a></p>
+<p>It will be necessary to speak further of the cyclopean wall
+on the east side of the city from the Porta del Sole to the
+Portella, for it has always been supposed that this part of
+the wall was exactly like the rest, and dated from the same
+period. But a careful examination shows that the stones
+in this lower portion are laid more regularly than those in
+the wall above the Portella, that they are more flatly faced
+on the outside, and that here and there a little mortar is
+used. Above all, however, there is in the wall on one of the
+stones under the house no. 24, Via della Fontana an inscription,<a
+ name="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40"><sup>[40]</sup></a>
+which Richter, Dressel, and Dessau all think was
+there when the stone was put in the wall, and incline to
+allow no very remote date for the building of the wall at
+that point. To me, after a comparative study of this wall
+and the one at Norba, the two seem to date from very nearly
+the same time, and no one now dares attribute great antiquity
+to the walls of Norba. But the rest of the cyclopean
+wall of Pr&aelig;neste is very ancient, certainly a century, perhaps
+two or three centuries, older than the part from the Portella
+down.</p>
+<p>There remains still to be discussed the lower wall of the
+city on the south, and a restraining terrace wall along part
+of the present Corso Pierluigi. The stretch of city wall
+from the Porta del Sole clear across the south front to the
+Porta di S. Martino is of opus quadratum, with the exception
+of a stretch of opus incertum<a name="FNanchor_41"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_41"><sup>[41]</sup></a> below and east of the
+Barberini gardens, and a small space where the city sewage
+has destroyed all vestige of a wall. The restraining wall
+just mentioned is also of opus quadratum and is to be found
+along the south side of the Corso, but can be seen only from
+the winecellars on the terrace below that street. These
+walls of opus quadratum were built with a purpose, to be
+sure, but their entire meaning has not been understood.<a
+ name="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42"><sup>[42]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The upper wall, the one along the Corso, can not be traced
+farther than the Piazza Garibaldi, in front of the Cathedral.
+It has been a mistake to consider this a high wall. It was
+built simply to level up with the Corso terrace, partly to give
+more space on the terrace, partly to make room for a road
+which ran across the city here between two gates no longer
+in existence. But more especially was it built to be the
+lower support for a gigantic water reservoir which extends
+under nearly the whole width of this terrace from about
+Corso Pierluigi No. 88 almost to the Cathedral.<a name="FNanchor_43"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_43"><sup>[43]</sup></a> The four
+sides of this great reservoir are also of opus quadratum laid
+header and stretcher.</p>
+<p>The lower wall, the real town wall, is a wall only in appearance,
+for it has but one thickness of blocks, set header
+and stretcher in a mass of solid concrete.<a name="FNanchor_44"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_44"><sup>[44]</sup></a> This wall
+makes very clear the impregnability of even the lower
+part of Pr&aelig;neste, for the wall not only occupies a good
+position, but is really a double line of defense. There are
+here two walls, one above the other, the upper one nineteen
+feet back of the lower, thus leaving a terrace of that width.<a
+ name="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45"><sup>[45]</sup></a>
+At the east, instead of the lower solid wall of opus quadratum,
+there is a series of fine tufa arches built to serve as a
+substructure for something. It is to be remembered again
+that between the arches on the east and the solid wall on the
+west is a stretch of 200 feet of opus incertum, and a space
+where there is no wall at all. This lower wall of Pr&aelig;neste
+occupies the same line as the ancient wall and escarpment,
+but the most of what survives was restored in Sulla's time.
+The opus quadratum is exactly the same style as that in
+the Tabularium in Rome.</p>
+<p>Now, no one could see the width of the terrace above the
+lower wall, without thinking that so great a width was unnecessary
+unless it was to give room for a road.<a name="FNanchor_46"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_46"><sup>[46]</sup></a> The
+difficulty has been, however, that the line of arches at the
+east, not being in alignment with the lower wall on the west,
+has not been connected with it hitherto, and so a correct
+understanding of their relation has been impossible.</p>
+<p>Before adducing evidence to show the location of the
+main and triumphal entrance to Pr&aelig;neste, we shall turn
+to the town above for a moment to see whether it is,
+a priori, reasonable to suppose that there was an entrance
+to the city here in the center of its front wall. If roads
+came up a grade from the east and west, they would
+join at a point where now there is no wall at all. This
+break is in the center of the south wall, just above the
+forum which was laid out in Sulla's time on the level spot
+immediately below the town. Most worthy of note, however,
+is that this opening is straight below the main buildings
+<a name="page_30"></a>of the ancient town, the basilica, which is now
+the cathedral,
+and the temple of Fortuna. But further, a fact which
+has never been noticed nor accounted for, this opening
+is also in front of the modern square, the piazza
+Garibaldi, which is in front of the buildings just
+mentioned but below them on the next terrace, yet
+there is no entrance to this terrace shown.<a name="FNanchor_47"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_47"><sup>[47]</sup></a> It is
+well known that the open space south of the temple,
+beside the basilica, has an ancient pavement some ten feet
+below the present level of the modern piazza Savoia.<a
+ name="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48"><sup>[48]</sup></a>
+Proof given below in connection with the large tufa base
+which is on the level of the lower terrace will show that the
+piazza Garibaldi was an open space in ancient times and a
+part of the ancient forum. Again, the solarium, which is
+on the south face of the basilica,<a name="FNanchor_49"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_49"><sup>[49]</sup></a> was put up there that
+it might be seen, and as it faces the south, the piazza Garibaldi,
+and this open space in the wall under discussion,
+what is more likely than that there was not only an open
+square below the basilica, but also the main approach to
+the city?</p>
+<p>But now for the proof. In 1756 ancient paving stones
+were still in situ<a name="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50"><sup>[50]</sup></a>
+above the row of arches on the Via degli
+Arconi, and even yet the ascent is plain enough to the eye.
+The ground slopes up rather moderately along the Via
+degli Arconi toward the east, and nearly below the southeast
+corner of the ancient wall turned up to the west on
+these arches, approaching the entrance in the middle of the
+south wall of the city.<a name="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51"><sup>[51]</sup></a>
+But these arches and the road on
+them do not align exactly with the terrace on the west. Nor
+should they do so. The arches are older than the present
+opus quadratum wall, and the road swung round and up to
+align with the road below and the old wall or escarpment of
+the city above. Then when the whole town, its gates, its
+walls, and its temple, were enlarged and repaired by Sulla,
+the upper wall was perfectly aligned, a lower wall built on
+the west leaving a terrace for a road, and the arches were
+left to uphold the road on the east. Although the arches
+were not exactly in line, the road could well have been so, for
+the terrace here was wider and ran back to the upper wall.<a
+ name="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52"><sup>[52]</sup></a>
+The evidence is also positive enough that there was an
+ascent to the terrace on the west, the one below the Barberini
+gardens, which corresponds to the ascent on the arches.
+This terrace now is level, and at its west end is some twenty
+feet above the garden below. But the wall shows very
+plainly that it had sloped off toward the west, and the slope
+is most clearly to be seen, where a very obtuse angle of
+newer and different tufa has been laid to build up the wall
+to a level.<a name="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53"><sup>[53]</sup></a>
+It is to be noticed too that this terrace is the
+same height as the top of the ascent above the arches.
+We have then actual proofs for roads leading up from
+east and west toward the center of the wall on the south side
+of the city, and every reason that an entrance here was practicable,
+credible, and necessary.</p>
+<p>But there is one thing more necessary to make probabilities
+tally wholly with the facts. If there was a grand
+entrance to the city, below the basilica, the temple, and the
+main open square, which faced out over the great forum
+below, there must have been a monumental gate in the wall.
+As a matter of fact there was such a gate, and I believe it
+was called the <a name="PORTA_TRIUMPHALIS"></a>PORTA TRIUMPHALIS. An
+inscription of the
+age of the Antonines mentions "seminaria a Porta Triumphale,"
+and this passing reference to a gate with a name
+which in itself implies a gate of consequence, so well known
+that a building placed near it at once had its location fixed,
+gives the rest of the proof necessary to establish a central
+entrance to the city in front, through a PORTA TRIUMPHALIS.<a
+ name="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54"><sup>[54]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Before the time of Sulla there had been a gate in the
+south wall of the city, approached by one road, which
+ascended from the east on the arches facing the present
+Via degli Arconi. After entering the city one went straight
+up a grade not very steep to the basilica, and to the open
+square or ancient forum which was the space now occupied
+by the two modern piazzas, the Garibaldi and the Savoia,
+and on still farther to the temple. When Sulla rebuilt
+the city, and laid out a forum on the level
+space directly south of and below the town, he made
+another road from the west to correspond to the old ascent
+from the east, and brought them together at the old central
+gate, which he enlarged to the PORTA TRIUMPHALIS. In
+the open square in front of the basilica had stood the
+statue of some famous man<a name="FNanchor_55"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_55"><sup>[55]</sup></a> on a platform of squared stone
+16 x 17-1/2 feet in measurement. Around this base the Sullan
+improvements put a restraining wall of opus quadratum.<a
+ name="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56"><sup>[56]</sup></a>
+The open square was in front of the basilica and to its left
+below the temple. There was but one way to the terrace
+above the temple from the ancient forum. This was a steep
+road to the right, up the present Via delle Scalette. Another
+road ran to the left back of the basilica, but ended
+either in front of the western cave connected with the temple,
+or at the entrance into the precinct of the temple.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="GATES"></a>THE GATES.</p>
+<p>Strabo, in a well known passage,<a name="FNanchor_57"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_57"><sup>[57]</sup></a> speaks of Tibur and
+Pr&aelig;neste as two of the most famous and best fortified of
+the towns of Latium, and tells why Pr&aelig;neste is the more
+impregnable, but we have no mention of its gates in literature,
+except incidentally in Plutarch,<a name="FNanchor_58"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_58"><sup>[58]</sup></a> who says that when
+Marius was flying before Sulla's forces and had reached
+Pr&aelig;neste, he found the gates closed, and had to be drawn
+up the wall by a rope. The most ancient reference we
+have to a definite gate is to the Porta Triumphalis, in the
+inscription just mentioned, and this is the only gate of
+Pr&aelig;neste mentioned by name in classic times.</p>
+<p>In 1353 A.D. we have two gates mentioned. The
+Roman tribune Cola di Rienzo (Niccola di Lorenzo)
+brought his forces out to attack Stefaniello Colonna in
+Pr&aelig;neste. It was not until Rienzo moved his camp across
+from the west to the east side of the plain below the town
+that he saw how the citizens were obtaining supplies. The
+two gates S. Cesareo and S. Francesco<a name="FNanchor_59"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_59"><sup>[59]</sup></a> were both being
+utilized to bring in supplies from the mountains back of the
+city, and the stock was driven to and from pasture through
+these gates. These gates were both ancient, as will be
+shown below. Again in 1448 when Stefano Colonna
+rebuilt some walls after the awful destruction of the
+city by Cardinal Vitelleschi, he opened three gates, S.
+Cesareo, del Murozzo, and del Truglio.<a name="FNanchor_60"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_60"><sup>[60]</sup></a> In 1642<a name="FNanchor_61"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_61"><sup>[61]</sup></a>
+two more gates were opened by Prince Taddeo Barberini,
+the Porta del Sole, and the Porta delle Monache,
+the former at the southeast corner of the town, the latter
+in the east wall at the point where the new wall round the
+monastery della Madonna degl'Angeli struck the old city
+wall, just above the present street where it turns from the
+Via di Porta del Sole into the Corso Pierluigi. This
+Porta del Sole<a name="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62"><sup>[62]</sup></a>
+was the principal gate of the town at
+this time, or perhaps the one most easily defended, for
+in 1656, during the plague in Rome, all the other gates were
+walled up, and this one alone left open.<a name="FNanchor_63"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_63"><sup>[63]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The present gates of the city are: one, at the southeast
+corner, the Porta del Sole; two, near the southwest corner,
+where the wall turns up toward S. Martino, a gate now
+closed;<a name="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64"><sup>[64]</sup></a>
+three, Porta S. Martino, at the southwest corner
+of the town; on the west side of the city, none at all; four,
+Porta S. Francesco at the northwest corner of the city
+proper; five, a gate in the arx wall, now closed,<a name="FNanchor_65"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_65"><sup>[65]</sup></a> beside
+the medi&aelig;val gate, which is just at the head of the depression
+shown in plate III, the lowest point in the wall of the
+citadel; on the east, Porta S. Cesareo, some distance above
+the town, six; seven, Porta dei Cappuccini, which is on the
+same terrace as Porta S. Francesco; eight, Portella, the
+eastern outlet of the Via della Portella; nine, a postern
+just below the Portella, and not now in use;<a name="FNanchor_66"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_66"><sup>[66]</sup></a> ten, Porta
+delle Monache or Santa Maria, in front of the church of that
+name. The most ancient of these, and the ones which were
+in the earliest circle of the cyclopean wall, are five in number:
+Porta S. Francesco,<a name="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67"><sup>[67]</sup></a>
+the gate into the arx, Porta S.
+Cesareo,<a name="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68"><sup>[68]</sup></a>
+Porta dei Cappuccini, and the postern at the corner
+where the early cyclopean cross wall struck the main
+wall.</p>
+<p>The second wall of the city, which was rather an
+enlargement of the first, was cyclopean on the east
+as far as the present Porta del Sole, and either scarped
+cliff or opus quadratum round to Porta S. Martino,
+and up to Porta S. Francesco.<a name="FNanchor_69"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_69"><sup>[69]</sup></a> At the east end
+of the modern Corso, there was a gate, made of
+opus quadratum,<a name="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70"><sup>[70]</sup></a>
+as is shown not only by the fact
+that this is the main street of the city, and on the terrace
+level of the basilica, but also because the medi&aelig;val wall
+round the monastery of the Madonna degl'Angeli, the
+grounds of the present church of Santa Maria, did not run
+straight to the cyclopean wall, but turned down to join it
+near the gate which it helps to prove. Next, there was
+a gate, but in all probability only a postern, near the Porta
+del Sole where the cyclopean wall stops, where now there
+is a narrow street which runs up to the piazza Garibaldi.
+On the south there was the gate which at some time was
+given the name Porta Triumphalis. It was at the place
+where now there is no wall at all.<a name="FNanchor_71"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_71"><sup>[71]</sup></a> At the southwest
+we find the next gate, the one which is now closed.<a name="FNanchor_72"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_72"><sup>[72]</sup></a>
+The last one of the ancient gates in this second circle of
+the city wall was one just inside the modern Porta S. Martino,
+which opened west at the end of the Corso. All the
+rest of the gates are medi&aelig;val.</p>
+<p>A few words about the roads leading to the several gates
+of Pr&aelig;neste will help further to settle the antiquity of these
+gates.<a name="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73"><sup>[73]</sup></a>
+The oldest road was certainly the trade route which
+came up the north side of the Liris valley below the hill on
+which Pr&aelig;neste was situated, and which followed about the
+line of the Via Pr&aelig;nestina as shown by Ashby in his map.<a
+ name="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74"><sup>[74]</sup></a>
+Two branch roads from this main track ran up to the
+town, one at the west, the other at the east, both in the
+same line as the modern roads. These roads were bound
+for the city gates as a matter of course and the land slopes
+least sharply where these roads were and still are. Another
+important road was outside the city wall, from one
+gate to the other, and took the slope on the south side of
+the city where the Via degli Arconi now runs.<a name="FNanchor_75"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_75"><sup>[75]</sup></a></p>
+<p>As far as excavations have proved up to this time, the
+oldest road out of Pr&aelig;neste is that which is now the Via
+della Marcigliana, along which were found the very early
+tombs. It is to be noted that these tombs begin beyond the
+church of S. Rocco, which is a long distance below the
+town. This distance however makes it certain that between
+S. Rocco and the city, excavation will bring to light other
+and yet older tombs along the road which leads up toward
+"l'antica porta S. Martino chiusa," and also in all probability
+rows of graves will be found along the present road
+to Cave. But the tombs give us the direction at least of
+the old road.<a name="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76"><sup>[76]</sup></a></p>
+<p>There is yet another old road which was lately discovered.
+It is about three hundred yards below the city and near the
+road that cuts through from Porta del Sole to the church
+of Madonna dell'Aquila.<a name="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77"><sup>[77]</sup></a>
+This road is made of polygonal
+stones of the limestone of the mountain, and hence is older
+than any of the lava roads. It runs nearly parallel with
+the Via degli Arconi, and takes a direction which would
+strike the Via Pr&aelig;nestina where it crosses the Via
+Pr&aelig;nestina
+Nuova which runs past Zagarolo. That is, the most
+ancient piece of road we have leads up to the southeast
+corner of the town, but the oldest tombs point to a road
+the direction of which was toward the southwest corner.
+However, all the roads lead toward the southeast corner,
+where the old grade began that went up above the arches,
+mentioned above, to a middle gate of the city.</p>
+<p>The gate S. Francesco also is proved to be ancient because
+of the old road that led from it. This road is identified
+by a deposit of ex voto terracottas which were found
+at the edge of the road in a hole hollowed out in the rocks.<a
+ name="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78"><sup>[78]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The two roads which were traveled the most were the
+ones that led toward Rome. This is shown by the tombs on
+both sides of them,<a name="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79"><sup>[79]</sup></a>
+and by the discovery of a deposit
+of a great quantity of ex voto terracottas in the angle between
+the two.<a name="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80"><sup>[80]</sup></a></p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="WATER"></a>THE WATER SUPPLY OF PR&AElig;NESTE.</p>
+<p>In very early times there was a spring near the top of
+Monte Glicestro. This is shown by a glance back at plate
+III, which indicates the depression or cut in the hill, which
+from its shape and depth is clearly not altogether natural
+and attributable to the effects of rain, but is certainly the
+effect of a spring, the further and positive proof of the
+existence of which is shown by the unnecessarily low dip
+made by the wall of the citadel purposely to inclose the
+head of this depression. There are besides no water reservoirs
+inside the wall of the arx. This supply of water,
+however, failed, and it must have failed rather early in the
+city's history, perhaps at about the time the lower part of
+the city was walled in, for the great reservoir on the Corso
+terrace seems to be contemporary with this second wall.</p>
+<p>But at all times Pr&aelig;neste was dependent upon reservoirs
+for a sure and lasting supply of water. The mountain and
+the town were famous because of the number of water
+reservoirs there.<a name="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81"><sup>[81]</sup></a>A
+great many of these reservoirs were
+dependent upon catchings from the rain,<a name="FNanchor_82"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_82"><sup>[82]</sup></a> but
+before a war,
+or when the rainfall was scant, they were filled undoubtedly
+from springs outside the city. In later times they were
+connected with the aqueducts which came to the city from
+beyond Capranica.</p>
+<p>It is easy to account now for the number of gates on the
+east side of the city. True, this side of the wall lay away
+from the Campagna, and egress from gates on this side
+could not be seen by an enemy unless he moved clear across
+the front of the city.<a name="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83"><sup>[83]</sup></a>
+But the real reason for the presence
+of so many gates is that the best and most copious
+springs were on this side of the city, as well as the course
+of the little headstream of the Trerus. The best concealed
+egress was from the Porta Cesareo, from which a road led
+round back of the mountain to a fine spring, which was
+high enough above the valley to be quite safe.</p>
+<p>There are no references in literature to aqueducts which
+brought water to Pr&aelig;neste. Were we left to this evidence
+alone, we should conclude that Pr&aelig;neste had depended upon
+reservoirs for water. But in inscriptions we have mention
+of baths,<a name="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84"><sup>[84]</sup></a>
+the existence of which implies aqueducts, and
+there is the specus of an aqueduct to be seen outside the
+Porta S. Francesco.<a name="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85"><sup>[85]</sup></a>
+This ran across to the Colle S. Martino
+to supply a large brick reservoir of imperial date.<a name="FNanchor_86"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_86"><sup>[86]</sup></a>
+There were aqueducts still in 1437, for Cardinal Vitelleschi
+captured Palestrina by cutting off its water supply.<a
+ name="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87"><sup>[87]</sup></a> This
+shows that the water came from outside the city, and
+through aqueducts which probably dated back to Roman
+times,<a name="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88"><sup>[88]</sup></a>
+and also that the reservoirs were at this time no
+longer used. In 1581 the city undertook to restore the old
+aqueduct which brought water from back of Capranica, but
+no description was left of its exact course or ancient construction.<a
+ name="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89"><sup>[89]</sup></a>
+While these repairs were in progress, Francesco
+Cecconi leased to the city his property called Terreni,
+where there were thirty fine springs of clear water not far
+from the city walls. Again in 1776 the springs called delle
+cannuccete sent in dirty water to the city, so citizens were
+appointed to remedy matters. They added a new spring to
+those already in use and this water came to the city through
+an aqueduct.<a name="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90"><sup>[90]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The remains of four great reservoirs, all of brick construction,
+are plainly enough to be seen at Palestrina, and
+as far as situation and size are concerned, are well enough
+described in other places.<a name="FNanchor_91"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_91"><sup>[91]</sup></a> But in the case of these
+reservoirs,
+as in that of all the other remains of ancient construction
+at Pr&aelig;neste, the writers on the history of the
+town have made great mistakes, because all of them
+have been predisposed to the pleasant task of making all
+the ruins fit some restoration or other of the temple of
+Fortuna, although, as a matter of fact, none of the reservoirs
+have any connection whatever with the temple.<a name="FNanchor_92"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_92"><sup>[92]</sup></a> <a name="page_41"></a>The
+fine brick reservoir of the time of Tiberius,<a name="FNanchor_93"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_93"><sup>[93]</sup></a> which is at
+the junction of the Via degli Arconi and the road from the
+Porta S. Martino, was not built to supply fountains or
+baths in the forum below, but was simply a great supply
+reservoir for the citizens who lived in particular about the
+lower forum, and the water from this reservoir was carried
+away by hand, as is shown by the two openings like well
+heads in the top of each compartment of the reservoir, and
+by the steps which gave entrance to it on the east. The
+reservoir above this in the Barberini gardens is of a date
+a half century later.<a name="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94"><sup>[94]</sup></a>
+It is of the same brick work as
+the great fountain which stands, now debased to a grist
+mill, across the Via degli Arconi about half way between
+S. Lucia and Porta del Sole. The upper reservoir undoubtedly
+supplied this fountain, and other public buildings in
+the forum below. There is another large brick reservoir
+below the present ground level in the angle between the
+Via degli Arconi and the Cave road below the Porta del
+Sole, but it is too low ever to have served for public use.
+It was in connection with some private bath. The fourth
+huge reservoir, the one on Colle S. Martino, has already
+been mentioned.</p>
+<p>But the most ancient of all the reservoirs is one which
+is not mentioned anywhere. It dates from the time when
+the Corso terrace was made, and is of opus quadratum like
+the best of the wall below the city, and the wall on the
+lower side of the terrace.<a name="FNanchor_95"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_95"><sup>[95]</sup></a> This reservoir, like the one
+in
+the Barberini garden, served the double purpose of a storage
+for water, and of a foundation for the terrace, which, being
+thus widened, offered more space for street and buildings
+above. It lies west of the basilica, but has no connection
+with the temple. From its position it seems rather to have
+been one of the secret public water supplies.<a name="FNanchor_96"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_96"><sup>[96]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Pr&aelig;neste had in early times only one spring within the
+city walls, just inside the gate leading into the arx. There
+were other springs on the mountain to the east and northeast,
+but too far away to be included within the walls. Because
+of their height above the valley, they were to a certain
+extent available even in times of warfare and siege.
+As the upper spring dried up early, and the others were
+a little precarious, an elaborate system of reservoirs was developed,
+a plan which the natural terraces of the mountain
+slope invited, and a plan which gave more space to the town
+itself with the work of leveling necessary for the reservoirs.
+These reservoirs were all public property. They were at
+first dependent upon collection from rains or from spring
+water carried in from outside the city walls. Later, however,
+aqueducts were made and connected with the reservoirs.</p>
+<p>With the expansion of the town to the plain below, this
+system gave great opportunity for the development of baths,
+fountains, and waterworks,<a name="FNanchor_97"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_97"><sup>[97]</sup></a> for Pr&aelig;neste wished to
+vie
+with Tibur and Rome, where the Anio river and the many
+aqueducts had made possible great things for public use
+and municipal adornment.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="TEMPLE"></a>THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNA PRIMIGENIA.</p>
+<p>Nusquam se fortunatiorem quam Pr&aelig;neste vidisse Fortunam.<a
+ name="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98"><sup>[98]</sup></a>
+In this way Cicero reports a popular saying
+which makes clear the fame of the goddess Fortuna Primigenia
+and her temple at Pr&aelig;neste.<a name="FNanchor_99"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_99"><sup>[99]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The excavations at Pr&aelig;neste in the eighteenth century
+brought the city again into prominence, and from that time
+to the present, Pr&aelig;neste has offered much material for
+arch&aelig;ologists and historians.</p>
+<p>But the temple of Fortuna has constituted the principal
+interest and engaged the particular attention of everyone
+who has worked upon the history of the town, because the
+early enthusiastic view was that the temple occupied the
+whole slope of the mountain,<a name="FNanchor_100"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_100"><sup>[100]</sup></a> and that the present city
+was built on the terraces and in the ruins of the temple.
+Every successive study, however, of the city from a topographical
+point of view has lessened more and more the
+estimated size of the temple, until now all that can be maintained
+successfully is that there are two separate temples
+built at different times, the later and larger one occupying
+a position two terraces higher than the older and more important
+temple below.</p>
+<p>The lower temple with its precinct, along the north side
+of which extends a wall and the ruins of a so-called cryptoporticus
+which connected two caves hollowed out in the
+rock, is not so very large a sanctuary, but it occupies a very
+good position above and behind the ancient forum and basilica
+on a terrace cut back into the solid rock of the mountain.
+The temple precinct is a courtyard which extends
+along the terrace and occupies its whole width from the
+older cave on the west to the newer one at the east. In
+front of the latter cave is built the temple itself, which faces
+west along the terrace, but extends its southern facade to the
+edge of the ancient forum which it overlooks. This temple
+is older than the time of Sulla, and occupies the site of an
+earlier temple.</p>
+<p>Two terraces higher, on the Cortina terrace, stretch out
+the ruins of a huge construction in opus incertum. This
+building had at least two stories of colonnade facing the
+south, and at the north side of the terrace a series of arches
+above which in the center rose a round temple which was
+approached by a semicircular flight of steps.<a name="FNanchor_101"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_101"><sup>[101]</sup></a> This building,
+belonging to the time of Sulla, presented a very imposing
+appearance from the forum below the town. It has no
+connection with the lower temple unless perhaps by underground
+passages.</p>
+<p>Although this new temple and complex of buildings was
+much larger and costlier than the temple below, it was so
+little able to compete with the fame of the ancient shrine,
+that until medi&aelig;val times there is not a mention of it anywhere
+by name or by suggestion, unless perhaps in one
+inscription mentioned below. The splendid publication of
+Delbrueck<a name="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102"><sup>[102]</sup></a>
+with maps and plans and bibliography of the
+lower temple and the work which has been done on it, makes
+unnecessary any remarks except on some few points which
+have escaped him.</p>
+<p>The tradition was that a certain Numerius Suffustius of
+Pr&aelig;neste was warned in dreams to cut into the rocks at a
+certain place, and this he did before his mocking fellow citizens,
+when to the bewilderment of them all pieces of wood
+inscribed with letters of the earliest style leaped from the
+rock. The place where this phenomenon occurred was thus
+proved divine, the cult of Fortuna Primigenia was established
+beyond peradventure, and her oracular replies to those
+who sought her shrine were transmitted by means of these
+lettered blocks.<a name="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103"><sup>[103]</sup></a>
+This story accounts for a cave in which
+the lots (sortes) were to be consulted.</p>
+<p>But there are two caves. The reason why there are two
+has never been shown, nor does Delbrueck have proof
+enough to settle which is the older cave.<a name="FNanchor_104"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_104"><sup>[104]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The cave to the west is made by Delbrueck the shrine of
+Iuppiter puer, and the temple with its cave at the east,
+the &aelig;des Fortun&aelig;. This he does on the authority of his
+understanding of the passage from Cicero which gives
+nearly all the written information we have on the subject of
+the temple.<a name="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105"><sup>[105]</sup></a>
+Delbrueck bases his entire argument on this
+passage and two other references to a building called &aelig;des.<a
+ name="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106"><sup>[106]</sup></a>
+Now it was Fortuna who was worshipped at Pr&aelig;neste,
+and not Jupiter. Although there is an intimate connection
+between Jupiter and Fortuna at Pr&aelig;neste, because she was
+thought of at different times as now the mother and now
+the daughter of Jupiter, still the weight of evidence will not
+allow any such importance to be attached to Iuppiter puer
+as Delbrueck wishes.<a name="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107"><sup>[107]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The two caves were not made at the same time. This
+is proved by the fact that the basilica<a name="FNanchor_108"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_108"><sup>[108]</sup></a> is below and between
+them. Had there been two caves at the earliest time, with
+a common precinct as a connection between them, as there
+was later, there would have been power enough in the priesthood
+to keep the basilica from occupying the front of the
+place which would have been the natural spot for a temple
+or for the imposing facade of a portico. The western cave
+is the earlier, but it is the earlier not because it was a shrine
+of Iuppiter puer, but because the ancient road which came
+through the forum turned up to it, because it is the least
+symmetrical of the two caves, and because the temple faced
+it, and did not face the forum.</p>
+<p>The various plans of the temple<a name="FNanchor_109"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_109"><sup>[109]</sup></a> have usually assumed
+like buildings in front of each cave, and a building, corresponding
+to the basilica, between them and forming an
+integral part of the plan. But the basilica does not quite
+align with the temple, and the road back of the basilica precludes
+any such idea, not to mention the fact that no building
+the size of a temple was in front of the west cave. It
+is the mania for making the temple cover too large a space,
+and the desire to show that all its parts were exactly balanced
+on either side, and that this triangular shaped sanctuary
+culminated in a round temple, this it is that has caused so
+much trouble with the topography of the city. The temple,
+as it really is, was larger perhaps than any other in Latium,
+and certainly as imposing.</p>
+<p>Delbrueck did not see that there was a real communication
+between the caves along the so-called cryptoporticus. There
+is a window-like hole, now walled up, in the east cave at
+the top, and it opened out upon the second story of the
+cryptoporticus, as Marucchi saw.<a name="FNanchor_110"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_110"><sup>[110]</sup></a> So there was an unseen
+means of getting from one cave to the other. This
+probably proves that suppliants at one shrine went to the
+other and were there convinced of the power of the goddess
+by seeing the same priest or something which they
+themselves had offered at the first shrine. It certainly
+proves that both caves were connected with the rites having
+to do with the proper obtaining of lots from Fortuna,
+and that this communication between the caves was
+unknown to any but the temple servants.</p>
+<p>There are some other inscriptions not noticed by Delbrueck
+which mention the &aelig;des,<a name="FNanchor_111"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_111"><sup>[111]</sup></a> and bear on the question in
+hand.
+One inscription found in the Via delle Monache<a name="FNanchor_112"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_112"><sup>[112]</sup></a> shows
+that in connection with the sedes Fortun&aelig; were a manceps
+and three cellarii. This is an inscription of the last of the
+second or the first of the third century A.D.,<a name="FNanchor_113"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_113"><sup>[113]</sup></a> when both
+lower and upper temples were in very great favor. It shows
+further that only the lower temple is meant, for the number
+is too small to be applicable to the great upper temple, and
+it also shows that &aelig;des, means the temple building itself
+and not the whole precinct. There is also an inscription,
+now in the floor of the cathedral, that mentions &aelig;des. Its
+provenience is noteworthy.<a name="FNanchor_114"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_114"><sup>[114]</sup></a> There were other buildings,
+however, belonging to the precinct of the lower temple, as
+is shown by the remains today.<a name="FNanchor_115"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_115"><sup>[115]</sup></a> That there was more
+than one sacred building is also shown by inscriptions which
+mention &aelig;des sacr&aelig;,<a name="FNanchor_116"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_116"><sup>[116]</sup></a> though these may refer of
+course
+to the upper temple as well.</p>
+<p>There are yet two inscriptions of importance, one of
+which mentions a porticus, the other an &aelig;des et porticus.<a
+ name="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117"><sup>[117]</sup></a>
+The second of these inscriptions belongs to a time not much
+later than the founding of the colony. It tells that certain
+work was done by decree of the decuriones, and it can
+hardly refer to the ancient lower temple, but must mean
+either the upper one, or still another out on the new forum,
+for there is where the stone is reported to have been found.
+The first inscription records a work of some consequence
+done by a woman in remembrance of her husband.<a name="FNanchor_118"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_118"><sup>[118]</sup></a>
+There are no remains to show that the forum below the
+town had any temple of such consequence, so it seems best
+to refer both these inscriptions to the upper temple, which,
+as we know, was rich in marble.<a name="FNanchor_119"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_119"><sup>[119]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Now after having brought together all the usages of the
+word &aelig;des in its application to the temple of Pr&aelig;neste, it
+seems that Delbrueck has very small foundation for his
+argument which assumes as settled the exact meaning and
+location of the &aelig;des Fortun&aelig;.</p>
+<p>From the temple itself we turn now to a brief discussion
+of a space on the tufa wall which helps to face the cave
+on the west. This is a smoothed surface which shows a
+narrow cornice ledge above it, and a narrow base below.
+In it are a number of irregularly driven holes. Delbrueck
+calls it a votive niche,<a name="FNanchor_120"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_120"><sup>[120]</sup></a> and says that the "viele
+regellos
+verstreute Nagelloecher" are due to nails upon which votive
+offerings were suspended.</p>
+<p>This seems quite impossible. The holes are much too
+irregular to have served such a purpose. The holes show
+positively that they were made by nails which held up a
+slab of some kind, perhaps of marble, on which were displayed
+the replies from the goddess<a name="FNanchor_121"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_121"><sup>[121]</sup></a> which were too long
+to be given by means of the lettered blocks (sortes). Most
+likely, however, it was a marble slab or bronze tablet which
+contained the lex templi, and was something like the tabula
+Veliterna.<a name="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122"><sup>[122]</sup></a></p>
+<p>On the floor of the two caves were two very beautiful
+mosaics, one of which is now in the Barberini palace, the
+other, which is in a sadly mutilated condition, still on the
+floor of the west cave. The date of these mosaics has been
+a much discussed question. Marucchi puts it at the end of
+the second century A.D., while Delbrueck makes it the
+early part of the first century B.C., and thinks the mosaics
+were the gift of Sulla. Delbrueck does not make his point
+at all, and Marucchi is carried too far by a desire to establish
+a connection at Pr&aelig;neste between Fortuna and Isis.<a
+ name="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123"><sup>[123]</sup></a>
+Not to go into a discussion of the date of the Greek lettering
+which gives the names of the animals portrayed in
+the finer mosaic, nor the subject of the mosaic itself,<a
+ name="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124"><sup>[124]</sup></a>
+the
+inscription given above<a href="#Footnote_118"><sup>[118]</sup></a>
+should help to settle the
+date of
+the mosaic. Under Claudius, between the years 51 and 54
+A.D., a portico was decorated with marble and a coating
+of marble facing. That this was a very splendid ornamentation
+is shown by the fact that it is mentioned so particularly
+in the inscription. And if in 54 A.D. marble and
+marble facing were things so worthy of note, then certainly
+one hundred and thirty years earlier there was no marble
+mosaic floor in Pr&aelig;neste like the one under discussion,
+which is considered the finest large piece of Roman mosaic
+in existence. And it was fifty years later than the date
+Delbrueck wishes to assign to this mosaic, before marble
+began to be used in any great profusion in Rome, and at
+this time Pr&aelig;neste was not in advance of Rome. The mosaic,
+therefore, undoubtedly dates from about the time of
+Hadrian, and was probably a gift to the city when he built
+himself a villa below the town.<a name="FNanchor_125"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_125"><sup>[125]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Finally, a word with regard to the &aelig;rarium. This is under
+the temple of Fortuna, but is not built with any regard
+to the facade of the temple above. The inscription on the
+back wall of the chamber is earlier than the time of Sulla,<a
+ name="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126"><sup>[126]</sup></a>
+and <a name="page_51"></a>the position of this little vault<a
+ name="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127"><sup>[127]</sup></a>
+shows that it was a
+treasury connected with the basilica, indeed its close proximity
+about makes it part of that building and proves that
+it was the storehouse for public funds and records. It
+occupied a very prominent place, for it was at the upper
+end of the old forum, directly in front of the Sacra Via
+that came up past the basilica from the Porta Triumphalis.
+The conclusion of the whole matter is that the earliest
+city forum grew up on the terrace in front of the place
+where the mysterious lots had leaped out of the living rock.
+A basilica was built in a prominent place in the northwest
+corner of the forum. Later, another wonderful cave was
+discovered or made, and at such a distance from the first
+one that a temple in front of it would have a facing on the
+forum beyond the basilica, and this also gave a space of
+ground which was leveled off into a terrace above the basilica
+and the forum, and made into a sacred precinct.
+Because the basilica occupied the middle front of the
+temple property, the temple was made to face west along
+the terrace, toward the more ancient cave. The sacred precinct
+in front of the temple and between the caves was enclosed,
+and had no entrance except at the west end where
+the Sacra Via ended, which was in front of the west cave.
+Before the temple, facing the sacred inclosure was the
+pronaos mentioned in the inscription above,<a name="FNanchor_128"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_128"><sup>[128]</sup></a> and along
+each side of this inclosure ran a row of columns, and probably
+one also on the west side. Both caves and the temple
+were consecrated to the service of Fortuna Primigenia, the
+tutelary goddess of Pr&aelig;neste. Both caves and an earlier
+temple, which occupied part of the site of the present one,
+belong to the early life of Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+<p>Sulla built a huge temple on the second terrace higher
+than the old temple, but its fame and sanctity were never
+comparable to its beauty and its pretensions.<a name="FNanchor_129"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_129"><sup>[129]</sup></a></p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="EPIGRAPHICAL_TOPOGRAPHY"></a>THE EPIGRAPHICAL TOPOGRAPHY OF
+PR&AElig;NESTE.</p>
+<br />
+<p>&AElig;DICULA, C.I.L., XIV, 2908.</p>
+<p>From the provenience of the inscription this building,
+not necessarily a sacred one (Dessau), was one of the
+many structures on the site of the new Forum below the
+town.</p>
+<br />
+<p>PUBLICA &AElig;DIFICIA, C.I.L., XIV, 2919, 3032.</p>
+<p>Barbarus Pompeianus about 227 A.D. restored a number
+of public buildings which had begun to fall to pieces.
+A mensor &aelig;d(ificiorum) (see Dict. under sarcio) is mentioned
+in C.I.L., XIV, 3032.</p>
+<br />
+<p>&AElig;DES ET PORTICUS, C.I.L., XIV, 2980.</p>
+<p>See discussion of temple, <a href="#TEMPLE">page 42</a>.</p>
+<br />
+<p>&AElig;DES, C.I.L., XIV, 2864, 2867, 3007.</p>
+<p>See discussion of temple, <a href="#TEMPLE">page 42</a>.</p>
+<br />
+<p>&AElig;DES SACR&AElig;, C.I.L., XIV, 2922, 4091, 9==
+Annali dell'Inst., 1855, p. 86.</p>
+<p>See discussion of temple, <a href="#TEMPLE">page 42</a>.</p>
+<br />
+<p>&AElig;RARIUM, C.I.L., XIV, 2975; Bull. dell'Inst., 1881, p.
+207; Marucchi, Bull. dell'Inst., 1881, p. 252; Nibby, Analisi,
+II, p. 504; best and latest, Delbrueck, Hellenistische
+Bauten in Latium, I, p. 58.</p>
+<p>The points worth noting are: that this &aelig;rarium is not
+built with reference to the temple above, and that it faces
+out on the public square. These points have been discussed
+more at length above, and will receive still more
+attention below under the caption "<a href="#FORUM">FORUM</a>."</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="AMPHITHEATRUM"></a>AMPHITHEATRUM, C.I.L., XIV, 3010, 3014;
+Juvenal, III,
+173; Ovid, A.A., I, 103 ff.</p>
+<p>The remains found out along the Valmontone road<a name="FNanchor_130"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_130"><sup>[130]</sup></a>
+coincide nearly enough with the provenience of the inscription
+to settle an amphitheatre here of late imperial
+date. The tradition of the death of the martyr S. Agapito
+in an amphitheatre, and the discovery of a Christian
+church on the Valmontone road, have helped to make
+pretty sure the identification of these ruins.<a name="FNanchor_131"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_131"><sup>[131]</sup></a></p>
+<p>We know also from an inscription that there was a
+gladiatorial school at Pr&aelig;neste.<a name="FNanchor_132"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_132"><sup>[132]</sup></a></p>
+<br />
+<p>BALNE&AElig;, C.I.L., XIV, 3013, 3014 add.</p>
+<p>The so-called nymph&aelig;um, the brick building below the
+Via degli Arconi, mentioned <a href="#page_41">page 41</a>, seems to
+have been
+a bath as well as a fountain, because of the architectural
+fragments found there<a name="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133"><sup>[133]</sup></a>
+when it was turned into a mill
+by the Bonanni brothers. The reservoir mentioned above
+on page 41 must have belonged also to a bath, and so do
+the ruins which are out beyond the villa under which the
+modern cemetery now is. From their orientation they
+seem to belong to the villa. There were also baths on
+the hill toward Gallicano, as the ruins show.<a name="FNanchor_134"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_134"><sup>[134]</sup></a></p>
+<br />
+<p>BYBLIOTHEC&AElig;, C.I.L., XIV, 2916.</p>
+<p>These seem to have been two small libraries of public
+and private law books.<a name="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135"><sup>[135]</sup></a>
+They were in the Forum, as
+the provenience of the inscription shows.</p>
+<br />
+<p>CIRCUS, Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 75, n. 32.</p>
+<p>Cecconi thought there was a circus at the bottom of
+the depression between Colle S. Martino and the hill of
+Pr&aelig;neste. The depression does have a suspiciously
+rounded appearance below the Franciscan grounds, but a
+careful examination made by me shows no trace of cutting
+in the rock to make a half circle for seats, no traces
+of any use of the slope for seats, and no ruins of any
+kind.</p>
+<br />
+<p>CULINA, C.I.L., XIV, 3002.</p>
+<p>This was a building of some consequence. Two
+qu&aelig;stors of the city bought a space of ground 148-1/2 by
+16 feet along the wall, and superintended the building of
+a culina there. The ground was made public, and the
+whole transaction was done by decree of the senate, that
+is, it was done before the time of Sulla.</p>
+<br />
+<p>CURIA, C.I.L., XIV, 2924.</p>
+<p>The fact that a statue was to be set up (ve)l ante
+curiam vel in porticibus for(i) would seem to imply that
+the curia was in the lower Forum. The inscription shows
+that these two places were undoubtedly the most desirable
+places that a statue could have. There is a possibility
+that the curia may be the basilica on the Corso terrace
+of the city. It has been shown that an open space existed
+in front of the basilica, and that in it there is at
+least one basis for a statue. Excavations<a name="FNanchor_136"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_136"><sup>[136]</sup></a> at the ruins
+which were once thought to be the curia of ancient Pr&aelig;neste
+showed instead of a hemicycle, a straight wall built
+on remains of a more ancient construction of rectangular
+blocks of tufa with three layers of pavement 4-1/2 feet
+below the level of the ground, under which was a tomb
+of brick construction, and lower still a wall of opus quadratum
+of tufa, certainly none of the remains belonging
+to a curia.</p>
+<p style="text-align: center;"><a name="plate_iv"></a><img
+ style="width: 512px; height: 389px;"
+ alt="PLATE IV. The Sacra Via, and its turn round the upper end of the Basilica."
+ title="PLATE IV. The Sacra Via, and its turn round the upper end of the Basilica."
+ src="images/imag004.jpg" /></p>
+<p><a name="FORUM"></a>FORUM, C.I.L., XIV, 3015.</p>
+<p>The most ancient forum of Pr&aelig;neste was inside the
+city walls. It was in this forum that the statue of M.
+Anicius, the famous pr&aelig;tor, was set up.<a name="FNanchor_137"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_137"><sup>[137]</sup></a> The writers
+hitherto, however, have been entirely mistaken, in
+my opinion, as to the extent of the ancient forum.
+For the old forum was not an open space which is now
+represented by the Piazza Savoia of the modern town, as
+is generally accepted, but the ancient forum of Pr&aelig;neste
+was that piazza and the piazza Garibaldi and the space
+between them, now built over with houses, all combined.
+At the present time one goes down some steps in front
+of the cathedral, which was the basilica, to the Piazza
+Garibaldi, and it has been supposed that this open space
+belonged to a terrace below the Corso. But there was no
+lower terrace there. The upper part of the forum simply
+has been more deeply buried in debris than the lower part.</p>
+<p>One needs only to see the new excavations at the upper
+end of the Piazza Savoia to realize that the present ground
+level of the piazza is nearly nine feet higher than the
+pavement of the old forum. The accompanying illustration
+(<a href="#plate_iv">plate IV</a>) shows the pavement, which is
+limestone,
+not lava, that comes up the slope along the east
+side of the basilica,<a name="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138"><sup>[138]</sup></a>
+and turns round it to the west.
+A cippus stands at the corner to do the double duty
+of defining the limits of the basilica, and to keep
+the wheels of wagons from running up on the steps.
+It can be seen clearly that the lowest step is one stone
+short of the cippus, that the next step is on a level with
+the pavement at the cippus, and the next step level again
+with the pavement four feet beyond it. The same
+grade would give us about twelve or fifteen steps
+at the south end of the basilica, and if continued to the
+Piazza Garibaldi, would put us below the present level
+of that piazza. From this piazza on down through the
+garden of the Petrini family to the point where the existence
+of a Porta Triumphalis has been proved, the grade
+would not be even as steep as it was in the forum itself.
+Further, to show that the lower piazza is even yet accessible
+from the upper, despite its nine feet more of
+fill, if one goes to the east end of the Piazza Savoia he
+finds there instead of steps, as before the basilica, a street
+which leads down to the level of the Piazza Garibaldi,
+and although it begins at the present level of the upper
+piazza, it is not even now too steep for wagons.
+Again, one must remember that the opus quadratum wall
+which extends along the south side of the Corso does
+not go past the basilica, and also that there is a basis for
+a statue of some kind in front of the basilica on the level
+of the Piazza Garibaldi.</p>
+<p>It is a question whether the ancient forum was entirely
+paved. The paving can be seen along the basilica, and
+it has been seen back of it,<a name="FNanchor_139"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_139"><sup>[139]</sup></a> but this pavement belongs
+to another hitherto unknown part of Pr&aelig;nestine topography,
+namely, a SACRA VIA. An inscription to an aurufex
+de sacra via<a name="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140"><sup>[140]</sup></a>
+makes certain that there was a
+road in Pr&aelig;neste to which this name was given. The
+inscription was found in the courtyard of the Seminary,
+which was the precinct of the temple of Fortuna.
+From the fact that this pavement is laid with blocks
+such as are always used in roads, from the cippus at the
+corner of the basilica to keep off wagon wheels, from the
+fact that this piece of pavement is in direct line from
+the central gate of the town, and last from the inscription
+and its provenience, I conclude that we have in this pavement
+a road leading directly from the Porta Triumphalis
+through the forum, alongside the basilica, then turning
+back of it and continuing round to the delubra and
+precinct of the temple of Fortuna Primigenia, and that
+this road is the SACRA VIA of Pr&aelig;neste.<a name="FNanchor_141"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_141"><sup>[141]</sup></a></p>
+<p>At the upper end of the forum under the south fa&ccedil;ade
+of the temple, an excavation was made in April 1907,<a
+ name="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142"><sup>[142]</sup></a>
+which is of great interest and importance in connection
+with the forum. In Plate V we see that there are three
+steps of tufa,<a name="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143"><sup>[143]</sup></a>
+and observe that the space in front
+of them is not paved; also that the ascent to the
+right, which is the only way out of the forum at
+this corner, is too steep to have been ever more than for
+ascent on foot. But it is up this steep and narrow way<a
+ name="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144"><sup>[144]</sup></a>
+that every one had to go to reach the terrace above the
+temple, unless he went across to the west side of the city.</p>
+<p>The steps just mentioned are not the beginning of an
+ascent to the temple, for there were but three, and besides
+there was no entrance to the temple on the south.<a name="FNanchor_145"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_145"><sup>[145]</sup></a>
+Nor was the earlier temple much lower than the later
+one, for in either case the foundation was the rock
+surface of the terrace and has not changed much.
+Although these steps are of an older construction than
+the steps of the basilica, yet they were not covered up in
+late imperial times as is shown by the brick construction in
+the plate. One is tempted to believe that there was a
+Doric portico below the engaged Corinthian columns of
+the south fa&ccedil;ade of the temple.<a name="FNanchor_146"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_146"><sup>[146]</sup></a> But all the pieces
+of Doric columns found belong to the portico of the
+basilica. Otherwise one might try to set up further
+argument for a portico, and even claim that here was the
+place that the statue was set up, ante curiam vel in por
+ticibus fori.<a name="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147"><sup>[147]</sup></a>
+Again, these steps run far past the temple
+to the east, otherwise we might conclude that they
+were to mark the extent of temple property. The fact,
+however, that a road, the Sacra Via, goes round back
+of the basilica only to the left, forces us to conclude that
+these steps belong to the city, not to the temple in any
+way, and that they mark the north side of the ancient
+forum.</p>
+<p>The new forum below the city is well enough attested
+by inscriptions found there mentioning statues and buildings
+in the forum. The tradition has continued that here
+on the level space below the town was the great forum.
+Inscriptions which have been found in different places
+on this tract of ground mention five buildings,<a name="FNanchor_148"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_148"><sup>[148]</sup></a> ten
+statues of public men,<a name="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149"><sup>[149]</sup></a>
+the statue set up to the emperor
+Trajan on his birthday, September 18, 101 A.D.,<a name="FNanchor_150"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_150"><sup>[150]</sup></a> and
+one to the emperor Julian.<a name="FNanchor_151"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_151"><sup>[151]</sup></a> The discovery of two
+pieces of the Pr&aelig;nestine fasti in 1897 and 1903<a
+ name="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152"><sup>[152]</sup></a>
+also
+helps to locate the lower forum.<a name="FNanchor_153"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_153"><sup>[153]</sup></a></p>
+<p style="text-align: center;"><img style="width: 512px; height: 790px;"
+ alt="PLATE V. The tufa steps at the upper end of the ancient Forum of Pr&aelig;neste."
+ title="PLATE V. The tufa steps at the upper end of the ancient Forum of Pr&aelig;neste."
+ src="images/imag005.jpg" /></p>
+<p>The forum inside the city walls was the forum of Pr&aelig;neste,
+the ally of Rome, the more pretentious one below
+the city was the forum of Pr&aelig;neste, the Roman colony of
+Sulla.</p>
+<br />
+<p>IUNONARIUM, C.I.L., XIV, 2867.</p>
+<p>Delbrueck follows Preller<a name="FNanchor_154"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_154"><sup>[154]</sup></a> in making the Iunonarium
+a part of the temple of Fortuna. It seems strange to have
+a statue of Trivia dedicated in a Iunonarium, but it is
+stranger that there are no inscriptions among those from
+Pr&aelig;neste which mention Juno, except that the name alone
+appears on a bronze mirror and two bronze dishes,<a name="FNanchor_155"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_155"><sup>[155]</sup></a> and
+as the provenience of bronze is never certain, such inscriptions
+mean nothing. It seems that the Iunonarium
+must have been somewhere in the west end of the temple
+precinct of Fortuna.</p>
+<br />
+<p>KASA CUI VOCABULUM EST FULGERITA, C.I.L., XIV, 2934.</p>
+<p>This is an inscription which mentions a property inside
+the domain of Pr&aelig;neste in a region, which in 385 A.D.,
+was called regio Campania,<a name="FNanchor_156"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_156"><sup>[156]</sup></a> but it can not be located.</p>
+<br />
+<p>LACUS, C.I.L., XIV, 2998; Not. d. Scavi, 1902, p. 12.
+LAVATIO, C.I.L., XIV, 2978, 2979, 3015.</p>
+<p>These three inscriptions were found in places so far
+from one another that they may well refer to three lavationes.</p>
+<br />
+<p>LUDUS, C.I.L., XIV, 3014.</p>
+<p>See <a href="#AMPHITHEATRUM">amphitheatrum</a>.</p>
+<br />
+<p>MACELLUM, C.I.L., XIV, 2937, 2946.</p>
+<p>These inscriptions were found along the Via degli
+Arconi, and from the fact that in 243 A.D. (C.I.L. XIV,
+2972) there was a region (regio) by that name, I should
+conclude that the lower part of the town below the wall
+was called regio macelli. In Cecconi's time the city was
+divided into four quarters,<a name="FNanchor_157"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_157"><sup>[157]</sup></a> which may well represent
+ancient tradition.</p>
+<br />
+<p>MACERIA, C.I.L., XIV, 3314, 3340.</p>
+<p>Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 87.</p>
+<br />
+<p>MASSA PR&AElig;(NESTINA), C.I.L., XIV, 2934.</p>
+<br />
+<p>MURUS, C.I.L., XIV, 3002.</p>
+<p>See above, <a href="#CITY">pages 22</a> ff.</p>
+<br />
+<p>PORTA TRIUMPHALIS, C.I.L., XIV, 2850.</p>
+<p>See above, <a href="#PORTA_TRIUMPHALIS">page 32</a>.</p>
+<br />
+<p>PORTICUS, C.I.L., XIV, 2995.</p>
+<p>See discussion of temple, <a href="#TEMPLE">page 42</a>.</p>
+<br />
+<p>QUADRIGA, C.I.L., XIV, 2986.</p>
+<br />
+<p>SACRARIUM, C.I.L., XIV, 2900.</p>
+<br />
+<p>SCHOLA FAUSTINIANA, C.I.L., XIV, 2901; C.I.G., 5998.</p>
+<p>Fernique (&Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 119) thinks this the
+building the ruins of which are of brick and called a temple,
+near the Ponte dell' Ospedalato, but this is impossible.
+The date of the brick work is all much later than the date
+assigned to it by him, and much later than the name itself
+implies.</p>
+<br />
+<p>SEMINARIA A PORTA TRIUMPHALE, C.I.L., XIV, 2850.</p>
+<p>This building was just inside the gate which was in the
+center of the south wall of Pr&aelig;neste, directly below the
+ancient forum and basilica.</p>
+<br />
+<p>SOLARIUM, C.I.L., XIV, 3323.</p>
+<br />
+<p>SPOLIARIUM, C.I.L., XIV, 3014.</p>
+<p>See <a href="#AMPHITHEATRUM">Amphitheatrum</a>.</p>
+<br />
+<p>TEMPLUM SARAPIS, C.I.L., XIV, 2901.</p>
+<br />
+<p>TEMPLUM HERCULIS, C.I.L., XIV, 2891, 2892; Not. d.
+Scavi, 11 (1882-1883), p. 48.</p>
+<p>This temple was a mile or more distant from the city,
+in the territory now known as Bocce di Rodi, and was
+situated on the little road which made a short cut between
+the two great roads, the Pr&aelig;nestina and the Labicana.</p>
+<br />
+<p>SACRA VIA, Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 49.</p>
+<p>In the discussions on the temple and the forum, <a href="#TEMPLE">pages
+42</a> and <a href="#FORUM">54</a>, I think it is proved that the
+Sacra Via of Pr&aelig;neste
+was the ancient road which extended from the Porta
+Triumphalis up through the Forum, past the Basilica and
+round behind it, to the entrance into the precinct and temple
+of Fortuna Primigenia.</p>
+<br />
+<p>VIA, C.I.L., XIV, 3001, 3343. Viam sternenda(m).</p>
+<p>In inscription No. 3343 we have supra viam parte
+dex(tra), and from the provenience of the stone we get a
+proof that the old road which led out through the Porta
+S. Francesco was so well known that it was called simply
+"via."</p>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<a name="CHAPTER_II"></a>
+<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2>
+<h2>THE MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT OF PR&AElig;NESTE.</h2>
+<br />
+<p>Pr&aelig;neste was already a rich and prosperous community,
+when Rome was still fighting for a precarious existence.
+The rapid development, however, of the Latin towns, and
+the necessity of mutual protection and advancement soon
+brought Rome and Pr&aelig;neste into a league with the other
+towns of Latium. Pr&aelig;neste because of her position and
+wealth was the haughtiest member of the newly made confederation,
+and with the more rapid growth of Rome became
+her most hated rival. Later, when Rome passed from
+a position of first among equals to that of mistress of her
+former allies, Pr&aelig;neste was her proudest and most turbulent
+subject.</p>
+<p>From the earliest times, when the overland trade between
+Upper Etruria, Magna Gr&aelig;cia, and Lower Etruria came up
+the Liris valley, and touching Pr&aelig;neste and Tibur crossed
+the river Tiber miles above Rome, that energetic little settlement
+looked with longing on the city that commanded
+the splendid valley between the Sabine and Volscian mountains.
+Rome turned her conquests in the direction of her
+longings, but could get no further than Gabii. Pr&aelig;neste
+and Tibur were too strongly situated, and too closely connected
+with the fierce mountaineers of the interior,<a name="FNanchor_158"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_158"><sup>[158]</sup></a> and
+Rome was glad to make treaties with them on equal terms.</p>
+<p>Rome, however, made the most of her opportunities.
+Her trade up and down the river increased, and at the same
+time brought her in touch with other nations more and more.
+Her political importance grew rapidly, and it was not long
+before she began to assume the primacy among the towns
+of the Latin league. This assumption of a leadership practically
+hers already was disputed by only one city. This
+was Pr&aelig;neste, and there can be no doubt but that if
+Pr&aelig;neste
+had possessed anything approaching the same commercial
+facilities in way of communication by water she
+would have been Rome's greatest rival. As late as 374
+B.C. Pr&aelig;neste was alone an opponent worthy of Rome.<a
+ name="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159"><sup>[159]</sup></a></p>
+<p>As head of a league of nine cities,<a name="FNanchor_160"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_160"><sup>[160]</sup></a> and allied with Tibur,
+which also headed a small confederacy,<a name="FNanchor_161"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_161"><sup>[161]</sup></a> Pr&aelig;neste felt herself
+strong enough to defy the other cities of the league,<a
+ name="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162"><sup>[162]</sup></a>
+and in fact even to play fast and loose with Rome, as Rome
+kept or transgressed the stipulations of their agreements.
+Rome, however, took advantage of Pr&aelig;neste at every opportunity.
+She assumed control of some of her land in
+338 B.C., on the ground that Pr&aelig;neste helped the Gauls in
+390;<a name="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163"><sup>[163]</sup></a>
+she showed her jealousy of Pr&aelig;neste by refusing to
+allow Quintus Lutatius Cerco to consult the lots there during
+the first Punic war.<a name="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164"><sup>[164]</sup></a>
+This jealousy manifested itself
+again in the way the leader of a contingent from Pr&aelig;neste
+was treated by a Roman dictator<a name="FNanchor_165"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_165"><sup>[165]</sup></a> in 319 B.C. But
+while these isolated outbursts of jealousy showed the ill
+feeling of Rome toward Pr&aelig;neste, there is yet a stronger
+evidence of the fact that Pr&aelig;neste had been in early times
+more than Rome's equal, for through the entire subsequent
+history of the aggrandizement of Rome at the expense of
+every other town in the Latin League, there runs a bitterness
+which finds expression in the slurs cast upon Pr&aelig;neste,
+an ever-recurring reminder of the centuries of ancient
+grudge. Often in Roman literature Pr&aelig;neste is mentioned
+as the typical country town. Her inhabitants are laughed
+at because of their bad pronunciation, despised and pitied
+because of their characteristic combination of pride and rusticity.
+Yet despite the dwindling fortunes of the town she
+was able to keep a treaty with Rome on nearly equal terms
+until 90 B.C., the year in which the Julian law was passed.<a
+ name="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166"><sup>[166]</sup></a>
+Pr&aelig;neste scornfully refused Roman citizenship in 216
+B.C., when it was offered.<a name="FNanchor_167"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_167"><sup>[167]</sup></a> This refusal Rome never
+forgot
+nor forgave. No Pr&aelig;nestine families seem to have
+been taken into the Roman patriciate, as were some from
+Alba Longa,<a name="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168"><sup>[168]</sup></a>
+nor did Pr&aelig;neste ever send any citizens of
+note to Rome, who were honored as was Cato from Tusculum,<a
+ name="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169"><sup>[169]</sup></a>
+although one branch of the gens Anicia<a name="FNanchor_170"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_170"><sup>[170]</sup></a> did gain
+some reputation in imperial times. Rome and Pr&aelig;neste
+seemed destined to be ever at cross purposes, and their
+ancient rivalry grew to be a traditional dislike which remained
+mutual and lasting.</p>
+<p>The continuance of the commercial and military rivalry
+because of Pr&aelig;neste's strategic position as key of Rome,
+and the religious rivalry due to the great fame of Fortuna
+Primigenia at Pr&aelig;neste, are continuous and striking historical
+facts even down into the middle ages. Once in 1297
+and again in 1437 the forces of the Pope destroyed the
+town to crush the great Colonna family which had made
+Pr&aelig;neste a stronghold against the power of Rome.</p>
+<p>There are a great many reasons why Pr&aelig;neste offers the
+best opportunity for a study of the municipal officers of a
+town of the Latin league. She kept a practical autonomy
+longer than any other of the league towns with the exception
+of Tibur, but she has a much more varied history than
+Tibur. The inscriptions of Pr&aelig;neste offer especial advantages,
+because they are numerous and cover a wide range.
+The great number of the old pigne inscriptions gives a better
+list of names of the citizens of the second century B.C.
+and earlier than can be found in any other Latin town.<a
+ name="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171"><sup>[171]</sup></a>
+Pr&aelig;neste also has more municipal fasti preserved than any
+other city, and this fact alone is sufficient reason for a
+study of municipal officers. In fact, the position which
+Pr&aelig;neste held during the rise and fall of the Latin League
+has distinct differences from that of any other town in the
+confederation, and these differences are to be seen in every
+stage of her history, whether as an ally, a municipium, or
+a colonia.</p>
+<p>As an ally of Rome, Pr&aelig;neste did not have a curtailed
+treaty as did Alba Longa,<a name="FNanchor_172"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_172"><sup>[172]</sup></a> but one on equal terms
+(foedus
+&aelig;quum), such as was accorded to a sovereign state. This
+is proved by the right of exile which both Pr&aelig;neste and
+Tibur still retained until as late as 90 B.C.<a name="FNanchor_173"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_173"><sup>[173]</sup></a></p>
+<p>As a municipium, the rights of Pr&aelig;neste were shared by
+only one other city in the league. She was not a municipium
+which, like Lanuvium and Tusculum,<a name="FNanchor_174"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_174"><sup>[174]</sup></a> kept a separate state,
+but whose citizens, although called Roman citizens, were
+without right to vote, nor, on the other hand, was she in
+the class of municipia of which Aricia is a type, towns which
+had no vote in Rome, but were governed from there like a
+city ward.<a name="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175"><sup>[175]</sup></a>
+Pr&aelig;neste, on the contrary, belonged to yet a
+third class. This was the most favored class of all; in fact,
+equality was implicit in the agreement with Rome, which
+was to the effect that when these cities joined the Roman
+state, the inhabitants were to be, first of all, citizens of their
+own states.<a name="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176"><sup>[176]</sup></a>
+Pr&aelig;neste shared this extraordinary agreement
+with Rome with but one other Latin city, Tibur.
+The question whether or not Pr&aelig;neste was ever a municipium
+in the technical and constitutional sense of the word
+is apart from the present discussion, and will be taken up
+later.<a name="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177"><sup>[177]</sup></a></p>
+<p>As a colony, Pr&aelig;neste has a different history from that
+of any other of the colonies founded by Sulla. Because
+of her stubborn defence, and her partisanship for
+Marius, her walls were razed and her citizens murdered
+in numbers almost beyond belief. Yet at a later time,
+Sulla with a revulsion of kindness quite characteristic of
+him, rebuilt the town, enlarged it, and was most generous
+in every way. The sentiment which attached to the famous
+antiquity and renown of Pr&aelig;neste was too strong to allow
+it to lie in ruins. Further, in colonies the most characteristic
+officers were the quattuorviri. Pr&aelig;neste, again different,
+shows no trace of such officers.</p>
+<p>Indeed, at all times during the history of Latium, Pr&aelig;neste
+clearly had a city government different from that of
+any other in the old Latin League. For example, before
+the Social War<a name="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178"><sup>[178]</sup></a>
+both Pr&aelig;neste and Tibur had &aelig;diles and
+qu&aelig;stors, but Tibur also had censors,<a name="FNanchor_179"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_179"><sup>[179]</sup></a> Pr&aelig;neste did not.
+Lavinium<a name="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180"><sup>[180]</sup></a>
+and Pr&aelig;neste were alike in that they both had
+pr&aelig;tors. There were dictators in Aricia,<a name="FNanchor_181"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_181"><sup>[181]</sup></a> Lanuvium,<a
+ name="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182"><sup>[182]</sup></a>
+Nomentum,<a name="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183"><sup>[183]</sup></a>
+and Tusculum,<a name="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184"><sup>[184]</sup></a>
+but no trace of a dictator
+in Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+<p>The first mention of a magistrate from Pr&aelig;neste, a
+pr&aelig;tor,
+in 319 B.C, is due to a joke of the Roman dictator
+Papirius Cursor.<a name="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185"><sup>[185]</sup></a>
+The pr&aelig;tor was in camp as leader of
+the contingent of allies from Pr&aelig;neste,<a name="FNanchor_186"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_186"><sup>[186]</sup></a> and the fact that
+a pr&aelig;tor was in command of the troops sent from allied
+towns<a name="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187"><sup>[187]</sup></a>
+implies that another pr&aelig;tor was at the head of
+affairs at home. Another and stronger proof of the government
+by two pr&aelig;tors is afforded by the later duoviral
+magistracy, and the lack of friction under such an arrangement.</p>
+<p>There is no reason to believe that the Latin towns took
+as models for their early municipal officers, the consuls at
+Rome, rather than to believe that the reverse was the case.
+In fact, the change in Rome to the name consuls from pr&aelig;tors,<a
+ name="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188"><sup>[188]</sup></a>
+with the continuance of the name pr&aelig;tor in the towns
+of the Latin League, would rather go to prove that the
+Romans had given their two chief magistrates a distinctive
+name different from that in use in the neighboring towns,
+because the more rapid growth in Rome of magisterial functions
+demanded official terminology, as the Romans began
+their "Progressive Subdivision of the Magistracy."<a name="FNanchor_189"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_189"><sup>[189]</sup></a>
+Livy says that in 341 B.C. Latium had two pr&aelig;tors,<a
+ name="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190"><sup>[190]</sup></a>
+and this shows two things: first, that two pr&aelig;tors were
+better adapted to circumstances than one dictator; second,
+that the majority of the towns had pr&aelig;tors, and had had
+them, as chief magistrates, and not dictators,<a name="FNanchor_191"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_191"><sup>[191]</sup></a> and that
+such an arrangement was more satisfactory. The Latin
+League had had a dictator<a name="FNanchor_192"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_192"><sup>[192]</sup></a> at its head at some time,<a
+ name="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193"><sup>[193]</sup></a>
+and the fact that these two pr&aelig;tors are found at the
+head of the league in 341 B.C. shows the deference to the
+more progressive and influential cities of the league, where
+pr&aelig;tors were the regular and well known municipal chief
+magistrates. Before Pr&aelig;neste was made a colony by Sulla,
+the governing body was a senate,<a name="FNanchor_194"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_194"><sup>[194]</sup></a> and the municipal officers
+were pr&aelig;tors,<a name="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195"><sup>[195]</sup></a>
+&aelig;diles,<a name="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196"><sup>[196]</sup></a>
+and qu&aelig;stors,<a name="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197"><sup>[197]</sup></a>
+as we know certainly
+from inscriptions. In the literature, a pr&aelig;tor is
+mentioned in 319 B.C.,<a name="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198"><sup>[198]</sup></a>
+in 216 B.C.,<a name="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199"><sup>[199]</sup></a>
+and again in
+173 B.C. implicitly, in a statement concerning the magistrates
+of an allied city.<a name="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200"><sup>[200]</sup></a>
+In fact nothing in the inscriptions
+or in the literature gives a hint at any change
+in the political relations between Pr&aelig;neste and Rome down
+to 90 B.C., the year in which the lex Iulia was passed.
+If a dictator was ever at the head of the city government
+in Pr&aelig;neste, there are none of the proofs remaining, such
+as are found in the towns of the Alban Hills, in Etruria,
+and in the medix tuticus of the Sabellians. The fact that
+no trace of the dictator remains either in Tibur or Pr&aelig;neste
+seems to imply that these two towns had better opportunities
+for a more rapid development, and that both had pr&aelig;tors
+at a very early period.<a name="FNanchor_201"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_201"><sup>[201]</sup></a></p>
+<p>However strongly the weight of probabilities make for
+proof in the endeavor to find out what the municipal government
+of Pr&aelig;neste was, there are a certain number of
+facts that can now be stated positively. Before 90 B.C.
+the administrative officers of Pr&aelig;neste were two pr&aelig;tors,<a
+ name="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202"><sup>[202]</sup></a>
+who had the regular &aelig;diles and qu&aelig;stors as assistants.
+These officers were elected by the citizens of the place.
+There was also a senate, but the qualifications and duties
+of its members are uncertain. Some information, however,
+is to be derived from the fact that both city officers and
+senate were composed in the main of the local nobility.<a
+ name="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203"><sup>[203]</sup></a></p>
+<p>An important epoch in the history of Pr&aelig;neste begins
+with the year 91 B.C. In this year the dispute over the
+extension of the franchise to Italy began again, and the
+failure of the measure proposed by the tribune M. Livius
+Drusus led to an Italian revolt, which soon assumed a serious
+aspect. To mitigate or to cripple this revolt (the so-called
+Social or Marsic war), a bill was offered and passed
+in 90 B.C. This was the famous law (lex Iulia) which
+applied to all Italian states that had not revolted, or had
+stopped their revolt, and it offered Roman citizenship (civitas)
+to all such states, with, however, the remarkable provision,
+IF THEY DESIRED IT.<a name="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204"><sup>[204]</sup></a>
+At all events, this law either
+did not meet the needs of the occasion, or some of the allied
+states showed no eagerness to accept Rome's offer. Within
+a few months after the lex Iulia had gone into effect, which
+was late in the year 90, the lex Plautia Papiria was passed,
+which offered Roman citizenship to the citizens (cives et
+incol&aelig;) of the federated cities, provided they handed in
+their names within sixty days to the city pr&aelig;tor in Rome.<a
+ name="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205"><sup>[205]</sup></a></p>
+<p>There is no unanimity of opinion as to the status of
+Pr&aelig;neste in 90 B.C. The reason is twofold. It has never
+been shown whether Pr&aelig;neste at this time belonged technically
+to the Latins (Latini) or to the allies (foederati),
+and it is not known under which of the two laws just mentioned
+she took Roman citizenship. In 338 B.C., after
+the close of the Latin war, Pr&aelig;neste and Tibur made either
+a special treaty<a name="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206"><sup>[206]</sup></a>
+with Rome, as seems most likely, or one
+in which the old status quo was reaffirmed. In 268 B.C.
+Pr&aelig;neste lost one right of federated cities, that of coinage,<a
+ name="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207"><sup>[207]</sup></a>
+but continued to hold the right of a sovereign city,
+that of exile (ius exilii) in 171 B.C.,<a name="FNanchor_208"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_208"><sup>[208]</sup></a> in common with
+Tibur and Naples,<a name="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209"><sup>[209]</sup></a>
+and on down to the year 90 at any rate
+(see note 9). It is to be remembered too that in the year
+216 B.C., after the heroic deeds of the Pr&aelig;nestine cohort
+at Casilinum, the inhabitants of Pr&aelig;neste were offered
+Roman citizenship, and that they refused it.<a name="FNanchor_210"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_210"><sup>[210]</sup></a> Now if the
+citizens of Pr&aelig;neste accepted Roman citizenship in 90 B.C.,
+under the conditions of the Julian law (lex Iulia de civitate
+sociis danda), then they were still called allies (socii) at
+that time.<a name="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211"><sup>[211]</sup></a>
+But that the provision in the law, namely,
+citizenship, if the allies desired it, did not accomplish its
+purpose, is clear from the immediate passage in 89 of the
+lex Plautia-Papiria.<a name="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212"><sup>[212]</sup></a>
+Probably there was some change
+of phraseology which was obnoxious in the Iulia. The
+traditional touchiness and pride of the Pr&aelig;nestines makes it
+sure that they resisted Roman citizenship as long as they
+could, and it seems more likely that it was under the provision
+of the Plautia-Papiria than under those of the Iulia that
+separate citizenship in Pr&aelig;neste became a thing of the past.
+Two years later, in 87 B.C., when, because of the troubles
+between the two consuls Cinna and Octavius, Cinna had
+been driven from Rome, he went out directly to Pr&aelig;neste
+and Tibur, which had lately been received into citizenship,<a
+ name="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213"><sup>[213]</sup></a>
+tried to get them to revolt again from Rome, and collected
+money for the prosecution of the war. This not only shows
+that Pr&aelig;neste had lately received Roman citizenship, but
+implies also that Rome thus far had not dared to assume any
+control of the city, or the consul would not have felt so sure
+of his reception.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="MUNICIPIUM"></a>WAS PR&AElig;NESTE A MUNICIPIUM?</p>
+<p>Just what relation Pr&aelig;neste bore to Rome between 90 or
+89 B.C., when she accepted Roman citizenship, and 82 B.C.
+when Sulla made her a colony, is still an unsettled question.
+Was Pr&aelig;neste made a municipium by Rome, did Pr&aelig;neste
+call herself a municipium, or, because the rights which she
+enjoyed and guarded as an ally (civitas foederata) had been
+so restricted and curtailed, was she called and considered a
+municipium by Rome, but allowed to keep the empty substance
+of the name of an allied state?</p>
+<p>During the development which followed the gradual extension
+of Roman citizenship to the inhabitants of Italy, because
+of the increase of the rights of autonomy in the colonies,
+and the limitation of the rights formerly enjoyed by
+the cities which had belonged to the old confederation or
+league (foederati), there came to be small difference between
+a colonia and a municipium. While the nominal difference
+seems to have still held in legal parlance, in the literature
+the two names are often interchanged.<a name="FNanchor_214"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_214"><sup>[214]</sup></a> Mommsen-Marquardt
+say<a name="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215"><sup>[215]</sup></a>
+that in 90 B.C. under the conditions of the lex
+Iulia Pr&aelig;neste became a municipium of the type which kept
+its own citizenship (ut municipes essent su&aelig; cuiusque civitatis).<a
+ name="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216"><sup>[216]</sup></a>
+But if this were true, then Pr&aelig;neste would have
+come under the jurisdiction of the city pr&aelig;tor (pr&aelig;tor
+urbanus)
+in Rome, and there would be pr&aelig;fects to look after
+cases for him. Pr&aelig;neste has a very large body of inscriptions
+which extend from the earliest to the latest times, and
+which are wider in range than those of any other town in
+Latium outside Rome. But no inscription mentions a pr&aelig;fect
+and here under the circumstances the argumentum ex
+silentio is of real constructive value, and constitutes circumstantial
+evidence of great weight.<a name="FNanchor_217"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_217"><sup>[217]</sup></a> Pr&aelig;neste had lost her
+ancient rights one after the other, but it is sure that she
+clung the longest to the separate property right. Now
+the property in a municipium is not considered as Roman,
+a result of the old sovereign state idea, as given by the
+ius Quiritium and ius Gabinorum, although Mommsen says
+this had no real practical value.<a name="FNanchor_218"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_218"><sup>[218]</sup></a> So whether Pr&aelig;neste
+received Roman citizenship in 90 or in 89 B.C. the spirit
+of her past history makes it certain that she demanded a
+clause which gave specific rights to the old federated
+states, such as had always been in her treaty with Rome.<a
+ name="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219"><sup>[219]</sup></a>
+There seems to have been no such clause in the lex Iulia of
+90 B.C., and this fact gives still another reason, in addition
+to the ones mentioned, to conclude that Pr&aelig;neste probably
+took citizenship in 89 under the lex Plautia-Papiria.
+The extreme cruelty which Sulla used toward Pr&aelig;neste,<a
+ name="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220"><sup>[220]</sup></a>
+and the great amount of its land<a name="FNanchor_221"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_221"><sup>[221]</sup></a> that he took for his
+soldiers when he colonized the place, show that Sulla not
+only punished the city because it had sided with Marius, but
+that the feeling of a Roman magistrate was uppermost, and
+that he was now avenging traditional grievances, as well
+as punishing recent obstreperousness.</p>
+<p>There seems to be, however, very good reasons for saying
+that Pr&aelig;neste never became a municipium in the strict
+legal sense of the word. First, the particular officials who
+belong to a municipium, pr&aelig;fects and quattuorvirs, are not
+found at all;<a name="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222"><sup>[222]</sup></a>
+second, the use of the word municipium in
+literature in connection with Pr&aelig;neste is general, and means
+simply "town";<a name="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223"><sup>[223]</sup></a>
+third, the fact that Pr&aelig;neste, along with
+Tibur, had clung so jealously to the title of federated state
+(civitas foederata) from some uncertain date to the time of
+the Latin rebellion, and more proudly than ever from 338
+to 90 B.C., makes it very unlikely that so great a downfall
+of a city's pride would be passed over in silence; fourth and
+last, the fact that the Pr&aelig;nestines asked the emperor Tiberius
+to give them the status of a municipium,<a name="FNanchor_224"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_224"><sup>[224]</sup></a> which he did,<a
+ name="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225"><sup>[225]</sup></a>
+but it seems (see note 60) with no change from the regular
+city officials of a colony,<a name="FNanchor_226"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_226"><sup>[226]</sup></a> shows clearly that the
+Pr&aelig;nestines
+simply took advantage of the fact that Tiberius had just
+recovered from a severe illness at Pr&aelig;neste<a name="FNanchor_227"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_227"><sup>[227]</sup></a> to ask him for
+what was merely an empty honor. It only salved the
+pride of the Pr&aelig;nestines, for it gave them a name
+which showed a former sovereign federated state, and
+not the name of a colony planted by the Romans.<a name="FNanchor_228"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_228"><sup>[228]</sup></a> The
+cogency of this fourth reason will bear elaboration. Pr&aelig;neste
+would never have asked for a return to the name
+municipium if it had not meant something. At the very
+best she could not have been a real municipium with Roman
+citizenship longer than seven years, 89 to 82 B.C., and that
+at a very unsettled time, nor would an enforced taking of
+the status of a municipium, not to mention the ridiculously
+short period which it would have lasted, have been anything
+to look back to with such pride that the inhabitants would
+ask the emperor Tiberius for it again. What they did ask
+for was the name municipium as they used and understood
+it, for it meant to them everything or anything but colonia.</p>
+<p>Let us now sum up the municipal history of Pr&aelig;neste
+down to 82 B.C. when she was made a Roman colony
+by Sulla. Pr&aelig;neste, from the earliest times, like Rome,
+Tusculum, and Aricia, was one of the chief cities in the
+territory known as Ancient Latium. Like these other
+cities, Pr&aelig;neste made herself head of a small league,<a
+ name="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229"><sup>[229]</sup></a>
+but unlike the others, offers nothing but comparative probability
+that she was ever ruled by kings or dictators. So
+of prime importance not only in the study of the municipal
+officers of Pr&aelig;neste, but also in the question of
+Pr&aelig;neste's
+relationship to Rome, is the fact that the evidence from
+first to last is for pr&aelig;tors as the chief executive officers of
+the Pr&aelig;nestine state (respublica), with their regular attendant
+officers, &aelig;diles and qu&aelig;stors; all of whom probably
+stood for office in the regular succession (cursus honorum).
+Above these officers was a senate, an administrative or advisory
+body. But although Pr&aelig;neste took Roman citizenship
+either in 90 or 89 B.C.,<a name="FNanchor_213bis"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_213"><sup>[213]</sup></a> it seems most likely that
+she
+was not legally termed a municipium, but that she came in
+under some special clause, or with some particular understanding,
+whereby she kept her autonomy, at least in name.
+Pr&aelig;neste certainly considered herself a federate city, on
+the old terms of equality with Rome, she demanded and
+partially retained control of her own land, and preserved
+her freedom from Rome in the matter of city elections and
+magistrates.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="COLONY"></a>PR&AElig;NESTE AS A COLONY.</p>
+<p>From the time of Sulla to the establishment of the monarchy,
+the expropriation of territory for discharged soldiers
+found its expression in great part in the change from Italian
+cities to colonies,<a name="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230"><sup>[230]</sup></a>
+and of the colonies newly made by
+Sulla, Pr&aelig;neste was one. The misfortunes that befell
+Pr&aelig;neste,
+because she seemed doomed to be on the losing side
+in quarrels, were never more disastrously exemplified than
+in the punishment inflicted upon her by Sulla, because she
+had taken the side of Marius. Thousands of her citizens
+were killed (see <a href="#Footnote_220">note 220</a>), her
+fortifications were thrown
+down, a great part of her territory was taken and given to
+Sulla's soldiers, who were the settlers of his new-made colony.
+At once the city government of Pr&aelig;neste changed.
+Instead of a senate, there was now a decuria (decuriones,
+ordo); instead of pr&aelig;tors, duovirs with judicial powers
+(iure dicundo), in short, the regular governmental officialdom
+for a Roman colony. The city offices were filled
+partly by the new colonists, and the new government which
+was forced upon her was so thoroughly established, that
+Pr&aelig;neste remained a colony as long as her history can be
+traced in the inscriptions. As has been said, in the time
+of Tiberius she got back an empty title, that of municipium,
+but it had been nearly forgotten again by Hadrian's time.</p>
+<p>There are several unanswered questions which arise at
+this point. What was the distribution of offices in the colony
+after its foundation; what regulation, if any, was there
+as to the proportion of officials to the new make up of the
+population; and what and who were the quinquennial
+duovirs? From the proportionately large fragments of
+municipal fasti left from Pr&aelig;neste it will be possible to
+reach some conclusions that may be of future value.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="OFFICES"></a>THE DISTRIBUTION OF OFFICES.</p>
+<p>The beginning of this question comes from a passage in
+Cicero,<a name="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231"><sup>[231]</sup></a>
+which says that the Sullan colonists in Pompeii
+were preferred in the offices, and had a status of citizenship
+better than that of the old inhabitants of the city. Such a
+state of affairs might also seem natural in a colony which
+had just been deprived of one third of its land, and had had
+forced upon it as citizens a troop of soldiers who naturally
+would desire to keep the city offices as far as possible in
+their own control.<a name="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232"><sup>[232]</sup></a>
+Dessau thinks that because this unequal
+state of citizenship was found in Pompeii, which
+was a colony of Sulla's, it must have been found also
+in Pr&aelig;neste, another of his colonies.<a name="FNanchor_233"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_233"><sup>[233]</sup></a> Before entering
+into the question of whether or not this can be
+proved, it will be well to mention three probable reasons
+why Dessau is wrong in his contention. The first,
+an argumentum ex silentio, is that if there was trouble in
+Pompeii between the old inhabitants and the new colonists
+then the same would have been true in Pr&aelig;neste! As it
+was so close to Rome, however, the trouble would have been
+much better known, and certainly Cicero would not have
+lost a chance to bring the state of affairs at Pr&aelig;neste also
+into a comparison. Second, the great pains Sulla took to
+rebuild the walls of Pr&aelig;neste, to lay out a new forum, and
+especially to make such an extensive enlargement and so
+many repairs of the temple of Fortuna Primigenia, show
+that his efforts were not entirely to please his new colonists,
+but just as much to try to defer to the wishes and civic
+pride of the old settlers. Third, the fact that a great
+many of the old inhabitants were left, despite the great
+slaughter at the capture of the city, is shown by the frequent
+recurrence in later inscriptions of the ancient names
+of the city, and by the fact that within twenty years the
+property of the soldier colonists had been bought up,<a
+ name="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234"><sup>[234]</sup></a>
+and
+the soldiers had died, or had moved to town, or reenlisted
+for foreign service. Had there been much trouble between
+the colonists and the old inhabitants, or had the colonists
+taken all the offices, in either case they would not have been
+so ready to part with their land, which was a sort of patent
+to citizenship.</p>
+<p>It is possible now to push the inquiry a point further.
+Dessau has already seen<a name="FNanchor_235"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_235"><sup>[235]</sup></a> that in the time of Augustus
+members of the old families were again in possession of
+many municipal offices, but he thinks the Pr&aelig;nestines did
+not have as good municipal rights as the colonists in the
+years following the establishment of the colony. There
+are six inscriptions<a name="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236"><sup>[236]</sup></a>
+which contain lists more or less fragmentary
+of the magistrates of Pr&aelig;neste, the duovirs, the
+&aelig;diles, and the qu&aelig;stors. Two of these inscriptions can
+be dated within a few years, for they show the election of
+Germanicus and Drusus C&aelig;sar, and of Nero and Drusus,
+the sons of Germanicus, to the quinquennial duovirate.<a
+ name="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237"><sup>[237]</sup></a>
+Two others<a name="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238"><sup>[238]</sup></a>
+are certainly pieces of the same fasti because
+of several peculiarities,<a name="FNanchor_239"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_239"><sup>[239]</sup></a> and one other, a fragment,
+belongs to still another calendar.<a name="FNanchor_240"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_240"><sup>[240]</sup></a> It will first be necessary
+to show that these last-mentioned inscriptions can be
+referred to some time not much later than the founding
+of the colony at Pr&aelig;neste by Sulla, before any use can
+be made of the names in the list to prove anything about
+the early distribution of officers in the colony. Two
+of these inscriptions<a href="#Footnote_238"><sup>[238]</sup></a>
+should be placed, I think, very
+early in the annals of the colony. They show a list of
+municipal officers whose names, with a single exception,
+which will be accounted for later, have only pr&aelig;nomen and
+nomen, a way of writing names which was common to
+the earlier inhabitants of Pr&aelig;neste, and which seems to
+have made itself felt here in the names of the colonists.<a
+ name="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241"><sup>[241]</sup></a>
+Again, from the fact that in the only place in the inscriptions
+where the quinquennialship is mentioned, it is the
+simple term, without the prefixed duoviri. In the later
+inscriptions from imperial times,<a name="FNanchor_237bis"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_237"><sup>[237]</sup></a> both forms are found,
+while in the year 31 A.D. in the municipal fasti of Nola<a
+ name="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242"><sup>[242]</sup></a>
+are found II vir(i) iter(um) q(uinquennales), and in 29
+B.C. in the fasti from Venusia,<a name="FNanchor_243"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_243"><sup>[243]</sup></a> officials with the same
+title, duoviri quinquennales, which show that the officers of
+the year in which the census was taken were given both
+titles. Marquardt makes this a proof that the quinquennial
+title shows nothing more than a function of the regular
+duovir.<a name="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244"><sup>[244]</sup></a>
+It is certain too that after the passage of the lex
+Iulia in 45 B.C., that the census was taken in the Italian
+towns at the same time as in Rome, and the reports sent to
+the censor in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245"><sup>[245]</sup></a>
+This duty was performed by the
+duovirs with quinquennial power, also often called censorial
+power.<a name="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246"><sup>[246]</sup></a>
+The inscriptions under consideration, then, would
+seem to date certainly before 49 B.C.</p>
+<p>Another reason for placing these inscriptions in the very
+early days of the colony is derived from the use of names.
+In this list of officials<a name="FNanchor_247"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_247"><sup>[247]</sup></a> there is a duovir by the
+name of
+P. Cornelius, and another whose name is lost except for the
+cognomen, Dolabella, but he can be no other than a Cornelius,
+for this cognomen belongs to that family.<a name="FNanchor_248"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_248"><sup>[248]</sup></a> Early
+in the life of the colony, immediately after its settlement,
+during the repairs and rebuilding of the city's
+monuments,<a name="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249"><sup>[249]</sup></a>
+while the soldiers from Sulla's army were the
+new citizens of the town, would be the time to look for
+men in the city offices whose election would have been due
+to Sulla, or would at least appear to have been a compliment
+to him. Sulla was one of the most famous of the
+family of the Cornelii, and men of the gens Cornelia might
+well have expected preferment during the early years of
+the colony. That such was the case is shown here by the
+recurrence of the name Cornelius in the list of municipal
+officers in two succeeding years. Now if the name "Cornelia"
+grew to be a name in great disfavor in Pr&aelig;neste, the
+reason would be plain enough. The destruction of the
+town, the loss of its ancient liberties, and the change in its
+government, are more than enough to assure hatred of the
+man who had been the cause of the disasters. And there is
+proof too that the Pr&aelig;nestines did keep a lasting dislike to
+the name "Cornelia." There are many inscriptions of Pr&aelig;neste
+which show the names (nomina) &AElig;lia, Antonia, Aurelia,
+Claudia, Flavia, Iulia, Iunia, Marcia, Petronia, Valeria,
+among others, but besides the two Cornelii in this inscription
+under consideration, and one other<a name="FNanchor_250"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_250"><sup>[250]</sup></a> mentioned in
+the fragment above (see note 83), there are practically no
+people of that name found in Pr&aelig;neste,<a name="FNanchor_251"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_251"><sup>[251]</sup></a> and the name is
+frequent enough in other towns of the old Latin league.
+From these reasons, namely, the way in which only pr&aelig;nomina
+and nomina are used, the simple, earlier use of quinquennalis,
+and especially the appearance of the name Cornelius
+here, and never again until in the late empire, it follows
+that the names of the municipal officers of Pr&aelig;neste
+given in these inscriptions certainly date between 81 and
+50 B.C.<a name="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252"><sup>[252]</sup></a></p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="OFFICIALS"></a>THE REGULATIONS ABOUT OFFICIALS.</p>
+<p>The question now arises whether the new colonists had
+better rights legally than the old citizens, and whether they
+had the majority of votes and elected city officers from their
+own number. The inscriptions with which we have to deal
+are both fragments of lists of city officers, and in the longer
+of the two, one gives the officers for four years, the corresponding
+column for two years and part of a third.
+A Dolabella, who belongs to the gens Cornelia, as we have
+seen, heads the list as duovir. The &aelig;dile for the same year
+is a certain Rotanius.<a name="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253"><sup>[253]</sup></a>
+This name is not found in the
+sepulchral inscriptions of the city of Rome, nor in the inscriptions
+of Pr&aelig;neste except in this one instance. This
+man is certainly one of the new colonists, and probably a
+soldier from North Italy.<a name="FNanchor_254"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_254"><sup>[254]</sup></a> Both the qu&aelig;stors of
+the same
+year are given. They are M. Samiarius and Q. Flavius.
+Samiarius is one of the famous old names of Pr&aelig;neste.<a
+ name="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255"><sup>[255]</sup></a>
+In
+the same way, the duovirs of the next year, C. Messienus and
+P. Cornelius, belong, the one to Pr&aelig;neste, the other to the
+colonists,<a name="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256"><sup>[256]</sup></a>
+and just such an arrangement is also found in the
+&aelig;diles, Sex. C&aelig;sius being a Pr&aelig;nestine<a
+ name="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257"><sup>[257]</sup></a>,
+L. Nassius a colonist.
+Q. Caleius and C. Sertorius, the qu&aelig;stors of the same
+year, do not appear in the inscriptions of Pr&aelig;neste except
+here, and it is impossible to say more than that Sertorius is
+a good Roman name, and Caleius a good north Italian one.<a
+ name="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258"><sup>[258]</sup></a>
+C. Salvius and T. Lucretius, duovirs for the next year,
+the recurrence of Salvius in another inscription,<a name="FNanchor_259"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_259"><sup>[259]</sup></a> L.
+Curtius and C. Vibius, the &aelig;diles,&#8212;Statiolenus and C.
+Cassius, the qu&aelig;stors, show the same phenomenon, for it
+seems quite possible from other inscriptional evidence to
+claim Salvius, Vibius,<a name="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260"><sup>[260]</sup></a>
+and Statiolenus<a name="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261"><sup>[261]</sup></a>
+as men from the
+old families of Pr&aelig;neste. The quinquennalis for the next
+year, M. Petronius, has a name too widely prevalent to
+allow any certainty as to his native place, but the nomen
+Petronia and Ptronia is an old name in Pr&aelig;neste.<a
+ name="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262"><sup>[262]</sup></a>
+In the second column of the inscription, although the majority
+of the names there seem to belong to the new colonists,
+as those in the first column do to the old settlers, there are
+two names, Q. Arrasidius and T. Apponius, which do not
+make for the argument either way.<a name="FNanchor_263"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_263"><sup>[263]</sup></a> In the smaller fragment
+there are but six names: M. Decumius and L. Ferlidius,
+C. Paccius and C. Ninn(ius), C. Albinius and Sex.
+Capivas, but from these one gets only good probabilities.
+The nomen Decumia is well attested in Pr&aelig;neste before
+the time of Sulla.<a name="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264"><sup>[264]</sup></a>
+In fact the same name, M. Decumius,
+is among the old pigne inscriptions.<a name="FNanchor_265"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_265"><sup>[265]</sup></a> Paccia has been
+found this past year in Pr&aelig;nestine territory, and may well
+be an old Pr&aelig;nestine name, for the inscriptions of a family
+of the name Paccia have come to light at Gallicano.<a
+ name="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266"><sup>[266]</sup></a>
+Capivas is at least not a Roman name,<a name="FNanchor_267"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_267"><sup>[267]</sup></a> but from its scarcity
+in other places can as well be one of the names that are
+so frequent in Pr&aelig;neste, which show Etruscan or Sabine
+formation, and which prove that before Sulla's time the
+city had a great many inhabitants who had come from
+Etruria and from back in the Sabine mountains. Ninnius<a
+ name="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268"><sup>[268]</sup></a>
+is a name not found elsewhere in the Latian
+towns, but the name belonged to the nobility near Capua,<a
+ name="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269"><sup>[269]</sup></a>
+and is found also in Pompeii<a name="FNanchor_270"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_270"><sup>[270]</sup></a> and Puteoli.<a
+ name="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271"><sup>[271]</sup></a>
+It seems
+a fair supposition to make at the outset, as we have
+seen that various writers on Pr&aelig;neste have done, that
+the new colonists would try to keep the highest office to
+themselves, at any rate, particularly the duovirate. But a
+study of the names, as has been the case with the less important
+officers, fails even to bear this out.<a name="FNanchor_272"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_272"><sup>[272]</sup></a> These
+lists of municipal officers show a number of names
+that belong with certainty to the older families of Pr&aelig;neste,
+and thus warrant the statement that the colonists did not
+have better rights than the old settlers, and that not even
+in the duovirate, which held an effective check (maior
+potestas)<a name="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273"><sup>[273]</sup></a>
+on the &aelig;diles and qu&aelig;stors, can the names of the
+new colonists be shown to outnumber or take the place of
+the old settlers.</p>
+<br />
+<p><a name="QUINQUENNALES"></a>THE QUINQUENNALES.</p>
+<p>There remains yet the question in regard to the men who
+filled the quinquennial office. We know that whether the
+officials of the municipal governments were pr&aelig;tors,
+&aelig;diles,
+duovirs, or quattuorvirs, at intervals of five years their
+titles either were quinquennales,<a name="FNanchor_274"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_274"><sup>[274]</sup></a> or had that added
+to them, and that this title implied censorial duties.<a
+ name="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275"><sup>[275]</sup></a>
+It has also been shown that after 46 B.C. the lex Iulia
+compelled the census in the various Roman towns to be
+taken by the proper officers in the same year that it was done
+in Rome. This implies that the taking of the census had
+been so well established a custom that it was a long time
+before Rome itself had cared to enact a law which changed
+the year of census taking in those towns which had not of
+their own volition made their census contemporaneous with
+that in Rome.</p>
+<p>That the duration of the quinquennial office was one year
+is certain,<a name="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276"><sup>[276]</sup></a>
+that it was eponymous is also sure,<a name="FNanchor_277"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_277"><sup>[277]</sup></a> but
+whether the officers who performed these duties every five
+years did so in addition to holding the highest office of the
+year, or in place of that honor, is a question not at all
+satisfactorily
+answered. That is, were the men who held the
+quinquennial office the men who would in all probability
+have stood for the duovirate in the regular succession of
+advance in the round of offices (cursus honorum), or did
+the government at Rome in some way, either directly or
+indirectly, name the men for the highest office in that particular
+year when the census was to be taken? That is,
+again, were quinquennales elected as the other city officials
+were, or were they appointed by Rome, or were they merely
+designated by Rome, and then elected in the proper and
+regular way by the citizens of the towns?</p>
+<p>At first glance it seems most natural to suppose that Rome
+would want exact returns from the census, and might for
+that reason try to dictate the men who were to take it, for
+on the census had been based always the military taxes, contingents,
+etc.<a name="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278"><sup>[278]</sup></a>
+The first necessary inquiry is whether the
+quinquennales were men who previously had held office as
+qu&aelig;stors or &aelig;diles, and the best place to begin such a
+search
+is in the municipal calendars (fasti magistratuum municipalium),
+which give the city officials with their rank.</p>
+<p>There are fragments left of several municipal fasti; the
+one which gives the longest unbroken list is that from
+Venusia,<a name="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279"><sup>[279]</sup></a>
+which gives the full list of the city officials of
+the years 34-29 B.C., and the &aelig;diles of 35, and both the
+duovirs and pr&aelig;tors of the first half of 28 B.C. In 29
+B.C., L. Oppius and L. Livius were duoviri quinquennales.
+These are both good old Roman names, and stand out the
+more in contrast with Narius, Mestrius, Plestinus, and Fadius,
+the &aelig;diles and qu&aelig;stors. Neither of these quinquennales
+had held any office in the five preceding years at all
+events. One of the two qu&aelig;stors of the year 33 B.C. is a L.
+Cornelius. The next year a L. Cornelius, with the greatest
+probability the same man, is pr&aelig;fect, and again in the year
+30 he is duovir. Also in the year 32 L. Scutarius is qu&aelig;stor,
+and in the last half of 31 is duovir. C. Geminius Niger is
+&aelig;dile in 30, and duovir in 28. So what we learn is that
+a L. Cornelius held the qu&aelig;storship one year, was a pr&aelig;fect
+the next, and later a regularly elected duovir; that L. Scutarius
+went from qu&aelig;stor one year to duovir the next, without
+an intervening office, and but a half year of intervening
+time; and that C. Geminius Niger was successively &aelig;dile and
+duovir with a break of one year between.</p>
+<p>The fasti of Nola<a name="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280"><sup>[280]</sup></a>
+give the duovirs and &aelig;diles for four
+years, 29-32 A.D., but none of the &aelig;diles mentioned rose to
+the duovirate within the years given. Nor do we get any
+help from the fasti of Interamna Lirenatis<a name="FNanchor_281"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_281"><sup>[281]</sup></a> or Ostia,<a
+ name="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282"><sup>[282]</sup></a>
+so the only other calendar we have to deal with is the one
+from Pr&aelig;neste, the fragments of which have been partially
+discussed above.</p>
+<p>The text of that piece<a name="FNanchor_283"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_283"><sup>[283]</sup></a> which dates from the first
+years
+of Tiberius' reign is so uncertain that one gets little information
+from it. But certainly the M. Petronius Rufus
+who is pr&aelig;fect for Drusus C&aelig;sar is the same as the
+Petronius
+Rufus who in another place is duovir. The name
+of C. Dindius appears twice also, once with the office of
+&aelig;dile, but two years later seemingly as &aelig;dile again, which
+must be a mistake. M. Cominius Bassus is made quinquennalis
+by order of the senate, and also made pr&aelig;fect for Germanicus
+and Drusus C&aelig;sar in their quinquennial year. He
+is not found in any other inscription, and is otherwise unknown.<a
+ name="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284"><sup>[284]</sup></a>
+The only other men who attained the quinquennial
+rank in Pr&aelig;neste were M. Petronius,<a name="FNanchor_285"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_285"><sup>[285]</sup></a> and some man
+with the cognomen Minus,<a name="FNanchor_286"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_286"><sup>[286]</sup></a> neither of whom appears
+anywhere
+else. A man with the cognomen Sedatus is qu&aelig;stor
+in one year, and without holding other office is made pr&aelig;fect
+to the sons of Germanicus, Nero and Drusus, who were
+nominated quinquennales two years later.<a name="FNanchor_287"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_287"><sup>[287]</sup></a> There is no
+positive proof in any of the fasti that any quinquennalis
+was elected from one of the lower magistrates. There
+is proof that duovirs were elected, who had been &aelig;diles or
+qu&aelig;stors. Also it has been shown that in two cases men
+who had been qu&aelig;stors were made pr&aelig;fects, that is,
+appointees
+of people who had been nominated quinquennales
+as an honor, and who had at once appointed pr&aelig;fects to
+carry out their duties.</p>
+<p>Another question of importance rises here. Who were
+the quinquennales? They were not always inhabitants of
+the city to the office of which they had been nominated, as
+has been shown in the cases of Drusus and Germanicus
+C&aelig;sar, and Nero and Drusus the sons of Germanicus, nominated
+or elected quinquennales at Pr&aelig;neste, and represented
+in both cases by pr&aelig;fects appointed by them.<a name="FNanchor_288"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_288"><sup>[288]</sup></a></p>
+<p>From Ostia comes an inscription which was set up by the
+grain measurers' union to Q. Petronius Q.f. Melior, etc.,<a
+ name="FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289"><sup>[289]</sup></a>
+pr&aelig;tor of a small town some ten miles from Ostia, and
+also quattuorvir quinquennalis of F&aelig;sul&aelig;, a town above
+Florence, which seems to show that he was sent to F&aelig;sul&aelig;
+as a quinquennalis, for the honor which he had held previously
+was that of pr&aelig;tor in Laurentum.</p>
+<p>At Tibur, in Hadrian's time, a L. Minicius L.f. Gal.
+Natalis Quadromius Verus, who had held offices previously
+in Africa, in Moesia, and in Britain, was made quinquennalis
+maximi exempli. It seems certain that he was not a
+resident of Tibur, and since he was not appointed as pr&aelig;fect
+by Hadrian, it seems quite reasonable to think that
+either the emperor had a right to name a quinquennalis, or
+that he was asked to name one,<a name="FNanchor_290"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_290"><sup>[290]</sup></a> when one remembers the
+proximity of Hadrian's great villa, and the deference the
+people of Tibur showed the emperor. There is also in
+Tibur an inscription to a certain Q. Pompeius Senecio, etc.&#8212;(the
+man had no less than thirty-eight names), who was
+an officer in Asia in 169 A.D., a pr&aelig;fect of the Latin
+games (pr&aelig;fectus feriarum Latinarum), then later a quinquennalis
+of Tibur, after which he was made patron of the
+city (patronus municipii).<a name="FNanchor_291"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_291"><sup>[291]</sup></a> A Roman knight, C.
+&AElig;milius
+Antoninus, was first quinquennalis, then patronus municipii
+at Tibur.<a name="FNanchor_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292"><sup>[292]</sup></a></p>
+<p>N. Cluvius M'. f.<a name="FNanchor_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293"><sup>[293]</sup></a>
+was a quattuorvir at Caudium, a
+duovir at Nola, and a quattuorvir quinquennalis at Capua,
+which again shows that a quinquennalis need not have been
+an official previously in the town in which he held the quinquennial
+office.</p>
+<p>C. M&aelig;nius C.f. Bassus<a name="FNanchor_294"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_294"><sup>[294]</sup></a> was &aelig;dile and
+quattuorvir at
+Herculaneum and then after holding the tribuneship of a
+legion is found next at Pr&aelig;neste as a quinquennalis.</p>
+<p>M. Vettius M.f. Valens<a name="FNanchor_295"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_295"><sup>[295]</sup></a> is called in an inscription
+duovir quinquennalis of the emperor Trajan, which shows
+not an appointment from the emperor in his place, for that
+would have been as a pr&aelig;fect, but rather that the emperor
+had nominated him, as an imperial right. This man held
+a number of priestly offices, was patron of the colony of
+Ariminum, and is called optimus civis.</p>
+<p>Another inscription shows plainly that a man who had
+been quinquennalis in his own home town was later made
+quinquennalis in a colony founded by Augustus, Hispellum.<a
+ name="FNanchor_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296"><sup>[296]</sup></a>
+This man, C. Alfius, was probably nominated quinquennalis
+by the emperor.</p>
+<p>C. Pompilius Cerialis,<a name="FNanchor_297"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_297"><sup>[297]</sup></a> who seems to have held only
+one
+other office, that of pr&aelig;fect to Drusus C&aelig;sar in an army
+legion, was duovir iure dicundo quinquennalis in Volaterr&aelig;.</p>
+<p>M. Oppius Capito was not only quinquennalis twice at
+Auximum, patron of that and another colony, but he was
+patron of the municipium of Numana, and also quinquennalis.<a
+ name="FNanchor_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298"><sup>[298]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Q. Octavius L.f. Sagitta was twice quinquennalis at
+Super&aelig;quum, and held no other offices.<a name="FNanchor_299"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_299"><sup>[299]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Again, particularly worthy of notice is the fact that when
+L. Septimius L.f. Calvus, who had been &aelig;dile and quattuorvir
+at Teate Marrucinorum, was given the quinquennial
+rights, it was of such importance that it needed especial
+mention, and that such mention was made by a decree of
+the city senate,<a name="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300"><sup>[300]</sup></a>
+shows clearly that such a method of getting
+a quinquennalis was out of the ordinary.</p>
+<p>M. Nasellius Sabinus of Beneventum<a name="FNanchor_301"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_301"><sup>[301]</sup></a> has the title
+Augustalis duovir quinquennalis, and no other title but that
+of pr&aelig;fect of a cohort.</p>
+<p>C. Egnatius Marus of Venusia was flamen of the emperor
+Tiberius, pontifex, and pr&aelig;fectus fabrum, and three times
+duovir quinquennalis, which seems to show a deference to
+a man who was the priest of the emperor, and seems to preclude
+an election by the citizens after a regular term of
+other offices.<a name="FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302"><sup>[302]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Q. Laronius was a quinquennalis at Vibo Valentia by
+order of the senate, which again shows the irregularity of
+the choice.<a name="FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303"><sup>[303]</sup></a></p>
+<p>M. Tr&aelig;sius Faustus was quinquennalis of Potentia, but
+died an inhabitant of Atin&aelig; in Lucania.<a name="FNanchor_304"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_304"><sup>[304]</sup></a></p>
+<p>M. Alleius Luccius Libella, who was &aelig;dile and duovir in
+Pompeii,<a name="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305"><sup>[305]</sup></a>
+was not elected quinquennalis, but made pr&aelig;fectus
+quinquennalis, which implies appointment.</p>
+<p>M. Holconius Celer was a priest of Augustus, and with
+no previous city offices is mentioned as quinquennalis-elect,
+which can perhaps as well mean nominated by the emperor,
+as designated by the popular vote.<a name="FNanchor_306"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_306"><sup>[306]</sup></a></p>
+<p>P. Sextilius Rufus,<a name="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307"><sup>[307]</sup></a>
+&aelig;dile twice in Nola, is quinquennalis
+in Pompeii. As he was chosen by the old inhabitants
+of Nola to their senate, this would show that he belonged
+probably to the new settlers in the colony introduced by
+Augustus, and for some reason was called over also to Pompeii
+to take the quinquennial office.</p>
+<p>L. Aufellius Rufus at Cales was advanced from the position
+of primipilus of a legion to that of quinquennalis, without
+having held any other city offices, but he was flamen of
+the deified emperor (Divus Augustus), and patron of the
+city.<a name="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308"><sup>[308]</sup></a></p>
+<p>M. Barronius Sura went directly to quinquennalis without
+being &aelig;dile or qu&aelig;stor, in Aquinum.<a name="FNanchor_309"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_309"><sup>[309]</sup></a></p>
+<p>Q. Decius Saturninus was a quattuorvir at Verona, but
+a quinquennalis at Aquinum.<a name="FNanchor_310"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_310"><sup>[310]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The quinquennial year seems to have been the year in
+which matters of consequence were more likely to be done
+than at other times.</p>
+<p>In 166 A.D. in Ostia a dedication was of importance
+enough to have the names of both the consuls of the year
+and the duoviri quinquennales at the head of the inscription.<a
+ name="FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311"><sup>[311]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The year that C. Cuperius and C. Arrius were quinquennales
+with censorial power (II vir c.p.q.) in Ostia, there
+was a dedication of some importance in connection with a
+tree that had been struck by lightning.<a name="FNanchor_312"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_312"><sup>[312]</sup></a></p>
+<p>In Gabii a decree in honor of the house of Domitia Augusta
+was passed in the year when there were quinquennales.<a
+ name="FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313"><sup>[313]</sup></a></p>
+<p>In addition to the fact that the emperors were sometimes
+chosen quinquennales, the consuls were too. M'. Acilius
+Glabrio, consul ordinarius of 152 A.D., was made patron
+of Tibur and quinquennalis designatus.<a name="FNanchor_314"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_314"><sup>[314]</sup></a></p>
+<p>On the other hand, against this array of facts, are others
+just as certain, if not so cogent or so numerous. From
+the inscriptions painted on the walls in Pompeii, we
+know that in the first century A.D. men were recommended
+as quinquennales to the voters. But although there
+seems to be a large list of such inscriptions, they narrow
+down a great deal, and in comparison with the number of
+duovirs, they are considerably under the proportion one
+would expect, for instead of being as 1 to 4, they are really
+only as 1 to 19.<a name="FNanchor_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315"><sup>[315]</sup></a>
+What makes the candidacy for quinquennialship
+seem a new and unaccustomed thing is the
+fact that the appeals for votes which are painted here and
+there on the walls are almost all recommendations for just
+two men.<a name="FNanchor_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316"><sup>[316]</sup></a></p>
+<p>There are quinquennales who were made patrons of the
+towns in which they held the office, but who held no other
+offices there (1); some who were both qu&aelig;stors and &aelig;diles
+or pr&aelig;tors (2); quinquennales of both classes again who
+were not made patrons (3, 4); pr&aelig;fects with quinquennial
+power (5); quinquennales who go in regular order
+through the quattuorviral offices (6); those who go direct
+to the quinquennial rank from the tribunate of the soldiers
+(7); and (8) a VERY FEW who have what seems to be the
+regular order of lower offices first, qu&aelig;stor, &aelig;dile or
+pr&aelig;tor,
+duovir, and then quinquennalis.<a name="FNanchor_317"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_317"><sup>[317]</sup></a></p>
+<p>The sum of the facts collected is as follows: the quinquennales
+are proved to have been elective officers in Pompeii.
+The date, however, is the third quarter of the first
+century A.D., and the office may have been but recently
+thrown open to election, as has been shown. Quinquennales
+who have held other city offices are very, very few,
+and they appear in inscriptions of fairly late date.</p>
+<p>On the other hand, many quinquennales are found who
+hold that office and no other in the city, men who certainly
+belong to other towns, many who from their nomination as
+patrons of the colony or municipium, are clearly seen to
+have held the quinquennial power also as an honor given to
+an outsider. In what municipal fasti we have, we find no
+quinquennalis whose name appears at all previously in the
+list of city officials.</p>
+<p>The fact that the lex Iulia in 45 B.C. compelled the census
+to be taken everywhere else in the same year as in Rome
+shows at all events that the census had been taken in certain
+places at other times, whether with an implied supervision
+from Rome or not, and the later positive evidence that the
+emperors and members of the imperial family, and consuls,
+who were nominated quinquennales, always appointed pr&aelig;fects
+in their places, who with but an exception or two
+were not city officials previously, certainly tends to show
+that at some time the quinquennial office had been influenced
+in some way from Rome. The appointment of outside
+men as an honor would then be a survival of the custom
+of having outsiders for quinquennales, in many places
+doubtless a revival of a custom which had been in abeyance,
+to honor the imperial family.</p>
+<p>In Pr&aelig;neste, as in other colonies, it seems reasonable
+that Rome would want to keep her hand on affairs to some
+extent. Rome imposed on the colonies their new kind of
+officials, and in the fixing of duties and rights, what is more
+likely than that Rome would reserve a voice in the choice
+of those officials who were to turn in the lists on which
+Rome had to depend for the census?</p>
+<p>Rome always made different treaties and understandings
+with her allies; according to circumstances, she made different
+arrangements with different colonies; even Sulla's
+own colonies show a vast difference in the treatment accorded
+them, for the plan was to conciliate the old inhabitants
+if they were still numerous enough to make it worth
+while, and the gradual change is most clearly shown by its
+crystallization in the lex Iulia of 45 B.C.</p>
+<p>The evidence seems to warrant the following conclusions
+in regard to the quinquennales: From the first they were
+the most important city officials; they were elected by the
+people from the first, but were men who had been recommended
+in some way, or had been indorsed beforehand by
+the central government in Rome; they were not necessarily
+men who had held office previously in the city to which
+they were elected quinquennales; with the spread of the
+feeling of real Roman citizenship the necessity for indorsement
+from Rome fell into abeyance; magistrates were
+elected who had every expectation of going through the
+series of municipal offices in the regular way to the quinquennialship;
+and the later election of emperors and others
+to the quinquennial office was a survival of the habitual
+realization that this most honorable of city offices had
+some connection with the central authority, whatever that
+happened to be, and was not an integral part of municipal
+self government.</p>
+<p>Such are some of the questions which a study of the
+municipal officers of Pr&aelig;neste has raised. It would be
+both tedious and unnecessary to enumerate again the offices
+which were held in Pr&aelig;neste during her history, but an
+attempt to place such a list in a tabular way is made in
+the following pages.</p>
+<h4><a name="ALPHABETICAL_LIST"></a>ALPHABETICAL LIST OF THE MUNICIPAL
+OFFICERS OF PR&AElig;NESTE.</h4>
+<br />
+<table style="text-align: left; width: 100%; height: 3083px;" border="0"
+ cellspacing="0"
+ summary="ALPHABETICAL LIST OF THE MUNICIPAL
+OFFICERS OF PR&AElig;NESTE."
+ cellpadding="0">
+ <tbody>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">NAME. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">OFFICE. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">C.I.L. (XIV.)</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Drusus C&aelig;sar<br />
+Germanicus C&aelig;sar<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Quinq.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Nero et Drusus Germanici filii <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Quinq. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2965</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Nero C&aelig;sar, between 51-54
+A.D. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir Quinq.
+ <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2995</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Accius ... us&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">P. Acilius P.f. Paullus, 243
+A.D. </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q. &AElig;d.
+IIvir.&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2972 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Aiacius&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Albinius&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d
+(?)&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2968 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Albinius M.f.&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d,
+IIvir, IIvir Quinq. </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2974 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Anicius (Livy VIII, 11, 4) </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Anicius L.f. Baaso&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.&nbsp;
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2975 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">P. Annius Septimus&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir.&nbsp;
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 1 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">(M). Antonius Subarus<a
+ name="FNanchor_318"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_318"><sup>[318]</sup></a>&nbsp;
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir.&nbsp;
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 18 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Aper, see Voesius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Aponius&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">P. Aquilius Gallus&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 2</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Arrasidius&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.&nbsp;
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Arrius&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q&nbsp; </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964 </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Atellius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Attalus, see Claudius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Baaso, see Anicius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Bassus, see Cominius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. C&aelig;cilius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. C&aelig;sius M.f. IIvir <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">quinq. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2980</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Sex. C&aelig;sius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Caleius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Canies, see Saufeius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Sex. Capivas <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q (?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2968</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Cassius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Celsus, see M&aelig;sius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Ti. Claudius Attalus Mamilianus
+IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Not. d. Scavi.<br />
+1894, p. 96.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M (?), Cominius Bassus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Quinq.
+Pr&aelig;f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Cordus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">P. Cornelius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (Cornelius) Dolabella <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (Corn)elius Rufus&nbsp;</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.&nbsp;</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2967<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Curtius&nbsp;</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.&nbsp;</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Cur(tius) Sura</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"> IIvir.&nbsp;</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Decumius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q (?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2968</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Diadumenius (see Antonius
+Subarus)<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 18</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Dindius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"> 2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Dolabella, see Cornelius.<br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Also Chap. II, <a
+ href="#Footnote_250">n. 250</a>.)</span></td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Egnatius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091,3</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Cn. Egnatius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Fabricius C.f. Vaarus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Not. d. Scavi.<br />
+1907, p. 137.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Feidenatius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2999</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Ferlidius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q (?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2968</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Fimbria, see Geganius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Flaccus, see Saufeius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Flavius L.f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir quinq.
+ <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2980</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Flavius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Flavius T.f. Germanus 181
+A.D. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.
+IIvir. IIvir. QQ</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2922</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (Fl)avius Musca <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2965</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Gallus, see Aquilius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Sex. Geganius Finbria <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 1</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Germanus, see Flavius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; [I]nstacilius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Iuc ... Rufus<a
+ name="FNanchor_319"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_319"><sup>[319]</sup></a>
+ <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L&aelig;lianus, see Lutatius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M'. Later ...<a
+ name="FNanchor_320"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_320"><sup>[320]</sup></a>
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">(See Add. 4091, 12)</span></td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 12</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Livius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Long ... Priscus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 4</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Lucretius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Sex. Lutatius Q.f.
+L&aelig;lianus Oppianicus
+Petronianu</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2930</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Macrin(ius) Nerian(us) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 10</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Sex. M&aelig;sius Sex. f. Celsus
+ <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q. &AElig;d.
+IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2989</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Mag(ulnius) M.f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 13</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Magulnius C.f. Scato <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2990</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Magulnius C.f. Scato
+Maxs(umus)<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2906</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Magulnius Sp. f.M.n. Scato. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr.(?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3008</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Mamilianus, see Claudius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Manilei Post <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">A(e)d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Mecanius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 5</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Mersieius C.f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2975</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Messienus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Mestrius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 6</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; &#8212; Minus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Quinq. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Musca, see Flavius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Nassius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Naut(ius) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 14</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Nerianus, see Macrinius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Ninn(ius) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir.(?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2968</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Oppianicus, see Lutatius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Orcevius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2902</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Orcivi(us) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. IIvir. </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2994</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Paccius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. (?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2968</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Paullus, see Acilius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Petisius Potens <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Petronianus, see Lutatius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Petronius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Quinq. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">(M). Petronius Rufus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Petronius Rufus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Quinq.
+Pr&aelig;f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Planta, see Treb ...<br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 4.5em;">ti</span><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Pom pei us <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Sex. Pomp(eius) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir.
+Pr&aelig;f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2995</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Pontanus, see Saufeius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Potens, see Petisius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Pr&aelig;nestinus pr&aelig;tor
+(Chap. II, <a href="#Footnote_185">n.<br />
+ </a><span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#Footnote_185">185</a>.)
+Livy IX, 16, 17.</span></td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Priscus, see Long ...</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Pulcher, see Vettius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Punicus Lig ... <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. R&aelig;cius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. R&aelig;cius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Rotanius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Rufus, see Cornelius, Iuc ...,
+Petronius, Tertius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Rutilus, see Saufeius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Sabidius Sabinus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Not. d. Scavi.<br />
+1894, p. 96.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; &#8212; Sabinus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2967</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Salvius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Salvius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Samiarius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Sa(mi)us <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2999</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Saufei(us) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2994</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Saufe(ius) ... Canies<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Aid. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Not. d. Scavi. 1907, p. 137.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Saufeius C.f. Flaccus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2906</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Saufeius C.f. Flacus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3002</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Saufeius C.f. Flaccus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3001</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Saufeius C.f. Pontanus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3000</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Saufeius L.f. Pontanus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3000</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Saufeius M.f. Rutilus</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"> Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3002</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Scato, see Magulnius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">P. Scrib(onius) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 3</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; &#8212; Sedatus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q.
+Pr(&aelig;f). <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2965</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Septimus, see Annius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Sertorius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Spid <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q (?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2969</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Statiolenus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Statius Sal. f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3013</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Subarus, see Antonius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Tampius C.f. Tarenteinus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2890</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Tappurius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"> 4091, 6</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Tarenteinus, see Tampius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Tedusius T. (f.) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3012a</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Tere ... Cl ... <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 7</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Tert(ius) Rufus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2998</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Thorenas <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Tondeius L.f.M.n. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. (?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3008</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Treb ... Pianta <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 4</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">(Se)x. Truttidius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Vaarus, see Fabricius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (?)cius Valer(ianus)</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"> Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2967</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Valerius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Varus, see Voluntilius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.
+(?) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Vassius V. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">L. Vatron(ius) <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Pr. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2902</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Velius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"> 2964</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Vettius T. (f) Pulcher <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3012</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Vibius <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">&AElig;d. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2966</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Vibuleius L.f. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3013</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Cn. Voesius Cn. f. Aper. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">Q. &AElig;d.
+IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3014</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Voluntilius Q.f. Varus <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir. <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3020</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; &#8212; &#8212; <br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIvir.
+IIvir. Quinqu.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4091, 8</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+<br />
+<br />
+<h4>CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE MUNICIPAL OFFICERS OF
+PR&AElig;NESTE.</h4>
+<h4><a name="BEFORE"></a>BEFORE PR&AElig;NESTE WAS A COLONY.</h4>
+<br />
+<table style="text-align: left; width: 100%;" border="0" cellspacing="0" summary="BEFORE PR&AElig;NESTE WAS A COLONY."
+ cellpadding="0">
+ <tbody>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">DATE</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIVIRI<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">AEDILES<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><span
+ style="margin-left: 1em;">QU&AElig;STORES.</span></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">B.C.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">9</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Pr&aelig;nestinus pr&aelig;tor.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">5</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"> M. Anicius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&nbsp;{<br />
+&nbsp;{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{ M. Anicius L.f. Baaso <br />
+{M.
+Mersieius C.f.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&nbsp;{<br />
+&nbsp;{<br />
+&nbsp;{<br />
+&nbsp;{<br />
+&nbsp;{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Samius<br />
+{C. Feidenatius<br />
+{C. Tampius C.f. Tarenteinus<br />
+{C. Vatronius<br />
+{L. Orcevius<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2{<br />
+8{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C.
+Saufeius C.f. Pontanus<br />
+{M. Saufeius L.f.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Magulnius C.f. Scato<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">e{<br />
+r{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{L. Tondeius L.f.M.n.<br />
+{M. Magulnius Sp. f.M.n. Scato<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">o{<br />
+f{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{L. Fabricius C.f. Varrus<br />
+{M. Saufe(ius) Canies<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">e{<br />
+B{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{M. Saufeius M.f. Rutilus<br />
+{C. Saufeius C.f. Flacus<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&nbsp;{<br />
+&nbsp;{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Magulnius C.f. Scato Maxsumus<br />
+{C. Saufeius C.f. Flaccus<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&nbsp;{<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{L. Saufeius C.f. Flaccus<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3<br />
+or<br />
+2 (?)<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Orcivius}&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Praestores<br />
+{&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+} &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; isdem<br />
+{&#8212;Saufeius}&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Duumviri.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+<br />
+<p>A Senate is mentioned in the inscriptions C.I.L., XIV, 2990,
+3000, 3001, 3002.</p>
+<h4><a name="AFTER"></a>AFTER PR&AElig;NESTE WAS A COLONY.</h4>
+<br />
+<table style="width: 100%; text-align: left;" border="0" cellspacing="0" summary="AFTER PR&AElig;NESTE WAS A COLONY."
+ cellpadding="0">
+ <tbody>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">DATE<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">IIVIRI<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;">AEDILES<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top; text-align: center;"><span
+ style="margin-left: 1em;">QU&AElig;STORES.</span></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">B.C.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">80-75 (?)<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">... Sabinus<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2d year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{... nus.<br />
+{<br />
+[... ter.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{&#8212; (Corn)elius Rufus<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (?)cius Valer(ianus)<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">80-50<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">1st year</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (Cornelius) Dolabella</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Rotanius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{M. Samiarius<br />
+{Q. (Fl)avius.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2d year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Messienus.<br />
+{P. Cornelius<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Sex. C&aelig;sius.<br />
+{L. Nassius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Q. Caleius<br />
+{C. Sertorius.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3d year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Salvius<br />
+{T. Lucretius<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{L. Curtius<br />
+{C. Vibius<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{&#8212; Statiolenus.<br />
+{C. Cassius<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">4th year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Petronius, Quinqu.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">Q. Arrasidius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">T. Aponius<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">75-50<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">1st year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{M. Decumius.<br />
+{L. Ferlidius.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2d year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Paccius.<br />
+{C. Ninn(ius).</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Albinius.<br />
+{Sex. Po..</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Sex. Capivas.<br />
+{C. M...<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. C&aelig;sius
+M.f.}&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; Duoviri<br />
+{C. Flavius L.f.&nbsp; }&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Quinqu.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Q. Vettius T. (f.) Pulcher.<br />
+{&#8212; Tedusius T. (f.)<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Q. Vibuleius L.f.<br />
+{L. Statius Sal. f.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">A.D.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">12<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Atellius.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">13<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. Raecius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{&#8212; (&#8212;) lius.<br />
+{C. Velius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{&#8212; Accius ...us.<br />
+{M. Valerius.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">14<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Germanicus
+C&aelig;sar&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Quinqu.<br />
+{Drusus C&aelig;sar<br />
+{M. Cominius Bassus&nbsp;&nbsp; Pr.<br />
+{M. Petronius Rufus<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Dindius.<br />
+{Cn. Egnatius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Iuc... Rufus<br />
+{C. Thorenas<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">15<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Cn. Pom(pei)us.<br />
+{&#8212; Curtius?) Sura.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{M. R&aelig;cius.<br />
+{&#8212; Cordus.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">16<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{L. Petisius Potens<br />
+{C. Salvius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{C. Dindius.<br />
+{T. Livius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{L. Aiacius.<br />
+{C. Arrius.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Vassius<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Punicus.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Manilei.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">... Minus&nbsp; Quinq.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (?) rius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">(Se)x Truttidi(us).<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">C. C&aelig;cilius.</td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">?<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">(M.) Petronius Rufus.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (I)nstacilius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">1st year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Sedatus.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">2d year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">... lus<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; (Fl)avius Musca.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">3d year<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Nero et
+Drusus&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+}&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Duoviri<br />
+{Germanici f.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+}&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Quinq.<br />
+{....&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+}&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Pr&aelig;f.<br />
+{... Sedatus.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; }<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">101<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{Ti. Claudius Attalus Mamilianus.<br />
+{T. Sabidius Sabinus.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">100-256<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{P. Annius Septimus.<br />
+{Sex. Geganius Fimbria.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">P. Aquilius Gallus.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">250<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{&#8212; Egnatius.<br />
+{P. Scrib(onius).<br />
+{T. Long... Prisc(us).<br />
+{C. Treb... Planta.<br />
+&#8212;Mecanius.<br />
+{Q. Mestrius.<br />
+{C. Tappurius.<br />
+M. Tere ... Cl...<br />
+C. Voluntilius Q.f. Varus<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">&#8212; Macrin(ius)<br />
+Nerian(us).<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M'. Later...<br />
+L. Mag(ulnius) M.f.<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">{(M). Antonius Subarus.<br />
+{T. Diadumenius.<br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;"><br />
+ </td>
+ <td style="vertical-align: top;">M. Naut(ius).<br />
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<p>Decuriones populusque colonia Pr&aelig;nestin., C.I.L., XIV, 2898,
+2899; decuriones populusque 2970, 2971, Not. d. Scavi 1894, P. 96;
+other mention of decuriones 2980, 2987, 2992, 3013; ordo populusque
+2914; decretum ordinis 2991; curiales, in the late empire, Symmachus,
+Rel.,
+28, 4.</p>
+<br />
+<p style="font-weight: bold;">NOTES:</p>
+<a name="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1">[1]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Strabo V, 3, II.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2">[2]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> We know that in 380 B.C. Pr&aelig;neste had eight towns under
+her jurisdiction, and that they must have been relatively near by.
+Livy VI, 29, 6: octo pr&aelig;terea oppida erant sub dicione
+Pr&aelig;nestinorum.
+Festus, p. 550 (de Ponor): T. Quintius Dictator cum per
+novem dies totidem urbes et decimam Pr&aelig;neste cepisset, and the
+story of the golden crown offered to Jupiter as the result of this
+rapid campaign, and the statue which was carried away from
+Pr&aelig;neste (Livy VI, 29, 8), all show that the domain of
+Pr&aelig;neste
+was both of extent and of consequence.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3">[3]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 475.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4">[4]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 11, n. 74.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5">[5]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 227 ff.; Marucchi, Guida
+Archeologica,
+p. 14; Nibby, Analisi, p. 483; Volpi, Latium vetus de
+Pr&aelig;n., chap 2; Tomassetti, Delia Campagna Romana, p. 167.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6">[6]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 11.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7">[7]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 484 from Muratori, Rerum Italicarum
+Scriptores, III, i, p. 301.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8">[8]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 402.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9">[9]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 277, n. 36, from Epist.,
+474:
+Bonifacius VIII concedit Episcopo Civitatis Papalis Locum, ubi
+fuerunt olim Civitas Pr&aelig;nestina, eiusque Castrum, quod dicebatur
+Mons, et Rocca; ac etiam Civitas Papalis postmodum destructa,
+cum Territorio et Turri de Marmoribus, et Valle Glori&aelig;; nec
+non Castrum Novum Tiburtinum 2 Id. April. an. VI; Petrini,
+Memorie Prenestine, p. 136; Civitas pr&aelig;dicta cum Rocca, et
+Monte, cum Territorio ipsius posita est in districtu Urbis in
+contrata, qu&aelig; dicitur Romangia.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10">[10]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Ashby, Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. I, p. 213,
+and Maps IV and VI. Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 19, n. 34.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11">[11]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy VIII, 12, 7: Pedanos tuebatur Tiburs, Pr&aelig;nestinus
+Veliternusque
+populus, etc. Livy VII, 12, 8: quod Gallos mox
+Pr&aelig;neste venisse atque inde circa Pedum consedisse auditum est.
+Livy II, 39, 4; Dion. Hal. VIII, 19, 3; Horace, Epist, I, 4, 2.
+Cluverius, p. 966, thinks Pedum is Gallicano, as does Nibby with
+very good reason, Analisi, II, p. 552, and Tomassetti, Delia Campagna
+Romana, p. 176. Ashby, Classical Topography of the Roman
+Campagna in Papers of the British School at Rome, I, p. 205,
+thinks Pedum can not be located with certainty, but rather inclines
+to Zagarolo.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12">[12]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There are some good ancient tufa quarries too on the southern
+slope of Colle S. Rocco, to which a branch road from Pr&aelig;neste
+ran. Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 104.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13">[13]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2940 found at S. Pastore.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14">[14]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Now the Maremmana inferiore, Ashby, Classical Topog. of the
+Roman Campagna, I, pp. 205, 267.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15">[15]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Ashby, Classical Topog. of the Roman Campagna, I, p. 206,
+finds on the Colle del Pero an ampitheatre and a great many
+remains of imperial times, but considers it the probable site of
+an early village.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16">[16]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 120, wishes to
+connect
+Marcigliano
+and Ceciliano with the gentes Marcia and C&aelig;cilia, but
+it is impossible to do more than guess, and the rather few names
+of these gentes at Pr&aelig;neste make the guess improbable. It is
+also impossible to locate regio C&aelig;sariana mentioned as a
+possession
+of Pr&aelig;neste by Symmachus, Rel., XXVIII, 4, in the year 384 A.D.
+Eutropius II, 12 gets some confirmation of his argument from the
+modern name Campo di Pirro which still clings to the ridge west
+of Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17">[17]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The author himself saw all the excavations here along the
+road
+during the year 1907, of which there is a full account in the Not.
+d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1907), p. 19. Excavations began on these
+tombs in 1738, and have been carried on spasmodically ever since.
+There were excavations again in 1825 (Marucchi, Guida Archeologica,
+p. 21), but it was in 1855 that the more extensive excavations
+were made which caused so much stir among arch&aelig;ologists
+(Marucchi, l.c., p. 21, notes 1-7). For the excavations see Bull,
+dell'Instituto. 1858, p. 93 ff., 1866, p. 133, 1869, p. 164, 1870, p.
+97,
+1883, p. 12; Not. d. Scavi, 2 (1877-78), pp. 101, 157, 390, 10
+(1882-83),
+p. 584; Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 234; Plan of necropolis
+in Garucci, Dissertazioni Arch., plate XII. Again in 1862 there
+were excavations of importance made in the Vigna Velluti, to the
+right of the road to Marcigliano. It was thought that the exact
+boundaries of the necropolis on the north and south had been found
+because of the little columns of peperino 41 inches high by 8-8/10
+inches square, which were in situ, and seemed to serve no other
+purpose than that of sepulchral cippi or boundary stones. Garucci,
+Dissertazioni Arch., I, p. 148; Arch&aelig;ologia, 41 (1867), p. 190.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18">[18]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2987.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19">[19]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The papal documents read sometimes in Latin, territorium
+Pr&aelig;nestinum or Civitas Pr&aelig;nestina, but often the town
+itself is
+mentioned in its changing nomenclature, Pellestrina, Pinestrino,
+Penestre (Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. II; Nibby, Analisi, II,
+pp. 475, 483).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20">[20]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There is nothing to show that Poli ever belonged in any way
+to ancient Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21">[21]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Rather a variety of cappellaccio, according to my own
+observations.
+See Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 259.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22">[22]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The temple in Cave is of the same tufa (Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur
+Pr&eacute;neste, p. 104). The quarries down toward Gallicano supplied
+tufa of the same texture, but the quarries are too small to have
+supplied much. But this tufa from the ridge back of the town
+seems not to have been used in Gallicano to any great extent,
+for the tufa there is of a different kind and comes from the different
+cuts in the ridges on either side of the town, and from a
+quarry just west of the town across the valley.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23">[23]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Plautus, Truc., 691 (see [Probus] de ultimis syllabis, p.
+263,
+8 (Keil); C.I.L., XIV, p. 288, n. 9); Plautus, Trin., 609 (Festus,
+p. 544 (de Ponor), Mommsen, Abhand. d. berl. Akad., 1864, p. 70);
+Quintilian I, 5, 56; Festus under "tongere," p. 539 (de Ponor),
+and under "nefrendes," p. 161 (de Ponor).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24">[24]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cave has been attached rather more to Genazzano during Papal
+rule than to Pr&aelig;neste, and it belongs to the electoral college of
+Subiaco, Tomassetti, Delia Campagna Romana, p. 182.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25">[25]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> I heard everywhere bitter and slighting remarks in Pr&aelig;neste
+about Cave, and much fun made of the Cave dialect. When there
+are church festivals at Cave the women usually go, but the men
+not often, for the facts bear out the tradition that there is usually
+a fight. Tomassetti, Della Campagna Romana, p. 183, remarks
+upon the differences in dialect.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26">[26]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Mommsen, Bull. dell'Instituto, 1862, p. 38, thinks that the
+civilization in Pr&aelig;neste was far ahead of that of the other Latin
+cities.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27">[27]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> It is to be noted that this Marcigliana road was not to tap
+the trade route along the Volscian side of the Liris-Trerus valley,
+which ran under Artena and through Valmontone. It did not
+reach so far. It was meant rather as a threat to that route.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28">[28]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Whether these towns are Pedum or Bola, Scaptia, and
+Querquetula
+is not a question here at all.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29">[29]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Gatti, in Not. d. Scavi, 1903, p. 576, in connection with the
+Arlenius inscription, found on the site of the new Forum below
+Pr&aelig;neste in 1903, which mentions Ad Duas Casas as confinium
+territorio Pr&aelig;nestin&aelig;, thought that it was possible to
+identify this
+place with a fundus and possessio Duas Casas below Tibur under
+Monte Gennaro, and thus to extend the domain of Pr&aelig;neste that
+far, but as Huelsen saw (Mitth. des k.d. Arch, Inst., 19 (1904),
+p. 150), that is manifestly impossible, doubly so from the modern
+analogies which he quotes (l.c., note 2) from the Dizionario dei
+Comuni d'Italia.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30">[30]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> It might be objected that because Pietro Colonna in 1092 A.D.
+assaulted and took Cave as his first step in his revolt against
+Clement III (Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 240), that Cave was
+at that time a dependency of Pr&aelig;neste. But it has been shown that
+Pr&aelig;neste's diocesan territory expanded and shrunk very much at
+different times, and that in general the extent of a diocese, when
+larger, depends on principles which ancient topography will not
+allow. And too it can as well be said that Pietro Colonna was
+paying up ancient grudge against Cave, and certainly also he realized
+that of all the towns near Pr&aelig;neste, Cave was strategically
+the best from which to attack, and this most certainly shows that
+in ancient times such natural barriers between the two must
+have
+been practically impassable.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31">[31]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> To be more exact, on the least precipitous side, that which
+looks directly toward Rocca di Cave.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32">[32]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> To anticipate any one saying that this scarping is modern,
+and
+was done to make the approach to the Via del Colonnaro, I will
+say that the modern part of it is insignificant, and can be most
+plainly distinguished, and further, that the two pieces of opus
+incertum which are there, as shown also in Fernique's map, &Eacute;tude
+sur Pr&eacute;neste, opp. p. 222, are Sullan in date.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33">[33]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, map facing p. 222. His
+book is
+on
+the whole the best one on Pr&aelig;neste but leaves much to be desired
+when the question is one of topography or epigraphy (see Dessau's
+comment C.I.L., XIV, p. 294, n. 4). Even Marucchi, Guida Arch., p.
+68, n. 1, took the word of a citizen of the town who wrote him that
+parts of a wall of opus quadratum could be traced along the Via
+dello Spregato, and so fell into error. Blondel, M&eacute;langes
+d'arch&eacute;ologie
+et d'histoire de l'&eacute;cole fran&ccedil;aise de Rome, 1882, plate
+5,
+shows a little of this polygonal cyclopean construction.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34">[34]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 511, wrote his note on the wall beyond
+San Francesco from memory. He says that one follows the
+monastery wall down, and then comes to a big reservoir. The
+monastery wall has only a few stones from the cyclopean wall in
+it, and they are set in among rubble, and are plainly a few pieces
+from the upper wall above the gate. The reservoir which he
+reaches is half a mile away across a depression several hundred feet
+deep, and there is no possible connection, for the reservoir is over
+on Colle San Martino, not on the hill of Pr&aelig;neste at all.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35">[35]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The postern or portella is just what one would expect near
+a corner of the wall, as a less important and smaller entrance to
+a terrace less wide than the main one above it, which had its big
+gates at west and east, the Porta San Francesco and the Porta del
+Cappuccini. The Porta San Francesco is proved old and famous
+by C.I.L., XIV, 3343, where supra viam is all that is necessary
+to designate the road from this gate. Again an antica via in Via
+dello Spregato (Not. d. Scavi, I (1885), p. 139, shows that inside
+this oldest cross wall there was a road part way along it, at least.)</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36">[36]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The Cyclopean wall inside the Porta del Sole was laid bare
+in 1890, Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37">[37]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 501: "A destra della contrada degli
+Arconi
+due cippi simili a quelli del pomerio di Roma furono scoperti nel
+risarcire la strada Tanno 1824."</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38">[38]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Some of the paving stones are still to be seen in situ under
+the
+modern wall which runs up from the brick reservoir of imperial
+date. This wall was to sustain the refuse which was thrown over
+the city wall. The place between the walls is now a garden.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39">[39]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> I have examined with care every foot of the present western
+wall on which the houses are built, from the outside, and from the
+cellars inside, and find no traces of antiquity, except the few stones
+here and there set in late rubble in such a way that it is sure they
+have been simply picked up somewhere and brought there for use
+as extra material.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40">[40]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV., 3029; PED XXC. Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 497,
+mentions an inscription, certainly this one, but reads it PED XXX,
+and says it is in letters of the most ancient form. This is not true.
+The letters are not so very ancient. I was led by his note to examine
+every stone in the cyclopean wall around the whole city, but
+no further inscription was forthcoming.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41">[41]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This stretch of opus incertum is Sullan reconstruction when
+he
+made a western approach to the Porta Triumphalis to correspond
+to the one at the east on the arches. This piece of wall is strongly
+made, and is exactly like a piece of opus incertum wall near the
+Stabian gate at Pompeii, which Professor Man told me was undoubtedly
+Sullan.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42">[42]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 19, who is usually a good authority
+on Pr&aelig;neste, thinks that all the opus quadratum walls were built
+as surrounding walls for the great sanctuary of Fortuna. But the
+facts will not bear out his theory. Ovid, Fasti VI, 61-62, III, 92;
+Preller, Roem. Myth., 2, 191, are interesting in this connection.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43">[43]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> I could get no exact measurements of the reservoir, for the
+water was about knee deep, and I was unable to persuade my
+guides to venture far from the entrance, but I carried a candle to
+the walls on both sides and one end.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44">[44]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> At some places the concrete was poured in behind the wall
+between
+it and the shelving cliff, at other places it is built up like the
+wall. The marks of the stones in the concrete can be seen most
+plainly near Porta S. Martino (Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur
+Pr&eacute;neste, p.
+104, also mentions it). The same thing is true at various places
+all along the wall.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45">[45]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 107, has exact
+measurements
+of the walls.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46">[46]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 108, from Cecconi,
+Storia di
+Palestrina, p. 43, considers as a possibility a road from each side,
+but he is trying only to make an approach to the temple with
+corresponding
+parts, and besides he advances no proofs.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47">[47]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There seems to have been only a postern in the ancient wall
+inside the present Porta del Sole.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48">[48]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Many feet of this ancient pavement were laid bare during the
+excavations in April, 1907, which I myself saw, and illustrations
+of which are published in the Notizie d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1907), pp.
+136, 292.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49">[49]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 57 ff. for argument and proof,
+beginning
+with Varro, de I. 1. VI, 4: ut Pr&aelig;neste incisum in solario
+vidi.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50">[50]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 43.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51">[51]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The continuation of the slope is the same, and the method of
+making roads in the serpentine style to reach a gate leading to the
+important part of town, is not only the common method employed
+for hill towns, but the natural and necessary one, not only in
+ancient times, but still today.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52">[52]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Through the courtesy of the Mayor and the Municipal Secretary
+of Palestrina, I had the only exact map in existence of modern
+Palestrina to work with. This map was getting in bad condition,
+so I traced it, and had photographic copies made of it, and presented
+a mounted copy to the city. This map shows these wall alignments
+and the changes in direction of the cyclopean wall on the east of
+the city. Fernique seems to have drawn off-hand from this map,
+so his plan (l.c., facing p. 222) is rather carelessly done.
+</p>
+<p>I shall publish the map in completeness within a few years, in a
+place where the epochs of the growth of the city can be shown in
+colors.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53">[53]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> I called the attention of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman, Carnegie
+Fellow in the American School of Classical Studies in Rome, who
+came out to Palestrina, and kindly went over many of my results
+with me, to this piece of wall, and she agreed with me that it had
+been an approach to the terrace in ancient times.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54">[54]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2850. The inscription was on a small cippus, and
+was seen in a great many different places, so no argument can be
+drawn from its provenience.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55">[55]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This may have been the base for the statue of M. Anicius, so
+famous after his defense at Casilinum. Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18.
+</p>
+<p>It might not be a bad guess to say that the Porta Triumphalis
+first got its name when M. Anicius returned with his proud cohort
+to Pr&aelig;neste.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56">[56]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38. This platform is a little
+over
+three feet above the level of the modern piazza, but is now hidden
+under the steps to the Corso. But the piece of restraining wall
+is still to be seen in the piazza, and it is of the same style of opus
+quadratum construction as the walls below the Barberini gardens.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57">[57]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Strabo V, 3, II (238, 10): <span lang="el"
+ title="erumn&aelig; men oun ekatera, poly derumnotera
+
+Prainestos."> &#949;&#961;&#965;&#956;&#957;&#951;
+&#956;&#949;&#957; &#959;&#965;&#957; &#949;&#954;&#945;&#964;&#949;&#961;&#945;, &#960;&#959;&#955;&#965; &#948;'&#949;&#961;&#965;&#956;&#957;&#959;&#964;&#949;&#961;&#945;&#949;&#961;&#965;&#956;&#957;&#959;&#964;&#949; &#928;&#961;&#945;&#953;&#957;&#949;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#962;
+</span>.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58">[58]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Plutarch, Sulla, XXVIII: <span lang="el"
+ title="Marios de pheugon eis
+
+Praineston &aelig;d&aelig; tas pylas eure kekleimenas">&#924;&#945;&#961;&#953;&#959;&#962;
+&#948;&#949; &#966;&#949;&#965;&#947;&#969;&#957; &#949;&#953;&#962; &#928;&#961;&#945;&#953;&#957;&#949;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#957; &#951;&#948;&#951; &#964;&#945;&#962; &#960;&#965;&#955;&#945;&#962; &#949;&#965;&#961;&#949; &#954;&#949;&#954;&#955;&#949;&#953;&#956;&#949;&#957;&#945;&#962;
+.</span></p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59">[59]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 282; Nibby, Analisi, II, p.
+491.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60">[60]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, pp. 180-181. The walls were
+built in muro merlato. It is not certain where the Murozzo and
+Truglio were. Petrini guesses at their site on grounds of derivation.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61">[61]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 248.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62">[62]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Also called Porta S. Giacomo, or dell'Ospedale.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63">[63]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 252.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64">[64]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Closed seemingly in Sullan times.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65">[65]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The rude corbeling of one side of the gate is still very
+plainly
+to be seen. The gate is filled with medi&aelig;val stone work.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66">[66]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There is a wooden gate here, which can be opened, but it
+only leads out upon a garden and a dumping ground above a
+cliff.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67">[67]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This was the only means of getting out to the little stream
+that ran down the depression shown in plate III, and over to the
+hill of S. Martino, which with the slope east of the city could
+properly be called Monte Glicestro outside the walls.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68">[68]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This gate is now a medi&aelig;val tower gate, but the stones of
+the
+cyclopean wall are still in situ, and show three stones, with straight
+edge, one above the other, on each side of the present gate, and
+the wall here has a jog of twenty feet. The road out this gate
+could not be seen except from down on the Cave road, and it gave
+an outlet to some springs under the citadel, and to the valley back
+toward Capranica.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69">[69]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This last stretch of the wall did not follow the present
+wall,
+but ran up directly back of S. Maria del'Carmine, and was on the
+east side of the rough and steep track which borders the eastern
+side of the present Franciscan monastery.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70">[70]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The several courses of opus quadratum which were found a
+few years ago, and are at the east entrance to the Corso built
+into the wall of a lumber store, are continued also inside that
+wall, and seem to be the remains of a gate tower.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71">[71]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See page 28. This gap in the wall is still another proof for
+the gate, for it was down the road, which was paved, that the
+water ran after rainstorms, if at no other time.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72">[72]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This gate is very prettily named by Cecconi, Spiegazione de
+Numeri, Map facing page 1: l'antica Porta di San Martino chiusa.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73">[73]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Since the excavations of the past two years, nothing has been
+written to show what relations a few newly discovered pieces of
+ancient paved roads have to the city and to its gates, and for that
+reason it becomes necessary to say something about a matter only
+tolerably treated by the writers on Pr&aelig;neste up to their dates of
+publication.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74">[74]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Ashby, Classical Topog. of the Roman Campagna, in Papers
+of the British School at Rome, Vol. 1, Map VI.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75">[75]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This road is proved as ancient by the discovery in 1906
+(Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 3 (1906), p. 317) of a small paved road,
+a diverticolo, in front of the church of S. Lucia, which is a
+direct continuation of the Via degli Arconi. This diverticolo ran
+out the Colle dell'Oro. See Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 20,
+n. 37; Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 122; Marucchi,
+Guida
+Archeologica, p. 122.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76">[76]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This road to Marcigliano had nothing to do with either the
+Pr&aelig;nestina or the Labicana. Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p.
+255; 2 (1877-78), p. 157; Bull. dell'Inst., 1876, pp. 117 ff. make the
+via S. Maria the eastern boundary of the necropolis.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77">[77]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Not. d. Scavi, 11 (1903), pp. 23-25.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78">[78]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Probably the store room of some little shop which sold the
+exvotos. Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, p. 28.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79">[79]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 72 for tombs found on both sides
+the modern road to Rome, the exact provenience being the vocabolo
+S. Rocco, on the Frattini place; Stevenson, Bull.
+dell'Inst.,
+1883, pp. 12 ff., for tombs in the vigna Soleti along the diverticolo
+from the Via Pr&aelig;nestina. Also at Bocce Rodi, one mile west of
+the city, tombs of the imperial age were found (Not. d. Scavi, 10
+(1882-83), p. 600); C.I.L., XIV, 2952, 2991, 4091, 65; Bull.
+dell'Inst., 1870, p. 98.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80">[80]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The roads are the present Via Pr&aelig;nestina toward Gallicano,
+and the Via Pr&aelig;nestina Nuova which crosses the Casilina to join
+the Labicana. This great deposit of terra cottas was found in
+1877 at a depth of twelve feet below the present ground level.
+Fernique, Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 240, notes 1, 2, and 3,
+comes to the best conclusions on this find. It was a factory or
+kiln for the terra cottas, and there was a store in connection at
+or near the junction of the roads. Other stores of deposits of
+the same kinds of objects have been found (see Fernique, l.c.) at
+Falterona, Gabii, Capua, Vicarello; also at the temple of Diana
+Nemorensis (Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 71), and outside Porta S.
+Lorenzo at Rome (Bull. Com., 1876, p. 225), and near Civita
+Castellana (Bull. dell'Inst., 1880, p. 108).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81">[81]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); <span lang="el"
+ title="dioruxi
+ kryptais&#8212;pantachothen mechri ton pedion tais
+ men hydreias charin= ktl.">...
+&#948;&#953;&#969;&#961;&#965;&#958;&#953; &#954;&#961;&#965;&#960;&#964;&#945;&#953;&#962;--&#960;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#967;&#959;&#964;&#949;&#957;
+&#956;&#949;&#967;&#961;&#953; &#964;&#969;&#957; &#960;&#949;&#948;&#953;&#969;&#957; &#964;&#945;&#953;&#962; &#956;&#949;&#957; &#965;&#948;&#961;&#949;&#953;&#945;&#962; &#967;&#945;&#961;&#953;&#957; &#954;&#964;&#955;.
+</span>; Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82">[82]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> As one goes out the Porta S. Francesco and across the
+depression
+by the road which winds round to the citadel, he finds both
+above and below the road several reservoirs hollowed out in the
+rock of the mountain, which were filled by the rain water which
+fell above them and ran into them.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83">[83]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cola di Rienzo did this (see note 59), and so discovered the
+method by which the Pr&aelig;nestines communicated with the outside
+world. Sulla fixed his camp on le Tende, west of the city, that
+he might have a safe position himself, and yet threaten Pr&aelig;neste
+from the rear, from over Colle S. Martino, as well as by an attack
+in front.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84">[84]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3013, 3014 add., 2978, 2979, 3015.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85">[85]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Nibby, Analisi, p. 510. It could be seen in 1907, but not so
+very
+clearly.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86">[86]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 79, thinks this reservoir
+was
+for storing water for a circus in the valley below. This is most
+improbable. It was a reservoir to supply a villa which covered
+the lower part of the slope, as the different remains certainly show.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87">[87]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 301, n. 30, 31, from Annali
+int.
+rerum Italic, scriptorum, Vol. 24, p. 1115; Vol. 21, p. 146, and from
+Ciacconi, in Eugen. IV, Platina et Blondus.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88">[88]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The medi&aelig;val Italian towns everywhere made use of the Roman
+aqueducts, and we have from the middle ages practically nothing
+but repairs on aqueducts, hardly any aqueducts themselves.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89">[89]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 338, speaks of this
+aqueduct
+as "quel mirabile antico cuniculo."</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90">[90]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The springs Acqua Maggiore, Acqua della Nocchia, Acqua del
+Sambuco, Acqua Ritrovata, Acqua della Formetta (Petrini, Memorie
+Prenestine, p. 286).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91">[91]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Fernique, &Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 96 ff., p. 122 ff.;
+Nibby,
+Analisi,
+II, p. 501 ff.; Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92">[92]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 503, the sanest of all the writers on
+Pr&aelig;neste, even made some ruins which he found under the Fiumara
+house on the east side of town, into the remains of a reservoir to
+correspond to the one in the Barberini gardens. The structures
+according to material differ in date about two hundred years.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93">[93]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2911, was found near this reservoir, and Nibby
+from this, and a likeness to the construction of the Castra
+Pr&aelig;toria
+at Rome, dates it so (Analisi, p. 503).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94">[94]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This is the opinion of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman of the
+American
+School in Rome.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95">[95]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See above, page 29.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96">[96]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There is still another small reservoir on the next terrace
+higher,
+the so-called Borgo terrace, but I was not able to examine it
+satisfactorily
+enough to come to any conclusion. Palestrina is a labyrinth
+of underground passages. I have explored dozens of them, but the
+most of them are pockets, and were store rooms or hiding places
+belonging to the houses under which they were.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97">[97]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This is shown by the network of drains all through the plain
+below the city. Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4;
+Valer. Max. VI, 8, 2; Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 77; Fernique,
+&Eacute;tude sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 123.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98">[98]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99">[99]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There are many references to the temple. Suetonius, Dom., 15,
+Tib., 63; &AElig;lius Lampridius, Life of Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6
+(Peter); Strabo V, 3, 11 (238, 10); Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 86-87;
+Plutarch, de fort. Rom. (Moralia, p. 396, 37); C.I.L., I, p. 267;
+Preller, Roem. Myth. II, 192, 3 (pp. 561-563); Cecconi, Storia di
+Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29, p. 278, n. 37.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100">[100]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> "La citt&agrave; attuale &egrave; intieramente fondata sulle rovine
+del
+magnifico tempio della Fortuna," Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 494. "E
+niuno ignora che il colossale edificio era addossato al declivio del
+monte prenestino e occupava quasi tutta l'area ove oggi si estende
+la moderna citt&agrave;," Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 233.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101">[101]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This upper temple is the one mentioned in a manifesto of
+1299
+A.D. made by the Colonna against the Caetani (Cecconi, Storia di
+Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29). It is an order of Pope Boniface VIII, ex
+Codic. Archiv. Castri S. Angeli signat, n. 47, pag. 49: Item, dicunt
+civitatem Prenestinam cum palatiis nobilissimis et cum templo
+magno et sollempni ... et cum muris antiquis opere sarracenico
+factis de lapidibus quadris et magnis totaliter suppositam fuisse
+exterminio et ruine per ipsum Dominum Bonifacium, etc. Petrini,
+Memorie Prenestine, p. 419 ff.
+</p>
+<p>Also as to the shape of the upper temple and the number of steps
+to it, we have certain facts from a document from the archives of
+the Vatican, published in Petrini, l.c., p. 429; palacii nobilissimi
+et antiquissimi scal&aelig; de nobilissimo marmore per quas etiam
+equitando ascendi poterat in Palacium ... qu&aelig;quidem scal&aelig;
+erant ultra centum numero. Palacium autem C&aelig;saris
+&aelig;dificatum
+ad modum unius C propter primam litteram nominis sui, et
+templum palatio inh&aelig;rens, opere sumptuosissimo et nobilissimo
+&aelig;dificatum ad modum s. Mari&aelig; rotund&aelig; de urbe.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102">[102]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, under Das
+Heiligtum der Fortuna in Pr&aelig;neste, p. 47 ff.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103">[103]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, De Div., II, 41, 85.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104">[104]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marucchi wishes to make the east cave the older and the real
+cave of the sortes. However, he does not know the two best arguments
+for his case; Lampridius, Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6 (Peter);
+Huic sors in templo Pr&aelig;nestin&aelig; talis extitit, and Suetonius
+Tib., 63:
+non repperisset in arca nisi relata rursus ad templum. Topography
+is all with the cave on the west, Marucchi is wrong, although he
+makes a very good case (Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 239).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105">[105]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85: is est hodie locus s&aelig;ptus
+religiose
+propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum lunone Fortun&aelig; in gremio
+sedens, ... eodemque tempore in eo loco, ubi Fortun&aelig; nunc est
+&aelig;des, etc.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106">[106]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2867: ...ut Triviam in Iunonario, ut in
+pronao &aelig;dis statuam, etc., and Livy, XXIII, 19, 18 of 216 B.C.:
+Idem titulus (a laudatory inscription to M. Anicius) tribus signis
+in &aelig;de Fortun&aelig; positis fuit subiectus.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107">[107]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This question is not topographical and can not be discussed
+at
+any length here. But the best solution seems to be that Fortuna
+as child of Jupiter (Diovo filea primocenia, C.I.L., XIV., 2863,
+Iovis puer primigenia, C.I.L., XIV, 2862, 2863) was confounded
+with her name Iovis puer, and another cult tradition which made
+Fortuna mother of two children. As the Roman deity Jupiter grew
+in importance, the tendency was for the Romans to misunderstand
+Iovis puer as the boy god Jupiter, as they really did (Wissowa,
+Relig. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p. 209), and the pride of the
+Pr&aelig;nestines
+then made Fortuna the mother of Jupiter and Juno, and considered
+Primigenia to mean "first born," not "first born of Jupiter."</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108">[108]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The establishment of the present Cathedral of S. Agapito as
+the basilica of ancient Pr&aelig;neste is due to the acumen of
+Marucchi,
+who has made it certain in his writings on the subject. Bull. dell'
+Inst., 1881, p. 248 ff., 1882, p. 244 ff.; Guida Archeologica, 1885, p.
+47 ff.; Bull. Com., 1895, p. 26 ff., 1904, p. 233 ff.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109">[109]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There are 16 descriptions and plans of the temple. A full
+bibliography of them is in Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in
+Latium, pp. 51-52.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110">[110]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marucchi. Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 240. I also saw it
+very plainly by the light of a torch on a pole, when studying the
+temple in April, 1907.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111">[111]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See also Revue Arch., XXXIX (1901), p. 469, n. 188.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112">[112]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L, XIV, 2864.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113">[113]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1859, p. 23, from Paulus ex
+Festo
+under manceps. This claims that probably the manceps was in
+charge of the maintenance (manutenzione) of the temple, and the
+cellarii of the cella proper, because &aelig;ditui, of whom we have no
+mention, are the proper custodians of the entire temple, precinct
+and all.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114">[114]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3007. See Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom, I, 2,
+p. 365, n. 73.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115">[115]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116">[116]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2922; also on bricks, Ann. dell'Inst., 1855, p.
+86&#8212;C.I.L., XIV, 4091, 9.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117">[117]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2980; C. C&aelig;sius M.f.C. Flavius L.f. Duovir
+Quinq. &aelig;dem et portic d.d. fac. coer. eidemq. prob.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118">[118]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2995; ...summa porticum mar[moribus]&#8212;albario
+adiecta. Dessau says on "some public building," which is
+too easy. See Vitruvius, De Architectura, 7, 2; Pliny, XXXVI,
+177.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119">[119]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 430. See also Juvenal XIV,
+88; Friedl&aelig;nder, Sittengeschichte Roms, II, 107, 10.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120">[120]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62, with illustration.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121">[121]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Although Suaresius (Thesaurus Antiq. Itali&aelig;, VIII, Part IV,
+plate, p. 38) uses some worthless inscriptions in making such a
+point, his idea is good. Perhaps the lettered blocks drawn for the
+inquirer from the arca were arranged here on this slab. Another
+possibility is that it was a place of record of noted cures or answers
+of the Goddess. Such inscriptions are well known from the
+temple of &AElig;sculapius at Epidaurus, Cavvadias, <span lang="el"
+ title="Eph&aelig;m. Arch.">&#917;&#966;&#951;&#956; &#913;&#961;&#967;.
+</span>,
+1883,
+p. 1975; Michel, Recueil d'insc. grec., 1069 ff.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122">[122]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Mommsen, Unterital. Dialekte, pp. 320, 324; Marquardt,
+Staatsverwaltung,
+3, p. 271, n. 8. See Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904),
+p. 10.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123">[123]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Delbrueck, l.c., pp. 50, 59, does prove that there is no
+reason
+why <span lang="el" title="lithostroton">&#955;&#953;&#952;&#959;&#963;&#964;&#961;&#969;&#964;&#959;&#957;
+</span> can not mean a mosaic floor of colored marble,
+but he forgets comparisons with the date of other Roman mosaics,
+and that Pliny would not have missed the opportunity of describing
+such wonderful mosaics as the two in Pr&aelig;neste. Marucchi, Bull.
+Com., 32 (1904), p. 251 goes far afield in his Isityches (Isis-Fortuna)
+quest, and gets no results.
+</p>
+<p>The latest discussion of the subject was a joint debate held under
+the auspices of the Associazione Archeologica di Palestrina between
+Professors Marucchi and Vaglieri, which is published thus far only
+in the daily papers, the Corriere D'Italia of Oct. 2, 1907, and taken
+up in an article by Attilio Rossi in La Tribuna of October 11, 1907.
+Vaglieri, in the newspaper article quoted, holds that the mosaic is
+the work of Claudius &AElig;lianus, who lived in the latter half of the
+second century A.D. Marucchi, in the same place, says that in
+the porticoes of the upper temple are traces of mosaic which he
+attributes to the gift of Sulla mentioned by Pliny XXXVI, 189, but
+in urging this he must shift delubrum Fortun&aelig; to the Cortina
+terrace
+and that is entirely impossible.
+</p>
+<p>I may say that a careful study and a long paper on the Barberini
+mosaic has just been written by Cav. Francesco Coltellacci, Segretario
+Comunale di Palestrina, which I had the privilege of reading
+in manuscript.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124">[124]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> For the many opinions as to the subject of the mosaic, see
+Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 75.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125">[125]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This has been supposed to be a villa of Hadrian's because
+the
+Braschi Antino&uuml;s was found here, and because we find bricks in the
+walls with stamps which date from Hadrian's time. But the best
+proof that this building, which is under the modern cemetery, is
+Hadrian's, is that the measurements of the walls are the same as
+those in his villa below Tibur. Dr. Van Deman, of the American
+School in Rome, spent two days with me in going over this building
+and comparing measurements with the villa at Tibur. I shall
+publish a plan of the villa in the near future. See Fernique,
+&Eacute;tude
+sur Pr&eacute;neste, p. 120, for a meagre description of the villa.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126">[126]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Delbrueck, l.c., p. 58, n. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127">[127]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The &aelig;rarium is under the temple and at the same time cut
+back into the solid rock of the cliff just across the road at one
+corner of the basilica. An &aelig;rarium at Rome under the temple of
+Saturn is always mentioned in this connection. There is also a
+chamber of the same sort at the upper end of the shops in front
+of the basilica &AElig;milia in the Roman Forum, to which Boni has
+given the name "carcere," but Huelsen thinks rightly that it is a
+treasury of some sort. There is a like treasury in Pompeii back
+of the market, so Mau thinks, Vaglieri in Corriere D'Italia, Oct 2,
+1907.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128">[128]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See <a href="#Footnote_106">note 106</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129">[129]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2875. This dedication of "coques atriensis"
+probably belongs to the upper temple.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130">[130]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Alle Quadrelle casale verso Cave e Valmontone, Cecconi,
+Storia
+di Palestrina, p. 70; Chaupy, Maison d'Horace, II, p. 317; Petrini,
+Memorie Prenestine, p. 326, n. 9.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131">[131]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The martyr suffered death contra civitatem pr&aelig;nestinam ubi
+sunt du&aelig; vi&aelig;, Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 144, n. 3, from
+Martirol.
+Adonis, 18 Aug. Cod. Vat. Regin., n. 511 (11th cent. A.D.).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132">[132]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3014; Bull. munic., 2 (1874), p. 86; C.I.L.,
+VI, p. 885, n. 1744a; Tac. Ann., XV, 46 (65 A.D.); Friedl&aelig;nder,
+Sittengeschichte Roms, II, p. 377; Cicero, pro Plancio, XXVI,
+63; Epist. ad Att., XII, 2, 2; Cassiodorus, Vari&aelig;, VI, 15.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133">[133]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> A black and white mosaic of late pattern was found there
+during the excavations. Not. d. Scavi, 1877, p. 328; Fernique,
+Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 233; Fronto, p. 157 (Naber).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134">[134]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> On Le Colonelle toward S. Pastore. Cecconi, Storia di
+Palestrina,
+p. 60.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135">[135]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> I think this better than the supposition that these
+libraries
+were put up by a man skilled in public and private law. See C.I.L, XIV,
+2916.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136">[136]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Not d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 330.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137">[137]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18: statua cius (M. Anicii) indicio fuit,
+Pr&aelig;neste in foro statuta, loricata, amicta toga, velato capite,
+etc.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138">[138]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See also the drawing and illustrations, one of which, no. 2,
+is from a photograph of mine, in Not. d. Scavi, 1907, pp. 290-292.
+The basilica is built in old opus quadratum of tufa, Not.
+d. Scavi, I (1885), p. 256.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139">[139]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> In April, 1882 (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 418),
+during
+a reconstruction of the cathedral of S. Agapito, ancient pavement
+was found in a street back of the cathedral, and many pieces of
+Doric columns which must have been from the peristile of the
+basilica. See Plate IV for new pieces just found of these Doric
+columns.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140">[140]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 49. Also in same place:
+"l'area sacra adiacente al celebre santuario della Fortuna Primigenia"
+is the description of the cortile of the Seminary.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141">[141]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> More discussion of this point above in connection with the
+temple, <a href="#page_51">page 51</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142">[142]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> I was in Pr&aelig;neste during all the excavations of 1907, and
+made these photographs while I was there.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143">[143]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The drawing of the Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 290, which shows
+a probable portico is not exact.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144">[144]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> It is now called the Via delle Scalette.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145">[145]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 58.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146">[146]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See full-page illustration in Delbrueck, l.c., p. 79.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147">[147]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See <a href="#page_30">page 30</a>. But ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)
+would refer
+better to the Sullan forum below the town, especially as the two
+bases set up to Pax Augusti and Securitas Augusti (C.I.L., XIV,
+2898, 2899) were found down on the site of the lower forum.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148">[148]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2908, 2919, 2916, 2937, 2946, 3314, 3340.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149">[149]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2917, 2919, 2922, 2924, 2929, 2934, 2955, 2997,
+3014, Not. d. Scavi, 1903, p. 576.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150">[150]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> F. Barnabei, Not. d. Scavi, 1894, p. 96.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151">[151]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2914.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152">[152]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Not. d. Scavi, 1897, p. 421; 1904, p. 393.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153">[153]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Foggini, Fast. anni romani, 1774, preface, and Mommsen,
+C.I.L., I, p. 311 (from Acta acad. Berol., 1864, p. 235; See also
+Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1864, p. 70), were both wrong in putting
+the new forum out at le quadrelle, because a number of fragments
+of the calendar of Verrius Flaccus were found there. Marucchi
+proves this in his Guida Arch., p. 100, Nuovo Bull. d'Arch. crist.,
+1899, pp. 229-230; Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 276.
+</p>
+<p>The passage from Suetonius, De Gram., 17 (vita M. Verri Flacci),
+is always to be cited as proof of the forum, and that it had a
+well-marked upper and lower portion; Statuam habet (M. Verrius
+Flaccus) Pr&aelig;neste in superiore fori parte circa hemicyclium, in
+quo fastos a se ordinatos et marmoreo parieti incisos publicarat.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154">[154]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 50, n. 1,
+from
+Preller, Roemische Mythologie, II, p. 191, n. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155">[155]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 4097, 4105a, 4106f.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156">[156]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 320, n. 19.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157">[157]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 35.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158">[158]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Tibur shows 1 to 32 and Pr&aelig;neste 1 to 49 names of inhabitants
+from the Umbro-Sabellians of the Appennines. These statistics are
+from A. Schulten, Italische Namen und St&aelig;mme, Beitr&aelig;ge zur
+alten Geschichte, II, 2, p. 171. The same proof comes from the
+likeness between the tombs here and in the Faliscan country: "Le
+tombe a casse soprapposte possono considerarsi come repositori per
+famiglie intere, e corrispondono alle grande tombe a loculo del
+territorio
+falisco". Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 257, from Mon. ant.
+pubb. dall'Acc. dei Lincei, Ant. falische, IV, p. 162.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159">[159]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, V, p. 159.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160">[160]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy VI, 29; C.I.L., XIV, 2987.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161">[161]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy VII, 11; VII, 19; VIII, 12.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162">[162]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Pr&aelig;neste is not in the dedication list of Diana at Nemi,
+which
+dates about 500 B.C., Priscian, Cato IV, 4, 21 (Keil II, p. 129),
+and VII, 12, 60 (Keil II, p. 337). Livy II, 19, says Pr&aelig;neste
+deserted
+the Latins for Rome.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163">[163]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy VIII, 14.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164">[164]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Val. Max., De Superstitionibus, I, 3, 2; C.I.L., XIV, 2929,
+with
+Dessau's note.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165">[165]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See <a href="#Footnote_185">note 185</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166">[166]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> "Pr&aelig;neste wird immer eine selbst&aelig;ndige Stellung
+eingenommen
+haben" Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alt., II, p. 523. Pr&aelig;neste is
+mentioned first of the league cities in the list given by [Aurelius
+Victor], Origo-gentis Rom., XVII, 6, and second in the list in Diodorus
+Siculus, VII, 5, 9 Vogel and also in Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor).
+Pr&aelig;neste is called by Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21, 27) one of the
+municipia Itali&aelig; splendidissima along with Spoletium,
+Interamnium,
+Florentia.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167">[167]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy XXIII, 20, 2.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168">[168]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy I, 30, 1.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169">[169]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, de Leg., II, 2, 5.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170">[170]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under "Anicia."</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171">[171]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The old Oscan names in Pompeii, and the Etruscan names on
+the small grave stones of C&aelig;re, C.I.L., X, 3635-3692, are neither
+so numerous.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172">[172]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Dionysius III, 2.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173">[173]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Polybius VI, 14, 8; Livy XLIII, 2, 10.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174">[174]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Festus, p. 122 (de Ponor): Cives fuissent ut semper
+rempublicam
+separatim a populo Romano haberent, and supplemented,
+l.c., Pauli excerpta, p. 159 (de Ponor): participes&#8212;fuerunt omnium
+rerum&#8212;pr&aelig;terquam de suffragio ferendo, aut magistratu
+capiendo.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175">[175]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Civitas sine suffragio, quorum civitas universa in civitatem
+Romanam venit, Livy VIII, 14; IX, 43; Festus, l.c., p. 159.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176">[176]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): Qui ad civitatem Romanam ita
+venerunt, ut municipes essent su&aelig; cuiusque civitatis et
+coloni&aelig;, ut
+Tiburtes, Pr&aelig;nestini, etc.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177">[177]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> I do not think so. The argument is taken up later on <a
+ href="#MUNICIPIUM">page 73</a>.
+It is enough to say here that Tusculum was estranged from the
+Latin League because she was made a municipium (Livy VI, 25-26),
+and how much less likely that Pr&aelig;neste would ever have taken
+such a status.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178">[178]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C. Gracchus in Gellius X, 3.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179">[179]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Tibur had censors in 204 B.C. (Livy XXIX, 15), and later
+again, C.I.L, I, 1113, 1120 = XIV, 3541, 3685. See also Marquardt,
+Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 159.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180">[180]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L, XIV, 171, 172, 2070.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181">[181]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2169, 2213, 4195</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182">[182]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, pro Milone, 10, 27; 17, 45; Asconius, in Milonianam,
+p. 27, l. 15 (Kiessling); C.I.L., XIV, 2097, 2110, 2112, 2121.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183">[183]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3941, 3955.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184">[184]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy III, 18, 2; VI, 26, 4.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185">[185]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy IX, 16, 17; Dio, frag. 36, 24; Pliny XVII, 81. Ammianus
+Marcellinus XXX, 8, 5; compare Gellius X, 3, 2-4. This does not
+show, I think, what Dessau (C.I.L., XIV, p. 288) says it does:
+"quanta fuerit potestas imperatoris Romani in magistratus sociorum,"
+but shows rather that the Roman dictator took advantage
+of his power to pay off some of the ancient grudge against the
+Latins, especially Pr&aelig;neste. The story of M. Marius at Teanum
+Sidicinum, and the provisions made at Cales and Ferentinum on that
+account, as told in Gellius X, 3, 2-3, also show plainly that not
+constitutional powers but arbitrary ones, are in question. In fact,
+it was in the year 173 B.C., that the consul L. Postumius Albinus,
+enraged at a previous cool reception at Pr&aelig;neste, imposed a
+burden
+on the magistrates of the town, which seems to have been held
+as an arbitrary political precedent. Livy XLII, 1: Ante hunc
+consulem NEMO umquam sociis in ULLA re oneri aut sumptui fuit.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186">[186]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Pr&aelig;nestinus pr&aelig;tor ... ex subsidiis suos duxerat, Livy
+IX,
+16, 17.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187">[187]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> A pr&aelig;tor led the contingent from Lavinium, Livy VIII, 11, 4;
+the pr&aelig;tor M. Anicius led from Pr&aelig;neste the cohort which
+gained
+such a reputation at Casilinum, Livy XXIII, 17-19. Strabo V, 249;
+cohors P&aelig;ligna, cuius pr&aelig;fectus, etc., proves nothing for a
+Latin
+contingent.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188">[188]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> For the evidence that the consuls were first called pr&aelig;tors,
+see
+Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under the word "consul" (Vol. IV, p.
+1114) and the old Pauly under "pr&aelig;tor."
+</p>
+<p>Mommsen, Staatsrecht, II, 1, p. 74, notes 1 and 2, from other
+evidence there quoted, and especially from Varro, de l.l., V, 80:
+pr&aelig;tor dictus qui pr&aelig;iret iure et exercitu, thinks that the
+consuls
+were not necessarily called pr&aelig;tors at first, but that probably
+even
+in the time of the kings the leader of the army was called the
+pr&aelig;-itor. This is a modification of the statement six years
+earlier
+in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 149, n. 4.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189">[189]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> This caption I owe to Jos. H. Drake, Prof. of Roman Law at
+the University of Michigan.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190">[190]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy VIII, 3, 9; Dionysius III, 5, 3; 7, 3; 34, 3; V, 61.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191">[191]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Pauly-Wissowa under "dictator," and Mommsen, Staatsrecht,
+II, 171, 2.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192">[192]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Whether Egerius L&aelig;vius Tusculanus (Priscian, Inst., IV, p.
+129 Keil) was dictator of the whole of the Latin league, as Beloch
+(Italischer Bund, p. 180) thinks, or not, according to Wissowa
+(Religion
+und Kultus der Roemer, p. 199), at least a dictator was the
+head of some sort of a Latin league, and gives us the name of the
+office (Pais, Storia di Roma, I, p. 335).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193">[193]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> If it be objected that the survival of the dictatorship as a
+priestly
+office (Dictator Albanus, Orelli 2293, Marquardt, Staatsverw., I,
+p. 149, n. 2) means only a dictator for Alba Longa, rather than for
+the league of which Alba Longa seems to have been at one time
+the head, there can be no question about the Dictator Latina(rum)
+fer(iarum) caussa of the year 497 (C.I.L., I.p. 434 Fasti Cos.
+Capitolini), the same as in the year 208 B.C. (Livy XXVII, 33,
+6). This survival is an exact parallel of the rex sacrorum in Rome
+(for references and discussion, see Marquardt, Staatsverw., III, p.
+321), and the rex sacrificolus of Varro, de l.l. VI, 31. Compare
+Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom, I, p. 508, n. 32, and Wissowa, Rel.
+u. Kult d. Roemer, p. 432. Note also that there were reges sacrorum
+in Lanuvium (C.I.L, XIV, 2089), Tusculum (C.I.L, XIV,
+2634), Velitr&aelig; (C.I.L., X, 8417), Bovill&aelig; (C.I.L., XIV,
+2431 ==
+VI, 2125). Compare also rex nemorensis, Suetonius, Caligula, 35
+(Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p. 199).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194">[194]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3000, 3001, 3002.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195">[195]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2994, 2999 (possibly 3008).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196">[196]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2975, 3000.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197">[197]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3001, 3002.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198">[198]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See <a href="#Footnote_185">note 185</a> above.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199">[199]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy XXIII, 17-19; Strabo V, 4, 10.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200">[200]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Magistrates sociorum, Livy XLII, 1, 6-12.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201">[201]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> For references etc., see Beloch, Italischer Bund, p. 170,
+notes 1
+and 2.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202">[202]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The mention of one pr&aelig;tor in C.I.L., XIV, 2890, a dedication
+to Hercules, is later than other mention of two pr&aelig;tors, and is
+not irregular at any rate.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203">[203]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3000, two &aelig;diles of the gens Saufeia, probably
+cousins. In C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2975, 2990, 2994, 2999,
+3000, 3001, 3002, 3008, out of eighteen pr&aelig;tors, &aelig;diles,
+and qu&aelig;stors
+mentioned, fifteen belong to the old families of Pr&aelig;neste, two to
+families that belong to the people living back in the Sabines, and
+one to a man from Fiden&aelig;.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204">[204]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, pro Balbo, VIII, 21: Leges de civili iure sunt lat&aelig;:
+quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt; ipsa denique Iulia lege civitas
+ita est sociis et Latinis data ut, qui fundi populi facti non essent
+civitatem non haberent. Velleius Pater. II, 16: Recipiendo in
+civitatem,
+qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires
+refect&aelig; sunt. Gellius IV, 4, 3; Civitas universo Latio lege Iulia
+data est. Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 49: <span lang="el"
+ title="Italioton de tous eti en tae
+symmachia
+paramenontas eps&aelig;phisato (&aelig; boul&aelig;) einai politas, ou d&aelig; malista monon
+ou pantes
+epethymoun ktl.">&#921;&#964;&#945;&#955;&#953;&#969;&#964;&#969;&#957;
+&#948;&#949; &#964;&#959;&#965;&#962; &#949;&#964;&#953; &#949;&#957; &#964;&#951; &#963;&#965;&#956;&#956;&#945;&#967;&#953;&#945; &#960;&#945;&#961;&#945;&#956;&#949;&#957;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#962; &#949;&#968;&#951;&#966;&#953;&#963;&#945;&#964;&#959; (&#951; &#946;&#959;&#965;&#955;&#951;) &#949;&#953;&#957;&#945;&#953;
+&#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#964;&#945;&#962;, &#959;&#965; &#948;&#951; &#956;&#945;&#955;&#953;&#963;&#964;&#945; &#956;&#959;&#957;&#959;&#957; &#959;&#965; &#960;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962; &#949;&#960;&#949;&#952;&#965;&#956;&#959;&#965;&#957; &#954;&#964;&#955;.</span>
+</p>
+<p>Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 60; Greenidge, Roman Public Life,
+p. 311; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102; Granrud, Roman
+Constitutional History, pp. 190-191.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205">[205]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7: Data est civitas Silvani lege et
+Carbonis: si qui foederatis civitatibus adscripti fuissent, si tum
+cum lex ferebatur in Italia domicilium habuissent, et si sexaginta
+diebus apud pr&aelig;torem essent professi. See also Schol.
+Bobiensia,
+p. 353 (Orelli corrects the mistake Silanus for Silvanus); Cicero,
+ad Fam., XIII, 30; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 60. Greenidge,
+Roman Public Life, p. 311 thinks this law did not apply to any but
+the incol&aelig; of federate communities; Abbott, Roman Political
+Institutions,
+p. 102.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206">[206]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy VIII, 14, 9: Tiburtes Pr&aelig;nestinique agro multati, neque
+ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen,
+etc., ... ceterisque Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia
+inter se ademerunt. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 46, n. 3,
+thinks not an &aelig;quum foedus, but from the words: ut is populus
+alterius populi maiestatem comiter conservaret, a clause in the
+treaty found in Proculus, Dig., 49, 15, 7 (Corpus Iuris Civ., I, p.
+833) (compare Livy IX, 20, 8: sed ut in dicione populi Romani
+essent) thinks that the new treaty was an agreement based on
+dependence or clientage "ein Abh&aelig;ngigkeits&#8212;oder
+Clientelverh&aelig;ltniss."</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207">[207]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Mommsen, Geschichte des roem. Muenzwesens, p. 179 (French
+trans, de Blacas, I, p. 186), thinks two series of &aelig;s grave are
+to
+be assigned to Pr&aelig;neste and Tibur.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208">[208]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy XLIII, 2, 10: Furius Pr&aelig;neste, Matienus Tibur exulatum
+abierunt.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209">[209]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Polybius VI, 14, 8: <span lang="el"
+ title="esti d'asphaleia tois pheygousin
+
+en te t&aelig;, Neapolito
+
+kai Prainestinon eti de Tibourinon polei">&#949;&#963;&#964;&#953;
+&#948;'&#945;&#963;&#966;&#945;&#955;&#949;&#953;&#945; &#964;&#959;&#953;&#962; &#966;&#949;&#965;&#947;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953;&#957; &#949;&#957; &#964;&#949; &#964;&#951;, &#925;&#949;&#945;&#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#964;&#969; &#954;&#945;&#953; &#928;&#961;&#945;&#953;&#957;&#949;&#962;&#964;&#953;&#957;&#969;&#957; &#949;&#964;&#953; &#948;&#949;
+&#932;&#953;&#946;&#959;&#965;&#961;&#953;&#957;&#969;&#957; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#949;&#953;
+.</span> Beloch, Italischer Bund, pp.
+215, 221. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210">[210]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy XXIII, 20, 2; (Pr&aelig;nestini) civitate cum donarentur ob
+virtutem, non MUTAVERUNT.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211">[211]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The celebration of the feri&aelig; Latin&aelig; on Mons Albanus in
+91
+B.C., was to have been the scene of the spectacular beginning
+of the revolt against Rome, for the plan was to kill the two Roman
+consuls Iulius C&aelig;sar and Marcius Philippus at that time. The
+presence of the Roman consuls and the attendance of the members
+of the old Latin league is proof of the outward continuance
+of the old foedus (Florus, II, 6 (III, 18)).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212">[212]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The lex Plautia-Papiria is the same as the law mentioned
+by Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7, under the names of Silvanus and
+Carbo. The tribunes who proposed the law were C. Papirius Carbo
+and M. Plautius Silvanus. See Mommsen, Hermes 16 (1881), p.
+30, n. 2. Also a good note in Long, Ciceronis Orationes, III, p. 215.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213">[213]</a>-<a
+ href="#FNanchor_213bis">[213bis]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 65: <span lang="el"
+ title="exedramen es tas anchou
+
+poleis, tas ou pro
+
+pollou politidas Romaion menomenas, Tiburton te kai Praineston, kai osai
+
+mechri Nol&aelig;s. erethizon apantas es apostasin, kai chr&aelig;mata es ton polemon
+
+sullegon.">&#949;&#958;&#949;&#948;&#961;&#945;&#956;&#949;&#957;
+&#949;&#962; &#964;&#945;&#962; &#945;&#947;&#967;&#959;&#965; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#949;&#953;&#962;, &#964;&#945;&#962; &#959;&#965; &#960;&#961;&#959; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#955;&#959;&#965; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#964;&#953;&#948;&#945;&#962; &#929;&#969;&#956;&#945;&#953;&#969;&#957; &#956;&#949;&#957;&#959;&#956;&#949;&#957;&#945;&#962;,
+&#932;&#953;&#946;&#965;&#961;&#964;&#959;&#957; &#964;&#949; &#954;&#945;&#953; &#928;&#961;&#945;&#953;&#957;&#949;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#957;, &#954;&#945;&#953; &#959;&#963;&#945;&#953; &#956;&#949;&#967;&#961;&#953; &#925;&#969;&#955;&#951;&#962;. &#949;&#961;&#949;&#952;&#953;&#950;&#969;&#957; &#945;&#960;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#962; &#949;&#962;
+&#945;&#960;&#959;&#963;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#957;, &#954;&#945;&#953;&#967;&#961;&#951;&#956;&#945;&#964;&#945; &#949;&#962; &#964;&#959;&#957; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#949;&#956;&#959;&#957; &#963;&#965;&#955;&#955;&#949;&#947;&#969;&#957;.</span> See Dessau,
+C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.
+</p>
+<p>It is worth noting that there is no thought of saying anything
+about Praaneste and Tibur, except to call them cities (<span lang="el"
+ title="poleis">&#960;&#959;&#955;&#949;&#953;&#962;</span>).
+Had
+they been made municipia, after so many years of alliance as
+foederati, it seems likely that such a noteworthy change would
+have been specified.
+</p>
+<p>Note also that for 88 B.C. Appian (Bell. Civ., I, 53) says: <span
+ lang="el"
+ title="eos
+
+Italia pasa prosechom&aelig;sei es t&aelig;n Romaion politeian, choris ge Leukanon
+
+kai
+
+Sauniton tote.">&#949;&#969;&#962;
+&#921;&#964;&#945;&#953;&#945; &#960;&#945;&#963;&#945; &#960;&#961;&#959;&#963;&#949;&#967;&#969;&#961;&#951;&#963;&#949;&#953; &#949;&#962; &#964;&#951;&#957; &#929;&#969;&#956;&#945;&#953;&#969;&#957; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#964;&#949;&#953;&#945;&#957;, &#967;&#969;&#961;&#953;&#962; &#947;&#949; &#923;&#949;&#965;&#954;&#945;&#957;&#969;&#957;
+&#954;&#945;&#953;&#931;&#945;&#965;&#957;&#953;&#964;&#969;&#957; &#964;&#959;&#964;&#949;.</span></p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214">[214]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Mommsen, Zum Roemischen Bodenrecht, Hermes 27 (1892),
+pp. 109 ff.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215">[215]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 34.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216">[216]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): tertio, quum id genus hominum
+definitur, qui ad civitatem Romanam ita venerunt, ut municipes
+essent su&aelig; cuiusque civitatis et coloni&aelig;, ut Tiburtes,
+Pr&aelig;nestini, etc.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217">[217]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> It is not strange perhaps, that there are no inscriptions
+which
+can be proved to date between 89 and 82 B.C., but inscriptions
+are
+numerous from the time of the empire, and although Tiberius
+granted Pr&aelig;neste the favor she asked, that of being a municipium,
+still no pr&aelig;fectus is found, not even a survival of the title.
+</p>
+<p>The PRA ... in C.I.L., XIV, 2897, is pr&aelig;co, not
+pr&aelig;fectus, as
+I shall show soon in the publication of corrections of Pr&aelig;neste
+inscriptions, along with some new ones. For the government of
+a municipium, see Bull. dell'Inst., 1896, p. 7 ff.; Revue Arch.,
+XXIX (1896), p. 398.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218">[218]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 109.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219">[219]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 47 and note 3.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220">[220]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Val. Max. IX, 2, 1; Plutarch, Sulla, 32; Appian, Bell. Civ.,
+I, 94; Lucan II, 194; Plutarch, pr&aelig;c. ger. reip., ch. 19 (p.
+816);
+Augustinus, de civ. Dei, III, 28; Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n. 2.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221">[221]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> One third of the land was the usual amount taken.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222">[222]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Note Mommsen's guess, as yet unproved (Hermes, 27 (1892),
+p. 109), that tribus, colonia, and duoviri iure dicundo go together,
+as do curia, municipium and IIIIviri i.d. and &aelig;d. pot.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223">[223]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21): municipia Itali&aelig; splendidissima
+sub
+hasta venierunt, Spoletium, Interamnium, Pr&aelig;neste, Florentia.
+See C.I.L., IX, 5074, 5075 for lack of distinction between colonia
+and municipium even in inscriptions. Florentia remained a
+colony (Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 176). Especially for
+difference in meaning of municipium from Roman and municipal
+point of view, see Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 28, n. 2. For
+difference
+in earlier and later meaning of municipes, Marquardt, l.c.,
+p. 34, n. 8. Valerius Maximus IX, 2, 1, speaking of Pr&aelig;neste in
+connection with Sulla says: quinque milia Pr&aelig;nestinorum extra
+moenia municipii evocata, where municipium means "town," and
+Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n. 1, speaking of the use of the word
+says: "ei rei non multum tribuerim."</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224">[224]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Gellius XVI, 13, 5, ex colonia in municipii statum redegit.
+See
+Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 167.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225">[225]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110; C.I.L., XIV, 2889:
+genio municipii; 2941, 3004: patrono municipii, which Dessau
+(Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 167, n. 1) recognizes from the cutting as
+dating certainly later than Tiberius' time.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226">[226]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Regular colony officials appear all along in the incriptions
+down
+into the third century A.D.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227">[227]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Gellius XVI, 13, 5.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228">[228]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> More in detail by Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229">[229]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Livy VII, 12, 8; VIII, 12, 8.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230">[230]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 161.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231">[231]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, pro P. Sulla, XXI, 61.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232">[232]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Niebuhr, R.G., II, 55, says the colonists from Rome were the
+patricians of the place, and were the only citizens who had full
+rights (civitas cum suffragio et iure honorum). Peter, Zeitschrift
+fuer Alterth., 1844, p. 198 takes the same view as Niebuhr. Against
+them are Kuhn, Zeitschrift fuer Alterth., 1854, Sec. 67-68, and
+Zumpt, Studia Rom., p. 367. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 36, n.
+7, says that neither thesis is proved.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233">[233]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234">[234]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Cicero, de leg. agr., II, 28, 78, complains that the property
+once
+owned by the colonists was now in the hands of a few. This
+means certainly, mostly bought up by old inhabitants, and a few
+does not mean a score, but few in comparison to the number of
+soldiers who had taken their small allotments of land.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235">[235]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236">[236]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2964-2969.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237">[237]</a>-<a
+ href="#FNanchor_237bis">[237bis]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2964, 2965. No. 2964 dates before 14 A.D. when
+Augustus died, for had it been within the few years more which
+Drusus lived before he was poisoned by Sejanus in 23 A.D., he
+would have been termed divi Augusti nep. In the Acta Arvalium,
+C.I.L., VI, 2023a of 14 A.D. his name is followed by T i.f. and
+probably divi Augusti n.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238">[238]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2966, 2968.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239">[239]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The first column of both inscriptions shows alternate lines
+spaced in, while the second column has the pr&aelig;nominal
+abbreviations
+exactly lined. More certain yet is the likeness which shows
+in a list of 27 names, and all but one without cognomina.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240">[240]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2967.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241">[241]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Out of 201 examples of names from Pr&aelig;neste pigne
+inscriptions,
+in the C.I.L., XIV, in the Notizie degli Scavi of 1905 and
+1907, in the unpublished pigne belonging both to the American
+School in Rome, and to the Johns Hopkins University, all but 15
+are simple pr&aelig;nomina and nomina.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242">[242]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 1233.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243">[243]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., IX, 422.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244">[244]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 161, n. 5.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245">[245]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Lex Iulia Municipalis, C.I.L., I, 206, l. 142 ff. == Dessau,
+Inscrip.
+Lat. Sel., 6085.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246">[246]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 160.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247">[247]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2966.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248">[248]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Pauly-Wissowa under "Dolabella," and "Cornelius," nos.
+127-148.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249">[249]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The real founder of Sulla's colony and the rebuilder of the
+city of Pr&aelig;neste seems to have been M. Terentius Varro Lucullus.
+This is argued by Vaglieri, who reports in Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p.
+293 ff. the fragment of an architrave of some splendid building on
+which are the letters ... RO.LVCVL ... These letters Vaglieri
+thinks are cut in the style of the age of Sulla. They are fine deep
+letters, very well cut indeed, although they might perhaps be put
+a little later in date. An argument from the use of the name
+Terentia, as in the case of Cornelia, will be of some service here.
+The nomen Terentia was also very unpopular in Pr&aelig;neste. It occurs
+but seven times and every inscription is well down in the late
+imperial period. C.I.L., XIV, 3376, 3384, 2850, 4091, 75, 3273;
+Not. d. Scavi, 1896, p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250">[250]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2967: ... elius Rufus &AElig;d(ilis). I take him to
+be a Cornelius rather than an &AElig;lius, because of the cognomen.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251">[251]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> One Cornelius, a freedman (C.I.L., XIV, 3382), and three
+Corneli&aelig;, freed women or slaves (C.I.L., XIV, 2992, 3032, 3361),
+but all at so late a date that the hatred or meaning of the name
+had been forgotten.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252">[252]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> A full treatment of the use of the nomen Cornelia in
+Pr&aelig;neste
+will be published soon by the author in connection with his
+Prosographia
+Pr&aelig;nestina, and also something on the nomen Terentia (see
+note 92). The cutting of one of the two inscriptions under
+consideration,
+no. 2968, which fragment I saw in Pr&aelig;neste in 1907,
+bears out the early date. The larger fragment could not be seen.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253">[253]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Schulze, Zur Geschichte Lateinischer Eigennamen, p. 222,
+under
+"Rutenius." He finds the same form Rotanius only in Turin,
+Rutenius only in North Italy.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254">[254]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> From the appearance of the name Rudia at Pr&aelig;neste (C.I.L.,
+XIV, 3295) which Schulze (l.c., note 95) connects with Rutenia
+and Rotania, there is even a faint chance to believe that this Rotanius
+might have been a resident of Pr&aelig;neste before the colonization.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255">[255]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3230-3237, 3315; Not. d. Scavi, 1905, p. 123;
+the
+one in question is C.I.L., XIV, 2966, I, 4.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256">[256]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., VI, 22436: (Mess)iena Messieni, an inscription now
+in Warwick Castle, Warwick, England, supposedly from Rome, is
+the only instance of the name in the sepulcrales of the C.I.L., VI.
+In Pr&aelig;neste, C.I.L., XIV, 2966, I, 5, 3360; compare Schulze,
+Geschichte Lat. Eigennamen, p. 193, n. 6.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257">[257]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C&aelig;sia at Pr&aelig;neste, C.I.L., XIV, 2852, 2966 I, 6, 2980,
+3311,
+3359, and the old form Ceisia, 4104.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258">[258]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> See Schulze, l.c., index under Caleius.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259">[259]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2964 II, 15.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260">[260]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Vibia especially in the old inscription C.I.L., XIV, 4098.
+Also in 2903, 2966 II, 9; Not. d. Scavi, 1900, p. 94.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261">[261]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Statioleia: C.I.L., XIV, 2966 I, 10, 3381.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262">[262]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3210; Not. d. Scavi, 1905, p. 123; also found
+in
+two pigna inscriptions in the Johns Hopkins University collection,
+as yet unpublished.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263">[263]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> There is a L. Aponius Mitheres on a basis in the Barberini
+garden in Pr&aelig;neste, but it may have come from Rome. The name
+is found Abonius in Etruria, but Aponia is found well scattered.
+See Schulze, Geschichte Lat. Eigennamen, p. 66.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264">[264]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2855, 2626, 3336.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265">[265]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3116. It may not be on a pigna.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266">[266]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 131. The nomen Paccia is a common
+name in the sepulchral inscriptions of Rome. C.I.L., VI, 23653-23675,
+but all are of a late date.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267">[267]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., IX, 5016: C. Capive Vitali (Hadria).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268">[268]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> A better restoration than Ninn(eius). The (N)inneius
+Sapp&aelig;us
+(C.I.L., VI, 33610) is a freedman, and the inscription is late.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269">[269]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> In the year 216 B.C. the Ninnii Celeres were hostages of
+Hannibal's at Capua (Livy XXIII, 8).</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270">[270]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 2776-2779, but all late.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271">[271]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 885-886. A Ninnius was procurator to Domitian,
+according to a fistula plumbea found at Rome (Bull. Com., 1882,
+p. 171, n. 597). A.Q. Ninnius Hasta was consul ordinarius in 114
+A.D. (C.I.L., XI, 3614, compare Paulus, Dig. 48, 8, 5 [Corpus
+Iuris Civ., I, p. 802]). See also a Ninnius Crassus, Dessau,
+Prosographia
+Imp. Romani, II, p. 407, n. 79.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272">[272]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> It is interesting to note that C. Paccius and C. Ninnius are
+officials, one would guess duovirs, of the same year in Pompeii, and
+thus parallel the men here in Pr&aelig;neste: C.I.L., X, 885-886: N.
+Paccius Chilo and M. Ninnius Pollio, who in 14 B.C. are duoviri
+v.a.s.p.p. (viis annon&aelig; sacris publicis procurandis), Henzen;
+(votis Augustalibus sacris publicis procurandis), Mommsen; (viis
+&aelig;dibus, etc.), Cagnat; See Liebenam in Pauly-Wissowa, Real
+Encyc.,
+V, 1842, 9.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273">[273]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Liebenam in Pauly-Wissowa, Real Encyc., V, 1806.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274">[274]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 157 ff.; Liebenam in
+Pauly-Wissowa,
+Real Enc., V, 1825. Sometimes the officers were designated
+simply quinquennales, and this seems to have been the early method.
+For all the various differences in the title, see Marquardt, l.c., p.
+160, n. 13.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275">[275]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> All at least except the regimen morum, so Marquardt, l.c.,
+p.
+162 and n. 2.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276">[276]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 161, n. 6.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277">[277]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 161, n. 7.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278">[278]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Beloch, Italischer Bund, p. 78 ff.; Nissen, Italische
+Landeskunde,
+II, p. 99 ff.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279">[279]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., IX, 422 = Dessau, Insc. Lat. Sel., 6123.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280">[280]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 1233 = Dessau 6124.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281">[281]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Near Aquinum. C.I.L., X, 5405 = Dessau 6125.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282">[282]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 245 = Dessau 6126.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283">[283]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2964.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284">[284]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> He is not even mentioned in Pauly-Wissowa or Ruggiero.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285">[285]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2966.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286">[286]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2964.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287">[287]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2965.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288">[288]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 169 for full discussion, with
+references
+to other cases.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289">[289]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 172: pr&aelig;t(or) Laur(entium) Lavin(atium)
+IIIIvir q(uin) q(uennalis) F&aelig;sulis.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290">[290]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3599.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291">[291]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3609.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292">[292]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3650.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293">[293]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., I, 1236 == X, 1573 == Dessau 6345.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294">[294]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 3665.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295">[295]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XI, 421 == Dessau 6662.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296">[296]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C. Alfius C.f. Lem. Ruf(us) IIvir quin(q). col. Iul.
+Hispelli
+et IIvir quinq. in municipio suo Casini, C.I.L., XI, 5278 == Dessau
+6624. Bormann, C.I.L., XI, p. 766, considers this to be an inscription
+of the time of Augustus and thinks the man here mentioned
+is one of his colonists.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297">[297]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Not. d. Scav, 1884, p. 418 == Dessau 6598.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298">[298]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., IX, 5831 == Dessau 6572.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299">[299]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., IX, 3311 == Dessau 6532.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300">[300]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> L. Septimio L.f. Arn. Calvo. &aelig;d., IIIIvir. i.d., pr&aelig;f.
+ex
+s.c.
+[q]uinquennalicia potestate, etc., Eph. Ep. 8, 120 == Dessau 6527.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301">[301]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., IX, 1618 == Dessau 6507.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302">[302]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., IX, 652 == Dessau 6481.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303">[303]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The full title is worth notice: IIIIvir i(ure) d(icundo)
+q(uinquennalis) c(ensoria) p(otestate), C.I.L., X, 49 == Dessau
+6463.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304">[304]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 344 == Dessau 6450.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305">[305]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 1036 == Dessau 6365.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306">[306]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 840 == Dessau 6362: M. Holconio Celeri d.v.i.d.
+quinq. designato. Augusti sacerdoti.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307">[307]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 1273 == Dessau 6344.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308">[308]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 4641 == Dessau 6301.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309">[309]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 5401 == Dessau 6291.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310">[310]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., X, 5393 == Dessau 6286.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311">[311]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 4148.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312">[312]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 4097, 4105a, 4106f.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313">[313]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 2795.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314">[314]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., XIV, 4237. Another case of the same kind is seen
+in the fragment C.I.L., XIV, 4247.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315">[315]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Zangemeister, C.I.L., IV., Index, shows 75 duoviri and but
+4 quinquennales.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316">[316]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> L. Veranius Hyps&aelig;us 6 times: C.I.L., IV, 170, 187, 193,
+200, 270, 394(?). Q. Postumius Modestus 7 times: 195, 279, 736,
+756, 786, 1156. Only two other men appear, one 3 times; 214, 596,
+824, the other once: 504.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317">[317]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> (1) Verul&aelig;, C.I.L., X, 5796; Acerr&aelig;, C.I.L., X, 3759;
+(2)
+Anagnia, C.I.L., X, 5919; Allif&aelig;, C.I.L., IX, 2354;
+&AElig;clanum,
+C.I.L., IX, 1160; (3) Sutrium, C.I.L., XI, 3261; Tergeste, C.I.L.,
+V, 545; (4) Tibur, C.I.L., XIV, 3665; Ausculum Apulorum,
+C.I.L., IX, 668; Sora, C.I.L, X, 5714; (5) Formi&aelig;, C.I.L., X,
+6101; Pompeii, C.I.L., X, 1036; (6) Ferentinum, C.I.L., X,
+5844, 5853; Falerii, C.I.L., XI, 3123; (7) Pompeii, Not. d. Scavi,
+1898, p. 171, and C.I.L., X, 788, 789, 851; Bovianum, C.I.L.,
+IX, 2568; (8) Telesia, C.I.L., IX, 2234; Allif&aelig;, C.I.L., IX,
+2353; Hispellum, C.I.L., XI, 5283.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318">[318]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> The same certainly as M. Antonius Sobarus of 4091,17 and
+duovir with T. Diadumenius, as is shown by the connective et. Compare
+4091, 4, 6, 7.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319">[319]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> C.I.L., I, p. 311 reads Lucius, which is certainly wrong.
+There
+is but one Lucius in Dessau, Prosographia Imp. Rom.; there is however
+a Lucilius with this same cognomen Dessau, l.c.</p>
+</div>
+<a name="Footnote_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320">[320]</a>
+<div class="note">
+<p> Probably not the M. Iuventius Laterensis, the Roman
+qu&aelig;stor,
+for the brick stamps of Pr&aelig;neste in other cases seem to show the
+qu&aelig;stors of the city.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 12770 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
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