path: root/old/12745.txt

The Project Gutenberg EBook of The World's Greatest Books, Vol XI.
by Edited by Arthur Mee and J.A. Hammerton

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org


Title: The World's Greatest Books, Vol XI.

Author: Edited by Arthur Mee and J.A. Hammerton

Release Date: June 25, 2004 [EBook #12745]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREATEST BOOKS, VOL. XI. ***




Produced by John Hagerson, Kevin Handy and PG Distributed Proofreaders




THE WORLD'S GREATEST BOOKS

JOINT EDITORS

ARTHUR MEE Editor and Founder of the Book of Knowledge

J.A. HAMMERTON Editor of Harmsworth's Universal Encyclopaedia

VOL. XI

ANCIENT HISTORY MEDIAEVAL HISTORY

       *       *       *       *       *




Table of Contents

    ANCIENT HISTORY

      EGYPT

        MASPERO, GASTON
          Dawn of Civilization
          Struggle of the Nations
          Passing of the Empires

      JEWS

        JOSEPHUS, FLAVIUS
          Antiquities of the Jews
          Wars of the Jews

        MILMAN, HENRY
          History of the Jews

      GREECE

        HERODOTUS
          History

        THUCYDIDES
          Peloponnesian War

        XENOPHON
          Anabasis

        GROTE, GEORGE
          History of Greece

        SCHLIEMANN, HEINRICH
          Troy and Its Remains

      ROME

        CAESAR, JULIUS
          Commentaries on the Gallic War

        TACITUS, PUBLIUS CORNELIUS
          Annals

        SALLUST, CATOS CRISPUS
          Conspiracy of Catiline

        GIBBON, EDWARD
          Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire

        MOMMSEN, THEODOR
          History of Rome

    MEDIAEVAL HISTORY

      HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE

        GIBBON, EDWARD
          The Holy Roman Empire

      EUROPE

        GUIZOT, F.P.G.
          History of Civilization in Europe

        HALLAM, HENRY
          View of the State of Europe During the Middle Ages

      EGYPT

        LANE-POOLE, STANLEY
          Egypt in the Middle Ages

      ENGLAND

        HOLINSHED, RAPHAEL
          Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland

        FREEMAN, E.A.
          Norman Conquest of England

        FROUDE, JAMES ANTHONY
          History of England

A Complete Index of THE WORLD'S GREATEST BOOKS will be found at the end
of Volume XX.

       *       *       *       *       *

Acknowledgment


     Acknowledgment and thanks for permitting the use of the
     following selections--"The Dawn of Civilisation," "The
     Struggle of the Nations" and "The Passing of the Empires," by
     Gaston Maspero--which appear in this volume, are hereby
     tendered to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, of
     London, England.

       *       *       *       *       *




Ancient History


GASTON MASPERO


The Dawn of Civilisation


     Gaston Camille Charles Maspero, born on June 23, 1846, in
     Paris, is one of the most renowned of European experts in
     philology and Egyptology, having in great part studied his
     special subjects on Oriental ground. After occupying for
     several years the Chair of Egyptology in the Ecole des Hautes
     Etudes at the Sorbonne in Paris, he became, in 1874, Professor
     of Egyptian Philology and Archaeology at the College de
     France. From 1881 to 1886 he acted in Egypt as director of the
     Boulak Museum. It was under his superintendence that this
     museum became enriched with its choicest antique treasures.
     Dr. Maspero retired in 1886, but in 1899 again went to Egypt
     as Director of Excavations. His works are of the utmost value,
     his skill in marshalling facts and deducting legitimate
     inferences being unrivalled. His masterpiece is an immense
     work, with the general title of "History of the Ancient
     Peoples of the Classic East," divided into three parts, each
     complete in itself: (1) "The Dawn of Civilisation"; (2) "The
     Struggle of the Nations"; (3) "The Passing of the Empires."


_I.--The Nile and Egypt_


A long, low, level shore, scarcely rising above the sea, a chain of
vaguely defined and ever-shifting lakes and marshes, then the triangular
plain beyond, whose apex is thrust thirty leagues into the land--this,
the Delta of Egypt, has gradually been acquired from the sea, and is, as
it were, the gift of the Nile. Where the Delta ends, Egypt proper
begins. It is only a strip of vegetable mould stretching north and south
between regions of drought and desolation, a prolonged oasis on the
banks of the river, made by the Nile, and sustained by the Nile. The
whole length of the land is shut in by two ranges of hills, roughly
parallel at a mean distance of about twelve miles.

During the earlier ages the river filled all this intermediate space;
and the sides of the hills, polished, worn, blackened to their very
summits, still bear unmistakable traces of its action. Wasted and
shrunken within the deeps of its own ancient bed, the stream now makes a
way through its own thick deposits of mud. The bulk of its waters keep
to the east, and constitutes the true Nile, the "Great River" of the
hieroglyphic inscriptions. At Khartoum the single channel in which the
river flowed divides, and two other streams are opened up in a southerly
direction, each of them apparently equal in volume to the main stream.

Which is the true Nile? Is it the Blue Nile, which seems to come down
from the distant mountains? Or is it the White Nile, which has traversed
the immense plains of equatorial Africa? The old Egyptians never knew.
The river kept the secret of its source from them as obstinately as it
withheld it from us until a few years ago. Vainly did their victorious
armies follow the Nile for months together, as they pursued the tribes
who dwelt upon its banks, only to find it as wide, as full, as
irresistible in its progress as ever. It was a fresh-water sea--_iauma,
ioma_ was the name by which they called it. The Egyptians, therefore,
never sought its source. It was said to be of supernatural origin, to
rise in Paradise, to traverse burning regions inaccessible to man, and
afterwards to fall into a sea whence it made its way to Egypt.

The sea mentioned in all the tales is, perhaps, a less extravagant
invention than we are at first inclined to think. A lake, nearly as
large as the Victoria Nyanza, once covered the marshy plain where the
Bahr-el-Abiad unites with the Sobat and with the Bahr-el-Ghazal.
Alluvial deposits have filled up all but its deepest depression, which
is known as Birket Nu; but in ages preceding our era it must still have
been vast enough to suggest to Egyptian soldiers and boatmen the idea of
an actual sea opening into the Indian Ocean.

Everything is dependent upon the river--the soil, the produce of the
soil, the species of animals it bears, the birds which it feeds--and
hence it was the Egyptians placed the river among their gods. They
personified it as a man with regular features, and a vigorous but portly
body, such as befits the rich of high lineage. Sometimes water springs
from his breast; sometimes he presents a frog, or libation of vases, or
bears a tray full of offerings of flowers, corn, fish, or geese. The
inscriptions call him "Hapi, father of the gods, lord of sustenance, who
maketh food to be, and covereth the two lands of Egypt with his
products; who giveth life, banisheth want, and filleth the granaries to
overflowing."

He is evolved into two personages, one being sometimes coloured red, the
other blue. The former, who wears a cluster of lotus-flowers on his
head, presides over Egypt of the south; the latter has a bunch of
papyrus for his headdress, and watches over the Delta. Two goddesses,
corresponding to the two Hapis--Mirit Qimait for the Upper, and
Mirit-Mihit for the Lower Egypt--personified the banks of the river.
They are represented with outstretched arms, as though begging for the
water that should make them fertile.



_II.--The Gods of Egypt_


The incredible number of religious scenes to be found represented on the
ancient monuments of Egypt is at first glance very striking. Nearly
every illustration in the works of Egyptologists shows us the figure of
some deity. One would think the country had been inhabited for the most
part by gods, with just enough men and animals to satisfy the
requirements of their worship. Each of these deities represented a
function, a moment in the life of man or of the universe. Thus, Naprit
was identified with the ripe ear of wheat; Maskhonit appeared by the
child's cradle at the very moment of its birth; and Raninit presided
over the naming and nurture of the newly born.

In penetrating this mysterious world we are confronted by an actual
jumble of gods, many being of foreign origin; and these, with the
indigenous deities, made up nations of gods. This mixed pantheon had its
grades of noble princes and kings, each of its members representing one
of the forces constituting the world. Some appeared in human form;
others as animals; others as combinations of human and animal forms.

The sky-gods, like the earth-gods, were separated into groups, the one
composed of women: Hathor of Denderah, or Nit of Sais; the other
composed of men identical with Horus, or derived from him: Anhuri-Shu of
Sebennytos and Thinis; Harmerati, or Horus, of the two eyes, at
Pharbaethos; Har-Sapedi, or Horus, of the zodiacal light, in the Wady
Tumilat; and, finally, Harhuditi at Edfu. Ra, the solar disc, was
enthroned at Heliopolis; and sun-gods were numerous among the home
deities. Horus the sun, and Ra the sun-god of Heliopolis, so permeated
each other that none could say where the one began and the other ended.

Each of the feudal gods representing the sun cherished pretensions to
universal dominion. The goddesses shared in supreme power. Isis was
entitled lady and mistress of Buto, as Hathor was at Denderah, and as
Nit was at Sais. The animal-gods shared omnipotence with those in human
form. Each of the feudal divinities appropriated two companions and
formed a trinity; or, as it is generally called, a triad. Often the
local deity was content with one wife and one son, but often he was
united to two goddesses. The system of triads enhanced, rather than
lowered, the prestige of the feudal gods. The son in a divine triad had
of himself but limited authority. When Isis and Osiris were his parents,
he was generally an infant Horus, whose mother nursed him, offering him
her breast. The gods had body and soul, like men; they had bones,
muscles, flesh and blood; they hungered and thirsted, ate and drank;
they had our passions, griefs, joys and infirmities; and they were
subject to age, decrepitude and death, though they lived very far beyond
the term of life of men.

The _sa_, a mysterious fluid, circulated through their members, and
carried with it divine vigour; and this they could impart to men, who
thus might become gods. Many of the Pharaohs became deities. The king
who wished to become impregnated with the divine _sa_ sat before the
statue of the god in order that this principle might be infused into
him. The gods were spared none of the anguish and none of the perils
which death so plentifully bestows on men. The gods died; each nome
possessed the mummy and the tomb of its dead deity. At Thinis there was
the mummy of Anhuri in its tomb, at Mendes the mummy of Osiris, at
Heliopolis that of Tumu. Usually, by dying, the god became another
deity. Ptah of Memphis became Sokaris; Uapuaitu, the jackal of Siut, was
changed into Anubis. Osiris first represented the wild and fickle Nile
of primitive times; but was soon transformed into a benefactor to
humanity, the supremely good being, Unnofriu, Onnophris. He was supposed
to assume the shapes not only of man, but of rams and bulls, or even of
water-birds, such as lapwings, herons, and cranes. His companion goddess
was Isis, the cow, or woman with cow's horns, who personified the earth,
and was mother of Horus.

There were countless gods of the people: trees, serpents and family
fetishes. Fine single sycamores, flourishing as if by miracle amid the
sand, were counted divine, and worshipped by Egyptians of all ranks, who
made them offerings of figs, grapes, cucumbers, vegetables and water.
The most famous of them all, the Sycamore of the South, used to be
regarded as the living body of Hathor on earth. Each family possessed
gods and fetishes, which had been pointed out by some fortuitous meeting
with an animal or an object; perhaps by a dream and often by sudden
intuition.


_III.--Legendary History of Egypt_


The legendary history of Egypt begins with the Heliopolitan Enneads, or
traditions of the divine dynasties of Ra, Shu, Osiris, Sit and Horus.
Great space is taken up with the fabulous history of Ra, the first king
of Egypt, who allows himself to be duped and robbed by Isis, destroys
rebellious men, and ascends to heaven. He dwelt in Heliopolis, where his
court was mainly composed of gods and goddesses. In the morning he went
forth in his barque, amid the acclamations of the crowd, made his
accustomed circuit of the world, and returned to his home at the end of
twelve hours after the journey. In his old age he became the subject of
the wiles of Isis, who poisoned him, and so secured his departure from
earth. He was succeeded by Shu and Sibu, between whom the empire of the
universe was divided.

The fantastic legends concocted by the priests go on to relate how at
length Egypt was civilised by Osiris and Isis. By Osiris the people were
taught agriculture; Isis weaned them from cannibalism. Osiris was slain
by the red-haired and jealous demon, Sit-Typhon, and then Egypt was
divided between Horus and Sit as rivals; and so it consisted henceforth
of two kingdoms, of which one, that of the north, duly recognised Horus,
son of Isis, as its patron deity; the other, that of the south, placed
itself under the supreme protection of Sit-Nubiti, the god of Ombos.

Elaborate and intricate and hopelessly confused are the fables relating
to the Osirian embalmment, and to the opening of the kingdom of Osiris
to the followers of Horus. Souls did not enter it without examination
and trial, as it is the aim of the famous Book of the Dead to show.
Before gaining access to this paradise each of them had to prove that it
had during earthly life belonged to a friend or to a vassal of Osiris,
and had served Horus in his exile, and had rallied to his banner from
the very beginning of the Typhonian wars.

To Menes of Thinis tradition ascribes the honour of fusing the two
Egypts into one empire, and of inaugurating the reign of the human
dynasties. But all we know of this first of the Pharaohs, beyond his
existence, is practically nothing, and the stories related of him are
mere legends. The real history of the early centuries eludes our
researches. The history as we have it is divided into three periods: 1.
The Memphite period, which is usually called the "Ancient Empire," from
the First to the Tenth dynasty: kings of Memphite origin were rulers
over the whole of Egypt during the greater part of this epoch. 2. The
Theban period, from the Eleventh to the Twentieth dynasty. It is divided
into two parts by the invasion of the Shepherds (Sixteenth dynasty). 3.
Saite period, from the Twenty-first to the Thirtieth dynasty, divided
again into two parts by the Persian Conquest, the first Saite period,
from the Twenty-first to the Twenty-sixth dynasty; the second Saite
Period, from the Twenty-eighth to the Thirtieth dynasty.


_IV.--Political Constitution of Egypt_


Between the Fayum and the apex of the Delta, the Libyan range expands
and forms a vast and slightly undulating table-land, which runs parallel
to the Nile for nearly thirty leagues. The great Sphinx Harmakhis has
mounted guard over its northern extremity ever since the time of the
followers of Horus. In later times, a chapel of alabaster and rose
granite was erected alongside the god; temples were built here and there
in the more accessible places, and round these were grouped the tombs of
the whole country. The bodies of the common people, usually naked and
uncoffined, were thrust into the sand at a depth of barely three feet
from the surface. Those of the better class rested in mean rectangular
chambers, hastily built of yellow bricks, without ornaments or
treasures; a few vessels, however, of coarse pottery contained the
provisions left to nourish the departed during the period of his
existence. Some of the wealthy class had their tombs cut out of the
mountain-side; but the great majority preferred an isolated tomb, a
"mastaba," comprised of a chapel above ground, a shaft, and some
subterranean vaults.

During the course of centuries, the ever-increasing number of tombs
formed an almost uninterrupted chain, are rich in inscriptions, statues,
and in painted or sculptured scenes, and from the womb, as it were, of
these cemeteries, the Egypt of the Memphite dynasties gradually takes
new life and reappears in the full daylight of history. The king stands
out boldly in the foreground, and his tall figure towers over all else.
He is god to his subjects, who call him "the good-god," and "the
great-god," connecting him with Ra through the intervening kings. So the
Pharaohs are blood relations of the sun-god, the "divine double" being
infused into the royal infant at birth.

The monuments throw full light on the supernatural character of the
Pharaohs in general, but tell us little of the individual disposition of
any king in particular, or of their everyday life. The royal family was
very numerous. At least one of the many women of the harem received the
title of "great spouse," or queen. Her union with the god-king rendered
her a goddess. Children swarmed in the palace, as in the houses of
private citizens, and they were constantly jealous of each other, having
no bond of union except common hatred of the son whom the chances of
birth had destined to be their ruler.

Highly complex degrees of rank are revealed to us on the monuments of
the people who immediately surrounded the Pharaoh. His person was, as it
were, minutely subdivided into compartments, each requiring its
attendants and their appointed chiefs. His toilet alone gave employment
to a score of different trades. The guardianship of the crowns almost
approached the dignity of a priesthood, for was not the urseus, which
adorned each one, a living goddess? Troops of musicians, singers,
dancers, buffoons and dwarfs whiled away the tedious hours. Many were
the physicians, chaplains, soothsayers and magicians. But vast indeed
was the army of officials connected with the administration of public
affairs. The mainspring of all this machinery was the writer, or, as we
call him, the scribe, across whom we come in all grades of the staff.

The title of scribe was of no particular value in itself, for everyone
was a scribe who knew how to read and write, was fairly proficient in
wording the administrative formulas, and could easily apply the
elementary rules of book-keeping. "One has only to be a scribe, for the
scribe takes the lead of all," said the wise man. Sometimes, however, a
talented scribe rose to a high position, like the Amten, whose tomb was
removed to Berlin by Lepsius, and who became a favourite of the king and
was ennobled.


_V.--The Memphite Empire_


At that time "the Majesty of King Huni died, and the Majesty of King
Snofrui arose to be a sovereign benefactor over this whole earth." All
we know of him is contained in one sentence: he fought against the
nomads of Sinai, constructed fortresses to protect the eastern frontier
of the Delta, and made for himself a tomb in the form of a pyramid.
Snofrui called the pyramid "Kha," the Rising, the place where the dead
Pharaoh, identified with the sun, is raised above the world for ever. It
was built to indicate the place in which lies a prince, chief, or person
of rank in his tribe or province. The worship of Snofrui, the first
pyramid-builders, was perpetuated from century to century. His
popularity was probably great; but his fame has been eclipsed in our
eyes by that of the Pharaohs of the Memphite dynasty who immediately
followed him--Kheops, Khephren and Mykerinos.

Khufui, the Kheops of the Greeks, was probably son of Snofrui. He
reigned twenty-three years, successfully defended the valuable mines of
copper, manganese and turquoise of the Sinaitic peninsula against the
Bedouin; restored the temple of Hathor at Dendera; embellished that of
Babastis; built a sanctuary to the Isis of the Sphinx; and consecrated
there gold, silver and bronze statues of Horus and many other gods.
Other Pharaohs had done as much or more; but the Egyptians of later
dynasties measured the magnificence of Kheops by the dimensions of his
pyramid at Ghizel. The Great Pyramid was called Khuit, the "Horizon," in
which Kheops had to be swallowed up, as his father, the sun, was
engulfed every evening in the horizon of the west. Of Dadufri, his
immediate successor, we can probably say that he reigned eight years;
but Khephren, the next son who succeeded to the throne, erected temples
and a gigantic pyramid, like his father. He placed it some 394 feet to
the south-west of that of Kheops, and called it Uiru the Great. It is
much smaller than its neighbour, but at a distance the difference in
height disappears. The pyramid of Mykerinos, son and successor of
Khephren, was considerably inferior in height, but was built with
scrupulous art and refined care.

The Fifth dynasty manifested itself in every respect as the sequel and
complement of the Fourth. It reckons nine Pharaohs, who reigned for a
century and a half, and each of them built pyramids and founded cities,
and appear to have ruled gloriously. They maintained, and even
increased, the power and splendour of Egypt. But the history of the
Memphite Empire unfortunately loses itself in legend and fable, and
becomes a blank for several centuries.


_VI.--The First Theban Empire_


The principality of the Oleander--Naru--comprised the territory lying
between the Nile and the Bahr Yusuf, a district known to the Greeks as
the island of Heracleopolis. It, moreover, included the whole basin of
the Fayum, on the west of the valley. Attracted by the fertility of the
soil, the Pharaohs of the older dynasties had from time to time taken up
their residence in Heracleopolis, the capital of the district of the
Oleander, and one of them, Snofrui, had built his pyramid at Medum,
close to the frontier of the nome. In proportion as the power of the
Memphites declined, so did the princes of the Oleander grow more
vigorous and enterprising; and When the Memphite kings passed away,
these princes succeeded their former masters and eventually sat "upon
the throne of Horus."

The founder of the Ninth dynasty was perhaps Khiti I., who ruled over
all Egypt, and whose name has been found on rocks at the first cataract.
His successors seem to have reigned ingloriously for more than a
century. The history of this period seems to have been one of confused
struggle, the Pharaohs fighting constantly against their vassals, and
the nobles warring amongst themselves. During the Memphite and
Heracleopolitan dynasties Memphis, Elephantine, El-Kab and Koptos were
the principal cities of the country; and it was only towards the end of
the Eighth dynasty that Thebes began to realise its power. The revolt of
the Theban. princes put an end to the Ninth dynasty; and though
supported by the feudal powers of Central and Northern Egypt, the Tenth
dynasty did not succeed in bringing them back to their allegiance, and
after a struggle of nearly 200 years the Thebans triumphed and brought
the two divisions of Egypt under their rule.

The few glimpses to be obtained of the early history of the first Theban
dynasty give the impression of an energetic and intelligent race. The
kings of the Eleventh dynasty were careful not to wander too far from
the valley of the Nile, concentrating their efforts not on conquest of
fresh territory, but on the remedy of the evils from which the country
had suffered for hundreds of years. The final overthrow of the
Heracleopolitan dynasty, and the union of the two kingdoms under the
rule of the Theban house, are supposed to have been the work of that
Monthotpu, whose name the Egyptians of Rameside times inscribed in the
royal lists as that of the founder and most illustrious representative
of the Eleventh dynasty.

The leader of the Twelfth dynasty, Amenemhait I., was of another stamp,
showing himself to be a Pharaoh conscious of his own divinity and
determined to assert it. He inspected the whole land, restored what he
found in ruins, crushed crime, settled the bounds of towns, and
established for each its frontiers. Recognising that Thebes lay too far
south to be a suitable place of residence for the lord of all Egypt,
Amenemhait proceeded to establish himself in the heart of the country in
imitation of the glorious Pharaohs from whom he claimed descent. He took
up his abode a little to the south of Dashur, in the palace of Titoui.
Having restored peace to his country, the king in the twentieth year of
his reign, when he was growing old, raised his son Usirtasen, then very
young, to the co-regency with himself.

When, ten years later, the old king died, his son was engaged in a war
against the Libyans. He reigned alone for thirty-two years. The Twelfth
dynasty lasted 213 years; and its history can be ascertained with
greater certainty and completeness than that of any other dynasty which
ruled Egypt, although we are far from having any adequate idea of its
great achievements, for unfortunately the biographies of its eight
sovereigns and the details of their interminable wars are very
imperfectly known.

Uncertainty again shrouds the history of the country after the reign of
Sovkhoptu I. The Twentieth dynasty contained, so it is said, sixty
kings, who reigned for a period of over 453 years. The Nofirhoptus and
Sovkhoptus continued to all appearances both at home and abroad the work
so ably begun by the Amenemhaits and the Usirtasens.

During the Thirteenth dynasty art and everything else in Egypt were
fairly prosperous, but wealth exercised an injurious effect on artistic
taste. During this dynasty we hear nothing of the inhabitants of the
Sinaitic Peninsula to the east, or of the Libyans to the west; it was in
the south, in Ethiopia, that the Pharaohs expended all their superfluous
energy. The middle basin of the Nile as far as Gebel-Barkal was soon
incorporated with Egypt, and the population became quickly assimilated.
Sovkhoptu III., who erected colossal statues of himself at Tanis,
Bubastis and Thebes, was undisputed master of the whole Nile valley,
from near the spot where it receives its last tributary to where it
empties itself into the sea. The making of Egypt was finally
accomplished in his time. The Fourteenth dynasty, however, consists of a
line of seventy-five kings, whose mutilated names appear on the Turin
Papyrus. These shadowy Pharaohs followed each other in rapid sequence,
some reigning only a few months, others for certainly not more than two
and three years.

Meantime, during what appears to have been an era of rivalries between
pretenders, mutually jealous of and deposing one another, usurpers in
succession seizing the crown without strength to keep it, the feudal
lords displayed more than their old restlessness. The nomad tribes began
to show growing hostility on the frontier, and the peoples of the Tigris
and Euphrates were already pushing their vanguards into Central Syria.
While Egypt had been bringing the valley of the Nile and the eastern
corner of Africa into subjection, Chaldaea had imposed not only language
and habits, but also her laws upon the whole of that part of Eastern
Asia which separated her from Egypt. Thus the time was rapidly
approaching when these two great civilised powers of the ancient world
would meet each other face to face and come into fierce and terrible
collision.


_VII.--Ancient Chaldaea_


The Chaldaean account of Genesis is contained on fragments of tablets
discovered and deciphered in 1875 by George Smith. These tell legends of
the time when "nothing which was called heaven existed above, and when
nothing below had as yet received the name of earth. Apsu, the Ocean,
who was their first father, and Chaos-Tiamat, who gave birth to them
all, mingled their waters in one, reeds which were not united, rushes
which bore no fruit. In the time when the gods were not created, Lakhmu
and Lakhamu were the first to appear and waxed great for ages."

Then came Anu, the sunlit sky by day, the starlit firmament by night;
Inlil-Bel, the king of the earth; Ea, the sovereign of the waters and
the personification of wisdom. Each of them duplicated himself, Anu into
Anat, Bel into Belit, Ea into Damkina, and united himself to the spouse
whom he had produced from himself. Other divinities sprang from these
fruitful pairs, and, the impulse once given, the world was rapidly
peopled by their descendants. Sin, Samash and Ramman, who presided
respectively over the sun, moon and air, were all three of equal rank;
next came the lords of the planets, Ninib, Merodach, Nergal, Ishtar, the
warrior-goddess, and Nebo; then a whole army of lesser deities who
ranged themselves around Anu as around a supreme master.

Discord arose. The first great battle of the gods was between Tiamat and
Merodach. In this fearful conflict Tiamat was destroyed. Splitting her
body into halves, the conqueror hung up one on high, and this became the
heavens; the other he spread out under his feet to form the earth, and
made the universe as men have known it. Merodach regulated the movements
of the sun and divided the year into twelve months.

The heavens having been put in order, he set about peopling the earth.
Many such fables concerning the cosmogony were current among the races
of the lower Euphrates, who seem to have belonged to three different
types. The most important were the Semites, who spoke a dialect akin to
Armenian, Hebrew and Phoenician. Side by side with these the monuments
give evidence of a race of ill-defined character, whom we provisionally
call Sumerians, who came, it is said, from some northern country, and
brought with them a curious system of writing which, adopted by ten
different nations, has preserved for us all that we know in regard to
the majority of the empires which rose and fell in Western Asia before
the Persian conquest. The cities of these Semites and Sumerians were
divided into two groups, one in the south, near the sea, the other more
to the north, where the Euphrates and the Tigris are separated by a
narrow strip of land. The southern group consisted of seven, Eridu lying
nearest the coast. Uru was the most important. Lagash was to the north
of Eridu. The northern group consisted of Nipur, "the incomparable,"
Borsip, Babylon (gate of the god and residence of life, the only
metropolis of the Euphrates region of which posterity never lost
reminiscence), Kishu, Kuta, Agade, and, lastly, the two Sipparas, that
of Shamash, and that of Annuit.

The earliest Chaldaean civilisation was confined almost to the banks of
the lower Euphrates; except at the northern boundary it did not reach
the Tigris and did not cross the river. Separated from the rest of the
world, on the east by the vast marshes bordering on the river, on the
north by the Mesopotamian table-land, on the west by the Arabian desert,
it was able to develop its civilisation as Egypt had done, in an
isolated area, and to follow out its destiny in peace.

According to Ferossasi the first king was Aloros of Babylon. He was
chosen by the god Oannes, and reigned supernaturally for ten sari, or
36,000 years, each saros being 3,600 years. Nine kings follow, each in
this mythical record reigning an enormous period. Then took place the
great deluge, 691,000 years after the creation, in consequence of the
wickedness of men, who neglected the worship of the gods, and excited
their wrath. Shamashnapishtim, king at this time in Shurippak, was saved
miraculously in a great ship. Concerning him and his voyage strange
fables are recorded. After the deluge, 86 kings ruled during 34,080
years. One of these was Nimrod, the mighty hunter of the Bible, who
appears as Gilgamesh, King of Uruk, and is the hero of extraordinary
adventures.

History proper begins with Sargon the Elder, king at the first in Agade,
who soon annexed Babylon, Sippara, Kishu, Uruk, Kuta and Nipur. His
brilliant career was like an anticipation of that of the still more
glorious life of Sargon of Nineveh. His son, Naramsin, succeeded him
about 3750 B.C. He conquered Elam and was a great builder. After him the
most famous king of that epoch was Gudea, of Lagash, the prince of whom
we possess the greatest number of monuments. But in these records we
have but the dust of history rather than history itself. The materials
are scanty in the extreme and the framework also is wanting.


_VIII.--The Temples and the Gods of Chaldaea_


The cities of the Euphrates attract no attention, like those of Egypt,
by the magnificence of their ruins. They are merely heaps of rubbish in
which no architectural outline can be traced--mounds of stiff greyish
clay, containing the remains of the vast structures that were built of
bricks set in mortar or bitumen. Stone was not used as in Egypt. While
the Egyptian temple was spread superficially over a large area, the
Chaldaean temple strove to attain as high an elevation as possible. These
"ziggurats" were composed of several immense cubes piled up on one
another, and diminishing in size up to the small shrine by which they
were crowned, and wherein the god himself was supposed to dwell.

The gods of the Euphrates, like those of the Nile, constituted a
countless multitude of visible and invisible beings, distributed into
tribes and empires throughout all the regions of the universe; but,
whereas in Egypt they were, on the whole, friendly to man, in Chaldaea
they for the most part pursued him with an implacable hatred, and only
seemed to exist in order to destroy him. Whether Semite or Sumerian, the
gods, like those of Egypt, were not abstract personages, but each
contained in himself one of the principal elements of which our universe
is composed--earth, air, sky, sun, moon and stars. The state religion,
which all the inhabitants of the same city were solemnly bound to
observe, included some dozen gods, but the private devotion of
individuals supplemented this cult by vast additions, each family
possessing its own household gods.

Animals never became objects of worship as in Egypt; some of them,
however, as the bull and the lion, were closely allied to the gods. If
the idea of uniting all these gods into a single supreme one ever
crossed the mind of a Chaldaean theologian, it never spread to the people
as a whole. Among all the thousands of tablets or inscribed stones on
which we find recorded prayers, we have as yet discovered no document
containing the faintest allusion to a divine unity. The temples were
miniature reproductions of the arrangements of the universe. The
"ziggurat" represented in its form the mountain of the world, and the
halls ranged at its feet resembled approximately the accessory parts of
the world; the temple of Merodach at Babylon comprised them all up to
the chambers of fate, where the sun received every morning the tablets
of destiny.

Every individual was placed, from the very moment of his birth, under
the protection of a god or goddess, of whom he was the servant, or
rather the son. These deities accompanied him by day and by night to
guard him from the evil genii ready to attack him on every side. The
Chaldaeans had not such clear ideas as to what awaited them in the other
world as the Egyptians possessed.

The Chaldaean hades is a dark country surrounded by seven high walls, and
is approached by seven gates, each guarded by a pitiless warder. Two
deities rule within it--Nergal, "the lord of the great city," and
Peltis-Allat, "the lady of the great land," whither everything which has
breathed in this world descends after death. A legend relates that Allat
reigned alone in hades and was invited by the gods to a feast which they
had prepared in heaven. Owing to her hatred of the light she refused,
sending a message by her servant, Namtar, who acquitted himself, with
such a bad grace, that Anu and Ea were incensed against his mistress,
and commissioned Nergal to chastise her. He went, and finding the gates
of hell open, dragged the queen by her hair from the throne, and was
about to decapitate her, but she mollified him by her prayers and saved
her life by becoming his wife.

The nature of Nergal fitted him well to play the part of a prince of the
departed; for he was the destroying sun of summer, and the genius of
pestilence and battle. His functions in heaven and earth took up so much
of his time that he had little leisure to visit his nether kingdom, and
he was consequently obliged to content himself with the role of
providing subjects for it by dispatching thither the thousands of
recruits which he gathered daily from the abodes of men or from the
field of battle.


_IX.--Chaldaean Civilisation_


The Chaldaean kings, unlike their contemporaries, the Pharaohs, rarely
put forward any pretension to divinity. They contented themselves with
occupying an intermediate position between their subjects and the gods.
While the ordinary priest chose for himself a single deity as master,
the priest-king exercised universal sacerdotal functions. He officiated
for Merodach here below, and the scrupulously minute devotions daily
occupied many hours. On great days of festival or sacrifice they laid
aside all insignia of royalty and were clad as ordinary priests.

Women do not seem to have been honoured in the Euphratean regions as in
Egypt, where the wives of the sovereign were invested with that
semi-sacred character that led the women to be associated with the
devotions of the man, and made them indispensable auxiliaries in all
religious ceremonies. Whereas the monuments on the banks of the Nile
reveal to us princesses sharing the throne of their husbands, whom they
embrace with a gesture of frank affection, in Chaldaea, the wives of the
prince, his mother, sisters, daughters and even his slaves, remain
absolutely invisible to posterity. The harem in which they were shut up
by force of custom rarely, if ever, opened its doors; the people seldom
caught sight of them; and we could count on our fingers the number of
these whom the inscriptions mention by name.

Life was not so pleasant in Chaldaea as in Egypt. The innumerable
promissory notes, the receipted accounts, the contracts of sale and
purchase--these cunningly drawn-up deeds which have been deciphered by
the hundred, reveal to us a people greedy of gain, exacting, litigious,
and almost exclusively absorbed in material concerns. The climate, too,
variable and oppressive in summer and winter alike, imposed on the
Chaldaean painful exactions, and obliged him to work with an energy of
which the majority of Egyptians would not have felt themselves capable.
And the plague of usury raged with equal violence in city and country.

In proportion, however, as we are able to bring this wonderful
civilisation to light we become more and more conscious that we have
indeed little or nothing in common with it. Its laws, customs, habits
and character, its methods of action and its modes of thought, are so
far apart from those of the present day that they seem to belong to a
humanity utterly different from our own. It thus happens that while we
understand to a shade the classical language of the Greeks and of the
Romans, and can read their works almost without effort, the great
primitive literatures of the world, the Egyptian and Chaldaean, have
nothing to offer us for the most part but a sequence of problems to
solve or of enigmas to unriddle with patience.

       *       *       *       *       *




The Struggle of the Nations


     Maspero in this work gives us the second volume of his great
     historical trilogy. He shows in parallel views the part played
     in the history of the ancient world by the first Chaldaean
     Empire, by Syria, by the Hyksos, or shepherd kings, of Egypt,
     and by the first Cossaean kings who established the greatness
     of Nineveh and the Assyrian Empire. The great Theban dynasty
     is then exhibited in its romantic rise under the Pharaohs.
     Maspero writes not as a mere chronicler or reciter of events,
     but as a philosophical historian. He makes the reader
     understand how fatally the chronic militarism of these
     competing empires drained each of its manhood and brought
     Babylon and Assyria simultaneously into a hopeless condition
     of national anaemia. Equally pathetic is the picture drawn of
     the gradual but sure decay of the grand empire of the
     Pharaohs. Maspero, with masterly skill, passes a processional
     of these despots before our eyes.


_I.--The Chaldaean Empire and the Hyksos_


Some countries seem destined from their origin to become the
battlefields of the contending nations which environ them. Into such
regions neighbouring peoples come to settle their quarrels, and bit by
bit they appropriate it, so that at best the only course open to the
inhabitants is to join forces with one of the invaders. From remote
antiquity this was the experience of Syria, which was thus destined to
become subject to foreign rule. Chaldaea, Egypt, Assyria and Persia in
turn presided over its destinies. Semites dwelt in the south and the
centre, while colonies from beyond the Taurus occupied the north. The
influence of Egypt never penetrated beyond the provinces lying nearest
the Dead Sea. The remaining populations looked rather to Chaldaea, and
received the continuous impress of the kingdoms of the Euphrates.

The lords of Babylon had, ordinarily, a twofold function, the priest at
first taking precedence of the soldier, but gradually yielding to the
latter as the city increased in power. Each ruler was obliged to go in
state to the temple of Bel Merodach within a year of his accession,
there to do homage to the divine statue. The long lists of early kings
contain semi-legendary names, including those of mythical heroes.
Towards the end of the twenty-fifth century, however, before the
Christian era, a dynasty arose of which all the members come within the
range of history.

The first of these kings, Sumuabim, has left us some contracts bearing
the dates of one or other of the fifteen years of his reign. Of the ten
kings who followed during the period embraced between the years 2416
B.C. and 2112 B.C., the one who ruled for the longest term was the.
famous and fortunate Khammurabi (son of Sinmuballit), who was on the
throne for fifty-five years.

While thus the first Chaldean Empire was being established, Egypt,
separated from her confines only by a narrow isthmus, loomed on the
horizon, and appeared to beckon to her rival. But she had strangely
declined from her former greatness, and had been attacked and subdued by
invaders appearing like a cloud of locusts on the banks of the Nile, to
whom was applied the name Hiq Shausu, from which the Greeks derived the
term Hyksos for this people. Modern scholars have put forward many
conflicting hypotheses as to the identity of this race of conquerors.
The monuments represent them with the Mongoloid type of feature. The
problem remains unsolved, and the origin of the Hyksos is as mysterious
as ever.

About this time took place that entrance into Egypt of the Beni-Israel,
or Israelites, which has since acquired a unique position in the world's
history. A comparatively ancient tradition relates that the Hebrews
arrived in Egypt during the reign of Aphobis, a Hyksos king, doubtless
one of the Apopi. The Hyksos were ousted by a hero named Ahmosis after a
war of five years. The XVIIIth Dynasty was inaugurated by the Pharaohs,
whose policy was so aggressive that Egypt, attacked by enemies from
various quarters, and roused, as it were, to warlike frenzy, hurled her
armies across all her frontiers simultaneously, and her sudden
appearance in the heart of Syria gave a new turn to human history. The
isolation of the kingdoms of the ancient world was at an end; and the
conflict of the nations was about to begin.


_II.--Beginning of the Egyptian Conquest_


The Egyptians had no need to anticipate Chaldaean interference when,
forsaking their ancient traditions, they penetrated for the first time
into the heart of Syria. Babylonian rule ceased to exercise direct
control when the line of sovereigns who had introduced it disappeared.
When Ammisatana died, about the year 2099 B.C., the dynasty of
Khammurabi became extinct, and kings of the semi-barbarous Cossaean race
gained the throne which had been occupied since the days of Khammurabi
by Chaldaeans of the ancient stock.

The Cossaean king who seized on Babylon was named Gandish. He and his
tribe came from the mountainous regions of Zagros, on the borders of
Media. The Cossaean rule over the countries of the Euphrates was
doubtless similar in its beginnings to that which the Hyksos exercised
at first over the nomes of Egypt. The Cossaean kings did not merely bring
with them their army, but their whole nation, who spread over the whole
land. As in the case of the Hyksos, the barbarian conquerors thus became
merged in the more civilised people which they had subdued. But the
successors of Gandish were unable permanently to retain their ascendancy
over all the districts and provinces, and several of these withdrew
their allegiance. Thus in Syria the authority of Babylon was no longer
supreme when the encroachments of Egypt began, and when Thutmosis
entered the region the native levies which he encountered were by no
means formidable.

The whole country consisted of a collection of petty states, a complex
group of peoples and territories which the Egyptians themselves never
completely succeeded in disentangling. We are, however, able to
distinguish at the present time several of these groups, all belonging
to the same family, but possessing different characteristics--the
kinsfolk of the Hebrews, the children of Ishmael and Edom, the Moabites
and Ammonites, the Arameans, the Khati and the Canaanites. The
Canaanites were the most numerous, and had they been able to confederate
under a single king, it would have been impossible for the Egyptians to
have broken through the barrier thus raised between them and the rest of
Asia.


_III.--The Eighteenth Theban Dynasty_


The account of the first expedition undertaken by Thutmosis I. in Asia,
a region at that time new to the Egyptians, would be interesting if we
could lay our hands on it. We know that this king succeeded in reaching
on his first campaign a limit which none of his successors was able to
surpass. The results of the campaign were of a decisive character, for
Southern Syria accepted its defeat, and Gaza was garrisoned as the
secure door of Asia for future invasions. Freed from anxiety in this
quarter, Pharaoh gave his whole time to the consolidation of his power
in Ethiopia, where rebellion had become rife. Subduing this southern
region and thus extending the supremacy of Egypt in the regions of the
upper Nile, Thutmosis was able to end his days in the enjoyment of
profound peace. Thutmosis II. did not long survive him. His chief wife,
Queen Hatshopsitu, reigned for many years with great ability while the
new Pharaoh, Thutmosis III., was still a youth.

After the death of Hatshopsitu, the young Pharaoh set out with his army.
It was at the beginning of the twenty-fourth year of his reign that he
reached Gaza. Marching forward he reached the spurs of Mount Carmel and
won a decisive victory at Megiddo over the allied Syrian princes. The
inscriptions at Karnak contain long lists of the titles of the king's
Syrian subjects. The Pharaoh had now no inclination to lay down his
arms, and we have a record of twelve military expeditions of this king.
When the Syrian conquest had been effected, Egypt gave permanency to its
results by means of a series of international decrees, which established
the constitution of her empire, and brought about her concerted action
with the Asiatic powers. She had already occupied an important position
among them when Thutmosis III. died in the fifty-fifth year of his
reign.

Of his successors the most prosperous was the renowned Amenothes III.,
who is immortalised by the wonderful monumental relics of his long and
peaceful reign. Amenothes devoted immense energy to the building of
temples, palaces and shrines, and gave very little of his time to war.


_IV.--The Last Days of the Theban Empire_


When the male line failed, there was no lack of princesses in Egypt, of
whom any one who happened to come to the throne might choose a consort
after her own heart, and thus become the founder of a new dynasty. By
such a chance alliance Harmhabi, himself a descendant of Thutmosis III.,
was raised to the kingly office as first Pharaoh of the XIXth Dynasty.
He displayed great activity both within Egypt and beyond it, conducting
mighty building enterprises and also undertaking expeditions against
recalcitrant tribes along the Upper Nile.

Rameses I., who succeeded Harmhabi, was already an old man at his
accession. He reigned only six or seven years, and associated his son,
Seti I., with himself in the government from his second year of power.
No sooner had Seti celebrated his father's obsequies than he set out for
war against Southern Syria, then in open revolt. He captured Hebron,
marched to Gaza, and then northward to Lebanon, where he received the
homage of the Phoenicians, and returned in triumph to Egypt, bringing
troops of captives.

By Seti I. were built the most wonderful of the halls at Karaak and
Luxor, which render his name for ever illustrious. He associated with
him his son, still very young, who became renowned as Ramses II., one of
the greatest warriors and builders amongst all the rulers of Egypt The
monuments and temples erected by this king also are among the wonders of
the world. He married a Hittite princess when he was more than sixty.
This alliance secured a long period of peace and prosperity. Syria once
more breathed freely, her commerce being under the combined protection
of the two Powers who shared her territory.

Ramses II. was, in his youth, the handsomest man of his time, and old
age and death did not succeed in marring his face sufficiently to
disfigure it, as may be seen in his mummy to-day. Ramses the Great, who
was thus the glory of the XIXth Dynasty, reigned sixty-eight years, and
lived to the age of 100, when he passed away peacefully at Thebes. Under
his successors, Minephtah, Seti II., Amenemis and Siphtah, the nation
became decadent, though there were transient gleams of prosperity, as
when Minephtah won a great victory over the Libyans. But after the death
of Siphtah, there were many claimants for the Crown, and anarchy
prevailed from one end of the Nile valley to the other.


_V.--The Rise of the Assyrian Empire_


Ramses III., a descendant of Ramses II., was the founder of the last
dynasty which was able to retain the supremacy of Egypt over the
Oriental world. He took for his hero Ramses the Great, and endeavoured
to rival him in everything, and for a period the imperial power revived.
In the fifth year of his reign he was able to repulse the confederated
Libyans with complete success. Victories over other enemies followed,
and also peace and prosperity.

The cessation of Egyptian authority over those countries in which it had
so long prevailed did not at once do away with the deep impression it
had made on their constitution and customs. Syria and Phoenicia had
become, as it were, covered with an African veneer, both religion and
language being affected by Egyptian influence. But the Phoenicians
became absorbed in commercial pursuits, and failed to aspire to the
inheritance which the Egyptians were letting slip. Coeval with the
decline of the power of the latter was that of the Hittites.

The Babylonian Empire likewise degenerated under the Cossaean kings, and
gave way to the ascendancy of Assyria, which came to regard Babylon with
deadly hatred. The capitals of the two countries were not more than 185
miles apart. The line of demarcation followed one of the many canals
between the Tigris and Euphrates. It then crossed the Tigris and was
formed by one of the rivers draining the Iranian table-land--the Upper
Zab, the Radanu, or the Turnat. Each of the two states strove by every
means in its power to stretch its boundary to the farthest limits, and
the narrow area was the scene of continual war.

Assyria was but a poor and insignificant country when compared with that
of her rival. She occupied, on each side of the middle course of the
Tigris, the territory lying between the 35th and 37th parallels of
latitude. This was a compact and healthy district, well watered by the
streams running from the Iranian plateau, which were regulated by a
network of canals and ditches for irrigation of the whole region. The
provinces thus supplied with water enjoyed a fertility which passed into
a proverb. Thus Assyria was favoured by nature, but she was not well
wooded. The most important of the cities were Assur, Arbeles, Kalakh and
Nineveh.

Assur, dedicated to the deity from which it took its name, placed on the
very edge of the Mesopotamian desert, with the Tigris behind it, was,
during the struggle with the Chaldaean power, exposed to the attacks of
the Babylonian armies; while Nineveh, entrenched behind the Tigris and
the Zab, was secure from any sudden assault. Thus it became the custom
for the kings to pass at Nineveh the trying months of the year, though
Assur remained the official capital and chief sanctuary of the empire,
which began its aggrandisement under Assurballit, by his victory over
the Cossaean kings of Babylon. But the heroic age comes before us in the
career of Shalmaneser I., a powerful sovereign who in a few years
doubled the extent of his dominions. He beautified Assur, but removed
his court to Kalakh. His son, Tukulti-ninip I., made himself master of
Babylon, and was the first of his race who was able to assume the title
of King of Sumir and Akkad.

This first conquest of Chaldaea did not produce lasting results, for the
sons of the hero fought each other for the Crown, and Assyria became the
scene of civil wars. The fortunes of Babylon rose again, but the
depression of Assyria did not last long. Nineveh had become the
metropolis. Confusion was increased in the whole of this vast region of
Asia by the invasion and partial triumph of the Elamites over Babylon.
But these were driven back when Nebuchadrezzar arose in Babylon. To
Merodach he prayed, and "his prayer was heard," and he invaded Elam,
taking its king by surprise and defeating him.

Nebuchadrezzar no longer found any rival to oppose him save the king of
Assyria, whom he attacked; but now his aggression was checked, for
though his forces were successful at first, they were ultimately sent
flying across the frontiers with great loss, through the prowess of
Assurishishi, who became a mighty king in Nineveh. But his son,
Tiglath-pileser, is the first of the great warrior kings of Assyria to
stand out before us with any definite individuality. He immediately, on
his accession, began to employ in aggressive wars the well-equipped army
left by his father, and in three campaigns he regained all the
territories that Shalmaneser I. had lost, and also conquered various
regions of Asia Minor and Syria. In a rising of the Chaldaeans he met
with a severe defeat, which he did not long survive, dying about the
year 1100 B.C.

There is only one gleam in the murky night of this period. A certain
Assurirba seems to have crossed Northern Syria, and, following in the
footsteps of his great ancestor, to have penetrated as far as the
Mediterranean; on the rocks of Mount Amanus, facing the sea, he left a
triumphal inscription in which he set forth the mighty deeds he had
accomplished. His good fortune soon forsook him. The Arameans wrested
from him the fortresses of Pitru and Mutkinu, which commanded both banks
of the Euphrates near Carchemish.

What were the causes of this depression from which Babylon suffered at
almost regular intervals, as though stricken with some periodic malady?
The main reason soon becomes apparent if we consider the nature of the
country and the material conditions of its existence. Chaldaea was
neither extensive nor populous enough to afford a solid basis for the
ambition of her princes. Since nearly every man capable of bearing arms
was enrolled in the army, the Chaldaean kings had no difficulty in
raising, at a moment's notice, a force which could be employed to repel
an invasion, or to make a sudden attack on some distant territory; it
was in schemes that required prolonged and sustained effort that they
felt the drawbacks of their position. In that age of hand-to-hand
combats, the mortality in battle was very high; forced marches through
forests and across mountains entailed a heavy loss of men, and three or
four campaigns against a stubborn foe soon reduced the army to a
condition of weakness.

When Nebuchadrezzar I. made war on Assurishishi, he was still weak from
the losses he had incurred during the campaign against Elam, and could
not conduct his attack with the same vigour as had gained him victory on
the banks of the Ulai. In the first year he only secured a few
indecisive advantages; in the second he succumbed.

The same reasons which explain the decadence of Babylon show us the
causes of the periodic eclipses undergone by Assyria after each outburst
of her warlike spirit. The country was now forced to pay for the glories
of Assurishishi and of Tiglath-pileser by falling into an inglorious
state of languor and depression. And ere long newer races asserted
themselves which had gradually come to displace the nations over which
the dynasties of Thutmosis and Ramses had held sway as tributary to
them. The Hebrews on the east, and the Philistines on the southwest,
were about to undertake the conquest of Kharu, as the land which is
known to us as Canaan was styled by the Egyptians.

       *       *       *       *       *




The Passing of the Empires


     Maspero, in the third volume of his great archaeological
     trilogy, completing his "History of the Ancient Peoples of the
     Classic East," deals with the passing in succession of the
     supremacies of the Babylonian, Assyrian, Chaldaean,
     Medo-Persian and Iranian Empires. The period dealt with in
     this graphic narrative covers fully five centuries, from 850
     B.C. to 330 B.C. M. Maspero in cinematographic style passes
     before us the actors in many of the most thrilling of historic
     dramas. One excellent feature of his method is his balancing
     of evidences. Where Xenophon and Herodotus absolutely differ
     he tells what each asserts. With consummate skill also he
     arranges his recital like a series of dissolving views,
     showing how epochs overlap, and how as Babylon is fading
     Assyria is rising, and as the latter in turn is waning Media
     is looming into sight. We are, in this third instalment of
     Maspero's monumental work, brought to understand how the
     decline of one mighty Asiatic empire after another,
     culminating in the overthrow of the Persian dominion by
     Alexander, prepared at length for the entry of Western nations
     on the stage, and how Europe became the heir of the culture
     and civilisation of the Orient.


_I.--The Assyrian Revival_


Since the extinction of the race of Nebuchadrezzar I. Babylon had been a
prey to civil discord and foreign invasion. It was a period of calamity
and distress, during which the Arabs or the Arameans ravaged the
country, and an Elamite usurper overthrew the native dynasty and held
authority for seven years. This intruder having died about the year 1030
B.C., a Babylonian of noble extraction expelled the Elamites and
succeeded in bringing the larger part of the dominion under his rule.
Five or six of his descendants passed away and another was feebly
reigning when war broke out afresh with Assyria, and the two armies
encountered each other again on their former battlefield between the
Lower Zab and the Turnat. The Assyrians were victorious under their
king, Tukulti-ninip II., who did not live long to enjoy his triumph. His
son, Assur-nazir-pal, inherited a kingdom which embraced scarcely any of
the countries that had paid tribute to former sovereign, for most of
these had gradually regained their liberty.

Nearly the whole empire had to be re-conquered under much the same
conditions as in the first instance, but Assyria had recovered the
vitality and elasticity of its earlier days. Its army now possessed a
new element. This was the cavalry, properly so called, as an adjunct to
the chariotry. But it must be remembered that the strength and
discipline which the Assyrian troops possessed in such high degree were
common to the military forces of all the great states--Elam, Damascus,
Nairi, the Hittites and Chaldea. Thus, the armies of all these states
being, as a rule, both in strength and numbers much on a par, no single
power was able to inflict on any of the rest such a defeat as would be
its destruction. Twice at least in three centuries a king of Assyria had
entered Babylon, and twice the Babylonians had forced the intruder back.

Profiting by the past, Assur-nazir-pal resolutely avoided those
conflicts in which so many of his predecessors had wasted their lives.
He was content to devote his attention to less dangerous enemies than
the people of Babylonia. Invading Nummi, he quickly captured its chief
cities, then subdued the Kirruri, attacked the fortress of Nishtu, and
pillaged many of the cities around. Bubu, the Chief of Nishtu, was
flayed alive. After a reign of twenty-five years he died in 860 B.C.

A summary of the events in the reign of thirty-five years of his
successor, Shalmaneser III., is contained on the Black Obelisk of
Nimroud, discovered by Layard and preserved in the British Museum. He
conquered the whole country round Lake Van, ravaging the country "as a
savage bull ravages and tramples under his feet the fertile fields." An
attack on Damascus led to a terrible but indecisive battle, Benhadad,
King of Syria, proving himself fully a match for the invader. But a war
with Babylon, lasting for a period of two years, ended with victory for
Assyria, and Shalmaneser, entering the city, went direct to the temple
of E-shaggil, where he offered worship to the local gods.

Memorable events followed, first in connection with Damascus, Ahab, King
of Israel, Benhadad's ally, and other confederates, had not been
faithful to his suzerainty. Ahab had by treaty agreed to surrender the
city of Ramoth-gilead to the Syrian monarch and had not fulfilled his
pledge. He and Jehoshaphat, King of Judah, had concluded an alliance
against Benhadad, who seized the disputed fortress, and the two had
organised an expedition, which led to the death of Ahab in battle.
Israel lapsed once more into the position of a vassal to Benhadad, and
long remained in that subjection.

The last days of Shalmaneser were embittered by the revolt of his son,
Assur-dain-pal, and his death occurred in 824 B.C. The kingdom was
shaken by the struggle that ensued between his sons. Samsi-ramman IV.,
the brother of Assurdain-pal, reigned for twelve years; his son,
Ramman-nirari III., had married the Babylonian princess Sammuramat, and
so had secured peace. He was an energetic and capable ruler. To him at
length Damascus made submission and paid tribute. But Menuas, a bold and
able King of Urartu, proved himself a thorn in the side of the Assyrian
king, for he delivered from the yoke of Nineveh the tribes on the
borders of Lake Urmiah and all the adjacent regions.

Everywhere along the Lower Zab, and on the frontier as far as the
Euphrates, the Assyrian outposts were driven back by Menuas, who also
overcame the Hittites and by his campaigns formed that kingdom of Van,
or Armenia, which was quite equal in size to Assyria. He died shortly
before the death of Ramman-nirari, in 784 B.C. His son, Argistis, spent
the first few years of his reign in completing his conquests in the
country north of the Araxes. He was attacked by Shalmaneser IV., son of
Ramman-nirari, but defeated the Assyrians.

Misfortunes accumulated for the rulers and people who had exercised so
wide a sway, and the end of the Second Assyrian Empire was not far off.
Syria was lost under Assur-nirari III., who was also driven from Calah
by sedition in 746 B.C. He died some months later and the dynasty came
to an end, and in 745 a usurper, the leader of the revolt at Calah,
proclaimed himself king under the name of Tiglath-pileser III. The
Second Empire had lasted rather less than a century and a half.


_II.--To the Destruction of Babylon_


Events proved that, at this period at any rate, the decadence of Assyria
was not due to any exhaustion of the race or impoverishment of the
country, but was owing Mainly to the incapacity of its kings and the
lack of energy displayed by their generals. The Assyrian troops had lost
none of their former valour, but their leaders had shown less foresight
and skill. As soon as Tiglath-pileser assumed leadership, the armies
regained their former prestige and supremacy.

The empire still included the original patrimony of Assur and its
ancient colonies on the Upper Tigris, but the buffer provinces,
containing the tribes on the borders of Syria, Namri, Nairi, Melitene,
had thrown off the yoke, as had the Arameans, while Menuas of Armenia
and his son Argistis had by their invasions laid waste the Median
territory. Sharduris III., son of Argistis, succeeded to the throne of
Armenia about 760, and at once overran the district of Babilu, carrying
by storm three royal castles, 23 cities, and 60 villages. He also
captured the castles of the mountaineers of Melitene. Crossing Mount
Taurus about 756, he forced the Hittites to swear allegiance.

It was in the middle of this eighth century B.C., in the days of
Tiglath-pileser III. of Assyria, and Sharduris III. of Armenia, that
Israel, under Jehoash, and his son Jeroboam II.; inspired by the
exhortations of Elisha the prophet, was rehabilitated for a season,
winning victories over the Syrians and taking vengeance on Damascus, and
then attacking the Moabites. The sudden collapse of Damascus led to the
decline of Syria, but though Jeroboam II. seemed to be firmly seated as
king in Samaria, the downfall of Israel and Judah alike, as well as of
Tyre, Edom, Gaza, Moab, and Ammon, was foretold by the prophet Amos,
while from the midst of Ephraim the priest-seer, Hosea, was never weary
of reproaching the tribes with their ingratitude and of predicting their
coming desolation.

Ere long, Tiglath-pileser began his campaigns against them by attacking
the Arameans, dwelling on the banks of the Tigris. He overthrew them at
the first encounter. Nabunazir, then king in Babylon, bowed before him
and swore fidelity to him, and he visited Sippar, Nipur, Babylon,
Borsippa, Kuta, Kishu, Dilbat and Uruk, Babylonian "cities without a
peer," and offered sacrifices to all their gods--to Bel Zirbanit, Nebo,
Tashmit, and Nir-gal. This settlement took place in 745 B.C.

His next exploit was the rapid conquest of the mountainous and populous
regions on the shores of the Caspian. And now he ventured to try
conclusions with Armenia and to attack the famous kingdom of Urartu in
the difficult fastnesses round Lakes Van and Urumiah. Crossing the
Euphrates in the spring of 743 B.C., he captured Arpad, and soon
afterwards marched forth to meet the great army of Sharduris. The rout
of the latter was complete, and he fled, after losing 73,000 men. The
victor was covered with glory; yet the triumph cost him dear, for the
forces left him were not sufficient to finish the campaign, nor to
extort allegiance from the Syrian princes who had allied themselves with
Sharduris.

After spending the winter in Nineveh, reorganising his troops, the
Assyrian inaugurated a campaign which ended in the subjugation of
Northern Syria and its incorporation in the empire. Only one difficulty
foiled Tiglath-pileser. He failed to capture the impregnable fortress of
Dhuspas, in which Sharduris had taken refuge. This capital of Urartu
held out against a long siege, and at length the Assyrian army withdrew.
Sharduris remained king as before, but he was utterly spent, and his
power had received a blow from which it never recovered. Since then,
Armenia has more than once challenged fortune, but always with the same
result; it fared no better under Tigranes in the Roman epoch than under
Sharduris in the time of the Assyrians.

As for Egypt at this period, it was ruled over by what is known as the
Bubastite dynasty, so called from the city of Bubastis, in the Delta,
where the Pharaohs of the time, Osorkon I., his son Takeloti I., and his
grandson, Osorkon II., for an interval of fifty years chiefly resided,
abstaining from politics, so that the country enjoyed an interval of
profound peace. But the old cause brought about the fall of this dynasty
also. Military feudalism again developed and Egypt split up into many
petty states. The sceptre at length passed to another dynasty, this time
of Tanite origin. Petubastis was the first of the line, but the power
was really in the hands of the priests, one of whom, Auiti, actually
declared himself king, together with Pharaoh.

Sensational events followed. The weakness of Egypt tempted an uprising
of the Ethiopians, who overran a great part of the country. And it was
at this period that Tiglath-pileser crushed the kingdom of Israel, King
Pekah being compelled to flee from Samaria into the mountains, while the
inhabitants of Naphtali and Gilead were carried into captivity.

Nabonazir, King of Babylon, who had never swerved from the fidelity he
had sworn to his mighty ally after the events of 745, died in 734 B.C.,
and was succeeded by his son Nabunadinziri, who at the end of two years
was assassinated in a popular rising, and one of his sons, Nabushumukin,
who was concerned in the rising, usurped the crown. He wore it for two
months and twelve days, and then abdicated in favour of a certain
Ukinzir, an Aramean chief.

But Tiglath-pileser gave the new dynasty no time to settle itself firmly
on the throne. The year after his return from Syria he marched against
it. After two years of fighting Ukinzir was overcome and captured.
Tiglath-pileser entered Babylon as conqueror, and caused himself to be
proclaimed King of Sumir and Akkad within its walls. Many centuries had
passed since the two empires had been united under one ruler. His
Babylonian subjects seem to have taken a liking for him; but he did not
long survive his triumph, dying after having reigned eighteen years over
Assyria, and less than two years over Babylon and Chaldaea.

The next great Assyrian name is that of Sargon II., whose origin is not
clear. And the incidents of the revolution which raised him to the
throne are also unknown. The first few years of his reign, which
commenced in 722 B.C., were harassed by revolts among many of the border
tribes, but these he resolutely faced at all points, inflicting
overwhelming defeats on the Medes and the Armenians. The Philistines
were cowed by the storming of Ashdod, and Sargon subdued Phoenicia,
carrying his arms to the sea. This great monarch, while wars raged round
him, found time for extensive works of a peaceful character, completing
the system of irrigation, and erecting buildings at Calah and Nineveh,
and raising a magnificent palace at Dur-Sharrukin.

And here he intended in peace to build a great city, but he was, in 105
B.C., assassinated by an alien soldier. Sennacherib, his son, fighting
on the frontier, was recalled and proclaimed immediately. He either
failed to inherit his father's good fortune, or lacked his ability.
Instead of conciliating the vanquished, he massacred entire tribes, and
failed to re-people these with captive exiles from other nations. So,
towards the end of his reign--which terminated in 681 B.C.--he found
himself ruling over a sparsely inhabited desert where his father had
left him flourishing and populous cities. Phoenicia and Judah formed an
alliance with each other and with Egypt. Sennacherib bestirred himself
and Tyre perished. The Assyrian invader then attacked Judah and besieged
Jerusalem, where Hezekiah was king and Isaiah was prophesying. Whatever
was the cause, half the army perished by pestilence, and Sennacherib led
back the remnants of his force to Nineveh.

The disaster was terrible, but not irreparable, for another and an equal
host could be raised. And it was needed to quell a great Babylonian
revolt led by Merodachbaladan, who had given the signal of rebellion to
the mountain tribes also. After a series of terrible conflicts, Babylon
was taken. And now Sennacherib, who had shown leniency after two
previous revolts, displayed unbounded fury in his triumph. The massacre
lasted several days, none being spared of the citizens. Piles of corpses
filled the streets. The temples and palaces were pillaged, and finally
the city was burnt.

In the midst of his costly and absorbing wars we may well wonder how
Sennacherib found time and means for building villas and temples; yet he
is, nevertheless, the Assyrian king who has left us the largest number
of monuments.

His last years were embittered by the fierce rivalry of his sons. One of
these he nominated his successor, Esarhaddon, son of a Babylonian wife.
During his absence from Nineveh, on the 20th day of Teleth, 681, his
father, Sennacherib, when praying before the image of his god, was
assassinated by two other sons, Sharezer and Adrammelech. Esarhaddon,
hearing of this tragedy, gathered an army, and in a battle defeated
Sharezer and established himself on the throne.


_III.--The Crisis of the Assyrian Power_


Esarhaddon was personally inclined for peace, for he delighted in
building; but unfortunate disturbances did not permit him to pursue his
favourite occupation without interruption, and, like his warlike
predecessors, he was constrained to pass most of his life on the
battlefield. He began his reign by quelling an insurrection of the
Cimmerians in the territories on the border of the Black Sea. Sidon
rebelled ungratefully, although his father had saved her from desolation
by Tyre. He stormed and burnt the city. The Scythian tribes came on the
field in 678 B.C., but they were diplomatically conciliated.

Now followed a memorable event. Babylon was rebuilt. Esarhaddon used all
the available captives taken in war on the foundations and the
fabrication of bricks, erected walls, rebuilt all the temples, and
lavishly devoted gold, silver, costly stones, rare woods, and plates of
enamel to decoration. The canals were made good for the gardens, and the
people, who had been scattered in various provinces, were encouraged to
return to their homes.

But fresh foreign complications arose through the support given
continually to recalcitrant states in the south of Egypt. Esarhaddon was
provoked to undertake the first actual invasion of Egypt in force by
Assyria for the purpose of subduing the country. Over a great
combination of the Egyptians and Ethiopians he won a crushing victory.
Memphis was taken and sacked. Henceforth, Esarhaddon, in his pride,
styled himself King of Egypt, and King of the Kings of Egypt, of the
Said, and of Ethiopia. But he was not very long permitted to enjoy the
glory of his triumph; a determined revolt of the conquered country
demanded a fresh campaign. He set out, but was in bad health, and, his
malady increasing, he died on the journey in the twelfth year of his
reign.

Before starting on the expedition, he had realised the impossibility of
a permanent amalgamation of Assyria and Babylon, notwithstanding his
personal affection for Babylon. Accordingly, he designated as his
successors his two sons. Assurbanipal was to be King of Assyria, and
Shamash-shumukin King of Babylon, under the suzerainty of his brother.
As soon as Esarhaddon had passed away, the separation he had planned
took place automatically, the two sons proclaiming themselves
respectively kings of Assyria and Babylon. Thus Babylon regained half
its independence. But the Assyrian Empire was now at its zenith. Egypt
was quelled by the army of Esarhaddon, and to Assurbanipal submitted in
vassalage the nations of the Mediterranean coast.

Now followed years of exhausting warfare and of victory after victory,
which fatally wasted the strength of Assyria. Never had the empire been
so respected; never had so many nations united under one sceptre. But
troubles accumulated. Mutiny in Egypt called for another expedition,
which led to the capture and sacking of Thebes. Next came a war with
Elam, ending in its subjection to Assyria, for the first time in
history.

But with success. Assurbanipal grew arrogant in his attitude to his
brother, the King of Babylon, and a fratricidal war resulted in the
defeat and death of Shamash-shumukin and the capture of the rival
capital. But Assyria was now near one of its recurrent periods of
exhaustion, and foes were rising for a formidable attack.


_IV.--Fall of Media and Chaldaea_


At the very height of his apparent grandeur and prosperity Assurbanipal
was attacked by Phraortes, King of the Medes, who paid for his temerity
with his life, being left dead, with the greater part of his army, on
the field. But the sequel was unexpected, for Cyaxares, son of the slain
Mede, stubbornly continued the conflict, patiently reorganising his
army, until he won a great victory over the Assyrian generals, and shut
up the remnant of their forces in Nineveh.

Assurbanipal, after a reign of forty-two years, died about 625 B.C., and
was succeeded by his son, Assuretililani. Against his brother and
successor, Sinsharishkin, the standard of rebellion was raised by
Nabopolassar, the governor of Babylon, who declared himself independent,
and assumed the title of king, but his reign not long after ended with
his death, in 605 B.C. Nebuchadrezzar was proclaimed king in Babylon.

His reign was long and prosperous, and, on the whole, a peaceful one.
The most notable event in the career of Nebuchadrezzar II., was the
capture and destruction of Jerusalem, in consequence of a revolt of Tyre
and Judea. The unfortunate king, Zedekiah, saw his sons slain in his
presence, and then, his eyes having been put out, he was loaded with
chains, and sent to Babylon.

Nebuchadrezzar died in 562 B.C. after a reign of fifty-five years. His
successors were weak rulers, and their reigns were brief and inglorious.
The army was suffered to dwindle, and the dynasty founded by
Nabopolassar came to an end in 555 B.C., when Labashi-marduk, the last
of the line, after reigning only nine months, was murdered by Nabonidus,
a native Babylonian. This usurper witnessed the rapid rise of the new
Iranian power which was to destroy him and Babylon. In 553 B.C., Cyrus,
a Persian general, revolted against Astyages, defeated him, and
destroyed the Median Empire at one blow.

The only army that was a match for that of Cyrus was the Lydian host
under King Croesus. A conflict took place between the two, ending in the
defeat of the most powerful potentate of Asia Minor. But Cyrus treated
Croesus with consideration, and the Lydian king is said to have become
the friend of the mighty Persian. From that day neither Egypt nor
Chaldaea had any chance of victory on the battlefield. Nabonidus became a
mere vassal of Cyrus, and lived more or less inactively in his palace at
Tima, leaving the direction of power at Babylon in the hands of his son,
Bel-sharuzu.

At length the Babylonians grew weary of their king. Nabonidus had never
been popular, and the discontent of the people at length called for the
intervention of the suzerain. In 538 Cyrus moved against Babylon, and
Nabonidus now retreated into the city with his troops, and prepared for
a siege. But Cyrus, taking advantage of the time of the year when the
waters were lowest, diverted the Tigris, so that his soldiers were able
to enter the city without striking a blow. Nabonidus surrendered, and
Belsharuzur was slain. With him perished the second Chaldaean Empire.

The sagacious conqueror did not pillage the city, and treated the
citizens with clemency. Cyrus associated his son Cambyses with himself,
making him King of Babylon. Nothing in Babylon was changed, and she
remained what she had been since the fall of Assyria, the real capital
of the regions between the Mediterranean and the Zapcos. The Persian
dominion extended undisputed as far as the Isthmus of Suez. Under Cyrus
took place the first return of the Jews to Jerusalem.

According to Xenophon, the great Persian, in 529 B.C., died peaceably on
his bed, surrounded by his children, and edifying them by his wisdom;
but Herodotus declares that he perished miserably in fighting with the
barbarian hosts of the Massagetae, on the steppes of Turkestan, beyond
the Arxes. He had believed that his destiny was to found an empire in
which all other ancient empires should be merged, and he all but
accomplished the stupendous task. When he passed away, Egypt alone
remained to be conquered. Cambyses succeeded, took up the enterprise
against Egypt; but after a series of successes met with reverses in
Ethiopia, which affected his mind, and he is said to have ended his own
life. Power fell into the hands of a chief of one of the seven great
clans, the famous Darius, son of Hystaspes, whose rival was
Nebuchadrezzar III., then King of Babylon.

Once more, in his reign, Babylon was besieged and fell, Nebuchadrezzar
being executed. He was an impostor who had pretended to be the son of
the great Nebuchadrezzar. And now approached the last days of the
greatness of the Eastern world, for the eve of the Macedonian conquest
of the Near East had arrived.

       *       *       *       *       *




FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS


The Antiquities of the Jews


     Josephus's "Antiquities of the Jews" traces the whole history
     of the race down to the outbreak of the great war. He also
     wrote an autobiography (see Lives and Letters) and a polemical
     treatise, "Flavius Josephus against Apion." His style is so
     classically elegant that critics have called him the Greek
     Livy. The following summary of the "Antiquities of the Jews"
     contains the substance of the really valuable sections, other
     portions being little else than a paraphrase of the histories
     embodied in the Old Testament.


_I.--From Alexander to Antiochus_


After Philip, King of Macedon, had been treacherously slain by
Pausanias, he was succeeded by his son Alexander, who, passing over the
Hellespont, overcame the army of Darius, King of Persia, at Granicum. So
he marched over Lydia, subdued Ionia, overran Caria and Pamphylia, and
again defeated Darius at Issus. The Persian king fled into his own land,
and his mother, wife, and children were captured. Alexander besieged and
took first Tyre, and then Gaza, and next marched towards Jerusalem.

At Sapha, in full view of the city, he was met by a procession of the
priests in fine linen, and a multitude of the citizens in white, the
high-priest, Jaddua, being at their head in his resplendent robes.
Graciously responding to the salutations of priests and people,
Alexander entered Jerusalem, worshipped and sacrificed in the Temple,
and then invited the people to ask what favours they pleased of him;
whereupon the high-priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of
their forefathers, and pay no tribute on the seventh year. All their
requests were granted, and Alexander led his army into the neighbouring
cities.

Now, when Alexander was dead and his government had been divided among
many, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, by treachery seized Jerusalem, and took
away many captives to Egypt, and settled them there. His successor,
Ptolemy Philadelphus, restored to freedom 120,000 Jews who had been kept
in slavery at the instance of Aristeus, one of his most intimate
friends. He also dedicated many gifts to God, and showed great
friendship to the Jews in his dominions.

Other kings in Asia followed the example of Philadelphus, conferring
honours on Jews who became their auxiliaries, and making them citizens
with privileges equal to those enjoyed by the Macedonians and Greeks. In
the reign of Antiochus the Great the Jews suffered greatly while he was
at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his son, called Epiphanes. When
Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized on Judea, but ultimately he made
a league with Ptolemy, gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and
yielded up to him Celesyria, Samaria, Judea, and Phoenicia by way of
dowry. Onias, son of Simon the Just, was then high-priest. He greatly
provoked the king by neglecting to pay his taxes, so that Ptolemy
threatened to settle his soldiers in Jerusalem to live on the citizens.

But Joseph, the nephew of Onias, by his wisdom brought all things right
again, and entered into friendship with the king, who lent him soldiers
and sent him to force the people in various cities to pay their taxes.
Many who refused were slain. Joseph not only thus gathered great wealth
for himself, but sent much to the king and to Cleopatra, and to powerful
men at the court of Egypt. He had a son named Hyrcanus, who became noted
for his ability, and crossed the Jordan with many followers; he made war
successfully on the Arabians, built a magnificent stone castle, and
ruled over all the region for seven years, even all the time that
Seleucus was king of Syria. But when Seleucus was dead, his brother
Antiochus Epiphanes took the kingdom, and Hyrcanus, seeing that
Antiochus had a great army, feared he should be taken and punished for
what he had done to the Arabians. So he took his own life, Antiochus
seizing his possessions.


_II.--To the Death of Judas_


Antiochus, despising the son of Ptolemy as being but weak, and coveting
the possession of Egypt, conducted an expedition against that country
with a great force; but was compelled to withdraw by a declaration of
the Romans. On his way back from Alexandria he took the city of
Jerusalem, entering it without fighting in the 143d year of the kingdom
of the Seleucidae. He slew many of the citizens, plundered the city of
much money, and returned to Antioch.

After two years he again came up against Jerusalem, and this time left
the Temple bare, taking away the golden altar and candlesticks, the
table of shewbread, and the altar of burnt offering, and all the secret
treasures. He slew some of the people, and carried off into captivity
about ten thousand, burnt the finest buildings, erected a citadel, and
therein placed a garrison of Macedonians. Building an idol altar in the
Temple, he offered swine on it, and he compelled many of the Jews to
raise idol altars in every town and village, and to offer swine on them
every day. But many disregarded him, and these underwent bitter
punishment. They were tortured or scourged or crucified.

Now, at this time there dwelt at Modin a priest named Mattathias, a
citizen of Jerusalem. He had five sons, one of whom, Judas, was called
Maccabaeus. Mattathias and his sons not only refused to sacrifice as
Antiochus commanded, but, with his sons, attacked and slew an apostate
Jewish worshipper and Apelles, the king's general, and a few of his
soldiers. Then the priest and his five sons overthrew the idol altar,
and fled into the desert, followed by many of their followers with their
wives and children. About a thousand of these who had hidden in caves
were overtaken and destroyed; but many who escaped joined themselves to
Mattathias, and appointed him to be the ruler, who taught them to fight,
even on the Sabbath. Gathering a great army, he overthrew the idol
altars, and slew those who broke the laws. But after ruling one year, he
fell into a distemper, and committed to his sons the conduct of affairs.
He was buried at Modin, all the people making great lamentation. His son
Judas took upon himself the administration of affairs in the 146th year,
and with the help of his brothers and others, cast their enemies out of
the country and purified the land of its pollutions. Judas celebrated in
the Temple at Jerusalem the festival of the restoration of the
sacrifices for eight days.

From that time we call the yearly celebration the Feast of Lights. Judas
also rebuilt the wall and reared towers of great height. When these
things were over he made excursions against adversaries on every side,
he and his brothers Simon and Jonathan subduing in turn Idumaea, Gilead,
Jazer, Tyre, and Ashdod. Antiochus died of a distemper which overtook
him as he was fleeing from Elymais, from which he was driven during an
attack upon its gates. Before he died he called his friends about him,
and confessed that his calamities had come upon him for the miseries he
had brought upon the Jewish nation.

Antiochus was succeeded by his son, Antiochus Eupator, a boy of tender
age, whose guardians were Philip and Lysias. He reigned but two years,
being put to death, together with Lysias, by order of the usurper
Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, who fled from Rome, and, landing in
Syria, gathered an army, and was joyfully received by the people.
Against Jerusalem, Demetrius sent an expedition commanded by his
general, Bacchides. Judas Maccabaeus, fighting with great courage, but
having with him only 800 men, fell in the battle. His brothers Simon and
Jonathan, receiving his body by treaty from the enemy, carried it to the
village of Modin, and there buried him. He left behind him a glorious
reputation, by gaining freedom for his nation and delivering them from
slavery under the Macedonians. He died after filling the office of
high-priest for three years.


_III.--To the Roman Dominion_


Jonathan and his brother Simon continued the war against Bacchides. They
were assisted by Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, who, in the
160th year, came up into Syria against Demetrius, and defeated and slew
him in a great battle near Ptolemais. But the son of Demetrius, named
after his father, in the 165th year, after Alexander had seated himself
on the throne and had gained in marriage Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy
Philometor, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers.
Jonathan and Simon, brothers of Judas Maccabaeus, entering into league
with Demetrius, who offered them very great advantages, defeated at
Ashdod the army sent by Alexander under Apollonius.

A breach took place between Alexander and Ptolemy through the treachery
of Ammonius, a friend of the former, and the Egyptian king took away his
daughter Cleopatra from her husband, and immediately sent to Demetrius,
offering to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him,
to give him his daughter in marriage and to restore him to the
principality of his fathers. These overtures were joyfully accepted, and
Ptolemy came to Antioch and persuaded the people to receive Demetrius.
Alexander was beaten in a battle by the two allies and fled into Arabia,
where, however, his head was speedily cut off by Zabdiel, a prince of
the country, and sent to Ptolemy. But that king, through wounds caused
by falling from his horse, died a few days afterwards.

Demetrius, being secure in power, disbanded a great part of his army,
but this action greatly irritated the soldiers. Furthermore, he was
hated, as his father had been, by the people of Syria. A revolt was
raised by an Apanemian named Trypho, who overcame Demetrius in a fight,
and took from him both his elephants and the city of Antioch. Demetrius
on this defeat retired into Cilicia, and Trypho delivered the kingdom to
Antiochus, the youthful son of Alexander, who quickly sent ambassadors
to Jonathan and made him his confederate and friend, confirming him in
the high-priesthood and yielding up to him four prefectures which had
been added to Judea. Accordingly, Jonathan promptly joined him in a war
against Demetrius, who was again defeated.

Soon after Demetrius had been carried into captivity Trypho deserted
Antiochus, who had now reigned four years. He usurped power, which he
basely abused; and Antiochus Soter, brother of Demetrius, raised a force
against him and drove him away to Apamea, where he was put to death, his
term of power having lasted only three years. Antiochus Soter then
attacked Simon, who successfully resisted, established peace, and ruled
in all for eight years. His death also was the result of treachery, his
son-in-law Ptolemy playing him false. His son Hyrcanus became
high-priest, and speedily ejected the forces of Ptolemy from the land.
Subduing all factions, he ruled justly for thirty-one years, leaving
five sons.

The eldest, Aristobulus, purposed to change the government into a
kingdom, and placed a diadem on his own head; but his mother, to whom
the supremacy had been entrusted, disputed his authority. He cast her
into prison, where she was starved to death; and next he compassed the
death of his brother Antigonus, but was soon attacked by a painful
disease. He reigned only one year. His widow, Alexandra, let his
brothers out of prison and made Alexander Janneus king.

His reign was one of war and disorder. With savage cruelty he repressed
rebellion, condemning hundreds of Jews to crucifixion. While these were
yet living, their wives and children were slain before their eyes. His
life was ended by a sickness which lasted three years, and after his
death civil war broke out between his two sons, Aristobulus and
Hyrcanus, in which great barbarities were committed. The conflict was
terminated by the intervention of the Romans under Scarus. The two
brothers appealed to Pompey after he came to Damascus; but that Roman
general marched against Jerusalem and took it by force. Thus we lost our
liberty as a nation and became subject to the Romans.


_IV.--The Jews and the Romans_


Crassus next came with Roman troops into Judea and pillaged the Temple,
and then marched into Parthia, where both he and his army perished. Then
Cassius obtained Syria, and checked the Parthians. He passed on to
Judea, fell on Tarichaea, and took it, and carried away 3,000 Jewish
captives. A wealthy Idumean named Antipater, who had been a great friend
of Hyrcanus, and had helped him against Aristobulus, was a very active
and seditious man. He had married Cypros, a lady of his own Idumean
race, by whom he had four sons, Phaselus, and Herod, who afterwards
became king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, Salome. He
cultivated friendship with other potentates, especially with the King of
Arabia, to whom he committed the care of his children while he fought
against Aristobulus. But when Caesar had taken Rome, and after Pompey and
the senate had fled beyond the Ionian Sea, Aristobulus was set free from
the bonds in which he had been laid. Caesar resolved to send him with two
legions into Syria to set matters right; but Aristobulus had no
enjoyment of this trust, for he was poisoned by Pompey's party. But
Scipio, sent by Pompey to slay Alexander, son of Aristobulus, cut off
his head at Antioch. And Ptolemy, son of Menneus, ruler of Chalcis, took
Alexander's brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to
Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to send back with him her son
Antigonus and her daughters; the one of whom, Alexandra, Philippion fell
in love with, and married her; though afterwards his father Ptolemy slew
him, and married Alexandra.

Now, after Pompey was dead, and after the victory Caesar had gained over
him, Antipater, who had managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful
to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of
Hyrcanus. He brought over to the side of Caesar the principal men of the
Arabians, and also Jamblicus, the ruler of the Syrians, and Ptolemy, his
son, and Tholomy, the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and
almost all the cities, and with 3,000 armed Jews he joined Mithradates
of Pergamus, who was marching with his auxiliaries to aid Caesar.
Antipater and Mithradates together won a pitched battle against the
Egyptians, and Caesar not only then commended Antipater, but used him
throughout that war in the most hazardous undertakings, and finally, at
the end of that campaign, made him procurator of Judea, at the same time
appointing Hyrcanus high-priest. Antipater, seeing that Hyrcanus was of
a slow and slothful temper, made his eldest son, Phaselus, governor of
Jerusalem; but committed Galilee to his next son, Herod, who was only
fifteen, but was a youth of great mind, and soon proved his courage, and
won the love of the Syrians by freeing their country of a nest of
robbers, and slaying the captain of these, one Hezekias.

Thus Herod became known to Sextus Caesar, a relation of the great Caesar,
who was now president of Syria. Now, the growing reputation of Antipater
and his sons excited the envy of the principal men among the Jews,
especially as they saw that Herod was violent and bold, and was capable
of acting tyrannically. So they accused him before Hyrcanus of
encroaching on the government, and of transgressing the laws by putting
men to death without their condemnation by the sanhedrin. Protecting
Herod, whom he loved as his own son, from the sanhedrin when they would
have sentenced him to death, Hyrcanus aided him to flee to Damascus,
where he took refuge with Sextus Caesar. When Herod received the kingdom,
he slew all the members of that sanhedrin excepting Sameas, whom he
respected because he persuaded the people to admit Herod into the city,
and he even slew Hyrcanus also.

Now, when Caesar was come to Rome, and was ready to sail into Africa to
fight against Scipio and Cato, Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him,
desiring the ratification of the league of friendship between them. Not
only Caesar but the senate heaped honours on the ambassadors, and
confirmed the understanding that subsisted. But during the disorders
that arose after the death of Caesar, Cassius came into Syria and
disturbed Judea by exacting great sums of money. Antipater sought to
gather the great tax demanded from Judea, and was foully slain by a
collector named Malichus, on whom Herod quickly took vengeance for the
murder of his father. By his energy in obtaining the required tax, Herod
gained new favour with Cassius.


_V.--The Herodian Era_


In order to secure his position, Herod made an obscure priest from
Babylon, named Ananelus, high-priest in place of Hyrcanus. This offended
Alexandra, daughter of Hyrcanus and wife of Alexander, son of
Aristobulus the king. She had ten children, among whom were Mariamne,
the beautiful wife of Herod, and Aristobulus. She sent an appeal to
Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, in order by her intercession to gain from
Antony the high-priesthood for this son. At the instance of Antony,
Herod took the office from Ananelus, and gave it to Aristobulus, but
took care that the youth should soon be murdered. Then, from causeless
jealousy, he put to death his uncle Joseph and threw Mariamne into
prison. Victory in a war with Arabia enhanced his power. Cruelly slaying
Hyrcanus, he hasted away to Octavian, who had beaten Antony at Actium,
and obtained also from him, the new Caesar, Augustus, the kingdom, thus
being confirmed in his position.

Women of the palace who hated Mariamne for her beauty, her high birth,
and her pride, falsely accused her to Herod of gross unfaithfulness. He
loved her passionately, but, giving ear to these traducers, ordered her
to be tried. She was condemned to death, and showed great fortitude as
she went to the place of execution, even though her own mother,
Alexandra, in order to make herself safe from the wrath of the king,
basely, and publicly, and violently upbraided her, while the people,
pitying her, mourned at her fate. Herod was also attacked by a
tormenting distemper. He ordered the execution of Alexandra and of
several of his most intimate friends.

By his persistent introduction of foreign customs, which corrupted the
constitution of the country, Herod incurred the deep hatred of very many
eminent citizens. He erected servile trophies to Caesar, and prepared
costly games in which men were condemned to fight with wild beasts. Ten
men who conspired against him were betrayed, and were tortured horribly,
and then slain. But the people seized the spy who had informed against
them, tore him limb from limb, and flung the body in pieces to the dogs.
By constant and relentless severity Herod still strengthened his rule.

But now fearful disturbances arose in his family. His sister Salome and
his brother Pheroras displayed virulent hatred against Alexander and
Aristobulus, sons of the murdered Mariamne, and, on their part, the two
young men were incensed at the partiality shown by Herod to his eldest
son, Antipater. This prince was continually using cunning strategy
against his brethren, while feigning affection for them. He so worked on
the mind of the king by false accusations against Alexander that many of
the friends of this youth were tortured to death in the attempts made to
force disclosures from them.

A traitor named Eurycles fanned the flame by additional accusations, all
utterly groundless, so that Herod wrote letters to Rome concerning the
treacherous designs of his sons against him, and asking permission of
Caesar to bring them to trial. This was granted, and they were accused
before an assembly of judges at Berytus and condemned. By their father's
command they were starved to death. For his share in bringing about this
tragedy Antipater was hated by the people. But the secret desire of this
eldest son was to see the end of his father, whom he deeply hated,
though he now governed jointly with him and was no other than a king
already.

Herod by this time had nine wives and many children and grandchildren.
The latter he brought up with much care. Antipater was sent on a mission
to Rome, and during his absence his plots were discovered, and on his
return, Herod, amazed at his wickedness, condemned him to death. The
king now altered his testament, dividing the territory among several of
his sons. He died on the fifth day after the execution of Antipater,
having reigned thirty-four years after procuring the death of Antigonus.
Archelaus, his son, was appointed by Caesar, in confirmation of Herod's
will, governor of one-half of the country; but accusation of enemies led
to his banishment to Vienna, in Gaul. Cyrenaicus, a Roman senator and
magistrate, was sent by Caesar to make taxation in Syria and Judea, and
Caponius was made procurator of Judea. Philip, a son of Herod, built
cities in honour of Tiberius Caesar. When Pontius Pilate became
procurator he removed the army from Cassarea to Jerusalem, abolished
Jewish laws, and in the night introduced Caesar's effigies on ensigns.

About this time Jesus, a wise man, a doer of wonderful works, drew over
to him many Jews and Gentiles. He was Christ; and when Pilate, at the
suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the
cross, those that loved him did not forsake him, for he appeared to them
again alive at the third day, as the prophets had foretold; and the
tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.
John, who was called the Baptist, was slain by Herod the tetrarch at his
castle at Machserus, by the Dead Sea. The destruction of his army by
Aretas, king of Arabia, was ascribed by the Jews to God's anger for this
crime.

Agrippa, grandson of Herod the Great, became the most famous of his
descendants. On him Claudius Caesar bestowed all the dominions of his
grandfather with the title of king. But pride overcame him. Seated on a
throne at a great festival at Caesarea, arrayed in a magnificent robe, he
was stricken by a disease, and died.

He was succeeded by his son Agrippa, during whose time Felix and Festus
were procurators in Judea, while Nero was Roman emperor. This Agrippa
finished the Temple by the work of 18,000 men. The war of the Jews and
Romans began through the oppression by Gessius Florus, who secured the
procuratorship by the friendship of his wife Cleopatra with Poppea, wife
of Nero. Florus filled Judea with intolerable cruelties, and the war
began in the second year of his rule and the twelfth of the reign of
Nero. What happened will be known by those who peruse the books I have
written about the Jewish war.

       *       *       *       *       *




The Wars of the Jews


     Josephus, in his "Wars of the Jews," gives the only full and
     reliable account of the tragic siege and destruction of
     Jerusalem by the Romans under Titus. Excepting in the opening,
     he writes throughout in the third person, although he was
     present in the Roman camp as a prisoner during the siege, and
     before then had been, as governor of Galilee, the brave and
     energetic antagonist of the Romans. Becoming the friend of
     Titus, and despairing of the success of his compatriots, he
     was employed in efforts to conciliate the leaders of the
     rebellion during the siege, and he was for three years a
     privileged captive in the camp of the besiegers. His recital
     is one of the most thrilling samples of romantic realism in
     the whole range of ancient literature, and its veracity and
     honesty have never been impugned. In his autobiography,
     Josephus tells how, after the war, he was invited by Titus to
     sail with him to Rome, and how on his arrival there the
     Emperor Vespasian entertained him in his own palace, bestowed
     on him a pension, and conferred on him the honours of Roman
     citizenship. The Emperors Titus and Domitian treated this
     remarkable Jew with continued favour.


_I.--Beginning of the Great Conflict_


Whereas the war which the Jews made against the Romans hath been the
greatest of all times, while some men who were not concerned themselves
have written vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and while those
that were there have given false accounts, I, Joseph, the son of
Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, and a priest also, and who at first fought
against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done
afterwards, am the author of this book.

Now, the affairs of the Romans were in great disorder after the death of
Nero. At the decease of Herod Agrippa, his son, who bore the same name,
was seventeen years old. He was considered too young to bear the burden
of royalty, and Judea relapsed into a Roman province. Cuspius Fadus was
sent as governor, and administered his office with firmness, but found
civil war disturbing the district beyond Jordan. He cleared the country
of the robber bands; and his successor, Tiberius Alexander, during a
brief rule, put down disturbances which broke out in Judea. The province
was at peace till he was superseded by Cumanus, during whose government
the people and the Roman soldiery began to show mutual animosity. In a
terrible riot 20,000 people perished, and Jerusalem was given up to
wailing and lamentation.

It was in Caesarea that the events took place which led to the final war.
This magnificent city was inhabited by two races--the Syrian Greeks, who
were heathens, and the Jews. The two parties violently contended for the
pre-eminence. The Jews were the more wealthy; but the Roman soldiery,
levied chiefly in Syria, took part with their countrymen. Tumults and
bloodshed disturbed the streets. At this time a procurator named Gessius
Florus was appointed, and he, by his barbarities, forced the Jews to
begin the war in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero and the
seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa.

But the occasion of the war was by no means proportioned to those heavy
calamities that it brought upon us. The fatal flame finally broke out
from the old feud at Caesarea. The decree of Nero had assigned the
magistracy of that city to the Greeks. It happened that the Jews had a
synagogue, the ground around which belonged to a Greek. For this spot
the Jews offered a much higher price than it was worth. It was refused,
and to annoy them as much as possible, the owner set up some mean
buildings and shops upon it, and so made the approach to the synagogue
as narrow and difficult as possible. The more impetuous of the Jewish
youth interrupted the workmen. Then the men of greater wealth and
influence, and among them John, a publican, collected the large sum of
eight talents, and sent it as a bribe to Florus, that he might stop the
building. He received the money, made great promises, and at once
departed for Sebaste from Caesarea. His object was to leave full scope
for the riot.

On the following day, while the Jews were crowding to the synagogue, a
citizen of Caesarea outraged them by oversetting an earthen vessel in the
way, over which he sacrificed birds, as done by the law in cleansing
lepers, and thus he implied that the Jews were a leprous people. The
more violent Jews, furious at the insult, attacked the Greeks, who were
already in arms. The Jews were worsted, took up the books of the law,
and fled to Narbata, about seven miles distant. John, the publican, and
twelve men of eminence went to Samaria to Florus, implored his aid, and
reminded him of the eight talents he had received. He threw them into
prison and demanded seventeen talents from the sacred treasury under
pretence of Caesar's necessities. This injustice and oppression caused
violent excitement in Jerusalem when the news reached that city. The
people assembled around the Temple with the loudest outcries; but it was
the purpose of Florus to drive the people to insurrection, and he gave
his soldiers orders to plunder the upper market and to put to death all
whom they met. Of men, women, and children there fell that day 3,600.

When Agrippa attempted to persuade the people to obey Florus till Caesar
should send someone to succeed him, the more seditious cast reproaches
on him, and got the king excluded from the city; nay, some had the
impudence to fling stones at him. At the same time they excited the
people to go to war, and some laid siege to the Roman garrison in the
Antonio; others made an assault on a certain fortress called Masada.
They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans. One, Menahem, a
Galilean, became leader of the sedition, and went to Masada and broke
open Herod's armoury, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to
other robbers, also. These he made use of for a bodyguard, and returned
in state to Jerusalem, and gave orders to continue the siege of the
Antonio.

The tower was undermined, and fell, and many soldiers were slain. Next
day the high-priest Ananias, and his brother Hezekiah, were slain by the
robbers. By these successes Menahem was puffed up and became barbarously
cruel; but he was slain, as were also the captains under him, in an
attack led on by Eleazar, a bold youth who was governor of the Temple.


_II.--The Gathering of Great Storms_


And now great calamities and slaughters came on the Jews. On the very
same day two dreadful massacres happened. In Jerusalem the Jews fell on
Netilius and the band of Roman soldiers whom he commanded after they had
made terms and had surrendered, and all were killed except the commander
himself, who supplicated for mercy, and even agreed to submit to
circumcision. On that very day and hour, as though Providence had
ordained it, the Greeks in Caesarea rose, and in a single hour slew over
20,000 Jews, and so the city was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants. For
Florus caught those who escaped, and sent them to the galleys. By this
tragedy the whole nation was driven to madness. The Jews rose and laid
waste the villages all around many cities in Syria, and they descended
on Gadara, Hippo, and Gaulonitus, and burnt and destroyed many places.
Sebaste and Askelon they seized without resistance, and they razed
Anthedon and Gaza to the ground, pillaging the villages all around, with
great slaughter.

When thus the disorder in all Syria had become terrible, Cestius Gallus,
the Roman commander at Antioch, marched with an army to Ptolemais and
overran all Galilee and invested Jerusalem, expecting that it would be
surrendered by means of a powerful party within the walls. But the plot
was discovered, and the conspirators were flung headlong from the walls,
and an attack by Cestius on the north side of the Temple was repulsed
with great loss. Seeing the whole country around in arms, and the Jews
swarming on all the heights, Cestius withdrew his army and retired in
the night, leaving 400 of his bravest men to mount guard in the camp and
to display their ensigns, that the Jews might be deceived.

But at break of day it was discovered that the camp was deserted by the
army, and the Jews rushed to the assault and slew all the Roman band.
This happened in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.


_III.--Judea in Rebellion Against Rome_


Nero was at this time in Achaia. To him, as ambassador, Cestius, sent in
order to lay the blame on Florus, Costobar and Saul, two brothers of the
Herodian family, who, with Philip, the son of Jacimus, the general of
Agrippa, had escaped from Jerusalem. Meantime, a great massacre of the
Jews took place at Damascus. Then those in Jerusalem who had pursued
after Cestius called a general assembly in the Temple, and elected their
governors and commanders. Their choice fell on Joseph, the son of
Gorion, and Ananus, the chief priest, who were invested with absolute
authority in the city; but Eleazar was passed over, for he was suspected
of aiming at kingly power, as he went about attended by a bodyguard of
zealots. But as commanding within the Temple he had made himself master
of the public treasures, and in a short time the need of money and his
extreme subtlety won over the multitude, and all real authority fell
into his hands. To the other districts they sent the men most to be
trusted for courage and fidelity.

Josephus was appointed to the command of Galilee, with particular charge
of the strong city of Gamala. He raised in that province in the north an
army of more than a hundred thousand young men, whom he armed and
exercised after the Roman manner; and he formed a council of seventy,
and appointed seven judges in each city. He sought to unite the people
and to win their goodwill. But great trouble arose from the treachery of
his enemy, John of Gischala, who surpassed all men in craft and deceit.
He gathered a force of 4,000 robbers and wasted Galilee, while he
inflamed the dissensions in the cities, and sent messengers to Jerusalem
accusing Josephus of tyranny. Tiberias and several cities revolted, but
Josephus suppressed the risings, severely punishing many of the leaders.
John retired to the robbers at Masada, and took to plundering Idumsea.


_IV.--Vespasian and Josephus_


Nero, on learning from the messengers the state of affairs, at first
regarded the revolt lightly; but presently grew alarmed, and appointed
to the command of the armies in Syria, and the task of subduing the
Jews, Vespasian, who had pacified the West when it was disordered by the
Germans, and had also recovered Britain for the Romans. He came to
Antioch in the early spring, and was there joined by Agrippa and all his
forces. He marched to Ptolemais, where he was met by his son Titus, who
had, with expedition unusual in the winter season, sailed from Achaia to
Alexandria. So the Roman army now numbered 60,000 horsemen and footmen,
besides large numbers of camp followers who were also accustomed to
military service and could fight on occasion.

The war was now opened. Josephus attempted no resistance in the open
field, and the people had been directed to fly to the fortified cities.
The strongest of all these was Jotapata, and here Josephus commanded in
person. Being very desirous of demolishing it, Vespasian besieged it
with his whole army. It was defended with the greatest vigour, but was,
after fierce conflicts, taken in the thirteenth year of the reign of
Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus (July). During this dreadful
siege, and at the capture, 40,000 men fell. The Romans sought in vain
for the body of Josephus, their stubborn enemy. He had leaped down the
shaft of a dry well leading to a long cavern. A woman betrayed the
hiding-place, and Josephus was taken and brought before the conqueror,
of whom he had demanded from his captors a private conference. To
Vespasian he announced that he and his son would speedily attain the
imperial dignity. Vespasian was conciliated by the speech of his
prisoner, whom he treated with kindness; for though he did not release
him from his bonds, he bestowed on him suits of clothes and other
precious gifts.

Joppa, Tiberias, Taricheae, and Gamala were taken, both Romans and Jews
perishing in the conflicts. Soon afterwards, by the capture of Gischala,
all Galilee was subdued, John of Gischala fleeing to Jerusalem.


_V.--The Prelude to the Great Siege_


While the cities of Galilee thus arrested the course of the Roman
eagles, Jotapata and Gamala setting the example of daring resistance,
the leaders of the nation in Jerusalem, instead of sending out armies to
the relief of the besieged cities, were engaged in the most dreadful
civil conflicts.

The fame of John of Gishala had gone before him to Jerusalem, and the
multitude poured forth to do him honour. He falsely represented the
Roman forces as being very greatly weakened, and declared that their
engines had been worn out in the sieges in Galilee. He was a man of
enticing eloquence, to whom the young men eagerly gave heed. So the city
now began to be divided into hostile factions, and the whole of Judea
had before set to the people of Jerusalem the fatal example of discord.
For every city was torn to pieces by civil animosities. Not only the
public councils, but even numerous families were distracted by the peace
and war dispute. Through all Judea the youth were ardent for war, while
the elders vainly endeavoured to allay the frenzy. Bands of desperate
men began to spread over the land, plundering houses, while the Roman
garrisons in the towns, rather rejoicing in their hatred to the race
than wishing to protect the sufferers, afforded little help.

Large numbers of these evil men stole into the city and grew into a
daring faction, who robbed houses openly, and many of the most eminent
citizens were murdered by these Zealots, as they were called, from their
pretence that they had discovered a conspiracy to betray the city to the
Romans. They dismissed many of the sanhedrin from office and appointed
men of the lowest degree, who would support them in their violence, till
the leaders of the people became slaves to their will.

At length resistance was provoked, led by Ananus, oldest of the chief
priests, a man of great wisdom, and the robber Zealots took refuge in
the Temple and fortified it more strongly than before. They appointed as
high-priest one Phanias, a coarse and clownish rustic, utterly ignorant
of the sacerdotal duties, who when decked in the robes of office caused
great derision. This sport and pastime for the Zealots caused the more
religious people to shed tears of grief and shame; and the citizens,
unable to endure such insolence, rose in great numbers to avenge the
outrage on the sacred rites. Thus a fierce civil war broke out in which
very many were slain.

Then John of Gischala with great treachery, outwardly siding with
Ananus, and secretly aiding the Zealots, sent messengers inviting the
Idumaeans to come to his help, of whom 20,000 broke into the city during
a stormy night, and slew 8,500 of the people.


_VI.--The Siege and Fall of Jerusalem_


Nero died after having reigned thirteen years and eight days, and
Vespasian, being informed of the event, waited for a whole year, holding
his army together instead of proceeding against Jerusalem. Galba was
made emperor, and slain, as was also Otho, his successor; and then,
after the defeat and death of the emperor Vitellius, Vespasian was
proclaimed by the East. He had preferred to leave the Jews to waste
their strength by their internal feuds while he sent his lieutenants
with forces to reduce various surrounding districts instead of attacking
Jerusalem. When he became emperor, he released Josephus from his bonds,
honouring him for his integrity. Hastening his journey to Rome,
Vespasian commanded Titus to subdue Judea.

At Jerusalem were now three factions raging furiously. Eleazar, son of
Simon, who was the first cause of the war, by persuading the people to
reject the offerings of the emperors to the Temple, and had led the
Zealots and seized the Temple, pretended to cherish righteous wrath
against John of Gishala for the bloodshed he had occasioned. But he
deserted the Zealots and seized the inner court of the Temple, so that
there was war between him and Simon, son of Gioras. Thus Eleazar, John,
and Simon each led a band in constant fightings, and the Temple was
everywhere defiled by murders.

Now, as Titus was on his march he chose out 600 select horsemen, and
went to take a view of the city, when suddenly an immense multitude
burst forth from the gate over against the monuments of Queen Helena and
intercepted him and a few others. He had on neither helmet nor
breastplate, yet though many darts were hurled at him, all missed him,
as if by some purpose of Providence, and, charging through the midst of
his foes, he escaped unhurt. Part of the army now advanced to Scopos,
within a mile of the city, while another occupied a station at the foot
of the Mount of Olives.

Seeing this gathering of the Roman forces, the factions within Jerusalem
for the first time felt the necessity for concord, as Eleazar from the
summit of the Temple, John from the porticoes of the outer court, and
Simon from the heights of Sion watched the Roman camps forming thus so
near the walls. Making terms with each other, they agreed to make an
attack at the same moment. Their followers, rushing suddenly forth along
the valley of Jehoshaphat, fell with violence on the 10th legion,
encamped at the foot of the Mount of Olives, and working there unarmed
at the entrenchments. The soldiers fell back, many being killed.
Witnessing their peril, Titus, with picked troops, fell on the flank of
the Jews and drove them into the city with great loss.

The Roman commander now carefully pushed forward his approaches,
leveling the whole plain of Scopos to the outward wall and destroying
all the beautiful gardens with their fountains and water-courses, and
the army took up a position all along the northern and the western wall,
the footmen being drawn up in seven lines, with the horsemen in three
lines behind, and the archers between. Jerusalem was fortified by three
walls. These were not one within the other, for each defended one of the
quarters into which the city was divided.

The first, or outermost, encompassed Bezetha, the next protected the
citadel of the Antonia and the northern front of the Temple, and the
third, or old, and innermost wall was that of Sion. Many towers, 35 feet
high and 35 feet broad, each surmounted with lofty chambers and with
great tanks for rain water, guarded the whole circuit of the walls, 90
being in the first wall, 14 in the second, and 60 in the third. The
whole circuit of the city was about 33 stadia (four miles). From their
pent-houses of wicker the Romans, with great toil day and night,
discharged arrows and stones, which slew many of the citizens.

At three different places the battering rams began their thundering
work, and at length a corner tower came down, yet the walls stood firm,
for there was no breach. Suddenly the besieged sallied forth and set
fire to the engines. Titus came up with his horsemen and slew twelve
Jews with his own hands. One was taken prisoner and was crucified before
the walls as an example, being the first so executed during the siege.
The Jews now retreated to the second wall, abandoning the defence of
Bezetha, which the Romans entered. Titus instantly ordered the second
wall to be attacked, and for five days the conflict raged more fiercely
than ever. The Jews were entirely reckless of their own lives,
sacrificing themselves readily if they could kill their foes. On the
fifth day they retreated from the second wall, and Titus entered that
part of the lower city which was within it with I,000 picked men.

But, being desirous of winning the people, he ordered that no houses
should be set on fire and no massacres should be committed. The
seditious, however, slew everyone who spoke of peace, and furiously
assailed the Romans. Some fought from the walls, others from the houses,
and such confusion prevailed that the Romans retired; then the Jews,
elated, manned the breach, making a wall of their own bodies.

Thus the fight continued for three days, till Titus a second time
entered the wall. He threw down all the northern part and strongly
garrisoned the towers on the south. The strong heights of Sion, the
citadel of the Antonia, and the fortified Temple still held out Titus,
eager to save so magnificent a place, resolved to refrain for a few days
from the attack, in order that the minds of the besieged might be
affected by their woes, and that the slow results of famine might
operate. He reviewed his army in full armour, and they received their
pay in view of the city, the battlements being thronged by spectators
during this splendid defiling, who looked on in terror and dismay. Then
Titus sent Josephus to address them and to persuade them to yield, but
the Zealots reviled him and hurled darts at him; but many began to
desert, Titus permitted them to come in unmolested. John and Simon in
their anger watched every outlet and executed any whom they suspected of
designing to follow.

The famine increased, and the misery of the weaker was aggravated by
seeing the stronger obtaining food. All natural affection was
extinguished, husbands and wives, parents and children snatching the
last morsel from each other. Many wretched men were caught by the Romans
prowling in the ravines by night to pick up food, and these were
scourged, tortured, and crucified. In the morning sometimes 500 of these
victims were seen on crosses before the walls. This was done to terrify
the rest, and it went on till there was not wood enough for crosses.
Terrible crimes were committed in the city. The aged high-priest,
Matthias, was accused of holding communication with the enemy. Three of
his sons were killed in his presence, and he was executed in sight of
the Romans, together with sixteen other members of the sanhedrin, and
the parents of Josephus were thrown into prison. The famine grew so
woeful that a woman devoured the body of her own child. At length, after
fierce fighting, the Antonia was scaled, and Titus ordered its
demolition.

Titus now promised that the Temple should be spared if the defenders
would come forth and fight in any other place, but John and the Zealots
refused to surrender it. For several days the outer cloisters and outer
court were attacked with rams, but the immense and compact stones
resisted the blows. As many soldiers were slain in seeking to storm the
cloisters, Titus ordered the gates to be set on fire. A soldier flung a
blazing brand into a gilded door on the north side of the chambers. The
Jews, with cries of grief and rage, grasped their swords and rushed to
take revenge on their enemies or perish in the ruins.

The slaughter was continued while the fire raged. Soon no part was left
but a small portion of the outer cloisters. Titus next spent eighteen
days in preparations for the attack on the upper city, which was then
speedily captured. And now the Romans were not disposed to display any
mercy, night alone putting an end to the carnage. During the whole of
this siege of Jerusalem, 1,100,000 were slain, and the prisoners
numbered 97,000.

       *       *       *       *       *




HENRY MILMAN, D.D.


History of the Jews


     Henry Hart Milman, D.D., was born in London on February 10,
     1791, died on September 24, 1868, and was buried in St. Paul's
     Cathedral, of which for the last nineteen years of his life he
     was Dean. He was the youngest son of Sir Francis Milman,
     physician to George III, and was educated at Greenwich, Eton
     and Oxford. Although as a scholarly poet he had a considerable
     reputation, his literary fame rests chiefly on his fine
     historical works, of which fifteen volumes appeared, including
     the "History of the Jews," the "History of Christianity to the
     Abolition of Paganism in the Roman Empire," and the "History
     of Latin Christianity to the Pontificate of Nicholas V." The
     appearance of the "History of the Jews" in 1830 caused no
     small consternation among the orthodox, but among the Jews
     themselves it was exceptionally well received. Dean Milman
     wrote several hymns, including "Ride on, ride on in majesty,"
     "When our heads are bowed in woe." Although this history
     carries the Jewish race down to modern times, it is included
     in the section of THE WORLD'S GREATEST BOOKS treating of
     ancient history, as it is the history of an ancient race, not
     of a definite country.


_I.--Dissolution of the Jewish States_


By the destruction of Jerusalem and of the fortified cities of Machaerus
and Masada, which had held out after it, the political existence of the
Jewish nation was annihilated; it was never again recognised as one of
the states or kingdoms of the world. We have now to trace a despised and
obscure race in almost every region of the world. We are called back,
indeed, for a short time to Palestine, to relate new scenes of revolt,
ruin, and persecution. Not long after the dissolution of the Jewish
state it revived again in appearance, under the form of two separate
communities--one under a sovereignty purely spiritual, the other partly
spiritual and partly temporal, but each, comprehending all the Jewish
families in the two great divisions of the world. At the head of the
Jews on this side of the Euphrates appeared the Patriarch of the West;
the chief of the Mesopotamian communities, assumed the striking but more
temporal title of Resch-Glutha, or Prince of the Captivity.

That Judaism should have thus survived is one of the most marvellous of
historic phenomena. But, for the most part, the populous cities beyond
the Jordan, the dominions of Agrippa, and Samaria escaped the
devastation; and, according to tradition, the sanhedrin was spared in
the general wreck.

After a brief interval of peace for the Jews scattered through the world
during the reign of Nerva, their settlements in Babylonia, Egypt,
Cyrene, and Judea broke out in rebellion against the intolerant
religious policy of the otherwise sagacious and upright Trajan. Great
atrocities were committed by revolting Jews in Egypt, and the
retaliation was terrible. It is said that 220,000 Jews fell before the
remorseless vengeance of their enemies. The flame spread to Cyprus,
where it was quenched by Hadrian, afterwards emperor. He expelled the
Jews from the island. When Hadrian ascended the throne, in 117 A.D., he
issued an edict which was tantamount to the total suppression of
Judaism, for it interdicted circumcision, the reading of the law, and
the observance of the Sabbath.

At this momentous juncture, when universal dismay prevailed, it was
announced that the Messiah had appeared. He had come in power and glory.
His name fulfilled the prophecy of Balaam. Barcochab, the Son of the
Star, was that star which was to "arise out of Jacob." Wonders attended
on his person; he breathed flames from his mouth which, no doubt, would
burn up the strength of the proud oppressor, and wither the armies of
the tyrannical Hadrian. Above all, Akiba, the greatest of the rabbins,
the living oracle of divine truth, espoused the claims of the new
Messiah; he was called the standard-bearer of the Son of the Star. Of
him also wondrous stories were told. The first expedition of Barcochab
was to the ruins of Jerusalem, where a rude town had sprung up. Here he
openly assumed the title of king. But he and his followers avoided a
battle in the open field. On the arrival of the famous Julius Severus to
take command of the Roman forces, the rebel Jews were in possession of
fifty of the strongest castles and nearly a thousand villages. Severus
attacked the strongholds in detail, reducing them by famine, and
gradually brought the war to a close.

Over half a million Jews perished during the struggle, and the whole of
Judea was a desert in which wolves and hyenas howled through the streets
of the desolate cities. Hadrian established a new city on the site of
Jerusalem, which he called AElia Capitolina, and peopled with a colony of
foreigners. An edict was issued prohibiting any Jew from entering the
new city on pain of death, and the more effectually to enforce the
edict, the image of a swine was placed over the gate leading to
Bethlehem.


_II.--Judaism and Christianity_


For the fourth time the Jewish people seemed on the brink of
extermination. Nebuchadrezzar, Antiochus, Titus, and Hadrian had
successively exerted their utmost power to extinguish their existence as
a separate people. Yet in less than sixty years after the war under
Hadrian, before the close of the second century after Christ, the Jews
present the extraordinary spectacle of two separate and regularly
organised communities--one under the Patriarch of Tiberias,
comprehending all of Israelitish descent who inhabited the Roman Empire;
the other under the Prince of the Captivity, to whom all the eastern
Jews paid allegiance. By the mild temper of Antoninus Pius, the Jews
were restored to their ancient privileges. Though still forbidden to
enter Jerusalem, they were permitted to acquire the freedom of Rome, to
establish many settlements in Italy, and to enjoy municipal honours.

This gentle treatment assuaged the stern temper of the race. Awakened
from their dream of prophecy and conquest, they assumed the behaviour of
peaceable and industrious subjects. The worship of the synagogue became
the great bond of racial union, and through centuries held the scattered
nation in the closest uniformity.

The middle of the third century beheld all Israel incorporated into
their two communities, under their patriarch and their caliphate. The
Resch-Glutha, or Prince of the Captivity, lived in all the state and
splendour of an oriental potentate, far outshining in his pomp his rival
sovereign in Tiberias. The most celebrated of the rabbinical sovereigns
was Jehuda, sometimes called the nasi or patriarch. His life was of such
spotless purity that he was named the Holy. He was the author of a new
constitution for the Jewish people, for he embodied in the celebrated
Mischna all the authorised traditions of the schools and courts, and all
the authorised interpretations of the Mosaic law. Both in the East and
the West the Jews maintained their seclusion from the rest of the world.
The great work called the Talmud, formed of the Mischna and the Gemara
(or compilation of comments), was composed during a period of thirty
years of profound peace for the masters of the Babylonian schools, under
Persian rule. This remains a monumental token of learning and industry
of the eastern Jewish rabbins of the third and fourth centuries.

The formal establishment of Christianity by Constantine the Great, in
the early part of the fourth century, might have led to Jewish
apprehension lest the Synagogue should be eclipsed by the splendour of
its triumphant rival, the Christian Church; but the Rabbinical authority
had raised an insurmountable barrier around the Synagogue. And,
unhappily, the Church had lost its most effective means of
conversion--its miraculous powers, its simple doctrine, and the
blameless lives of its believers. Constantine enacted severe laws
against the Jews, which seem in great part to have been occasioned by
their own fiery zeal. But, still earlier than these enactments, Spain
had given the signal for hostility towards the Jews. A decree was passed
at the Council of Elvira prohibiting Jewish and Christian farmers and
peasants from mingling together at harvest home and other festivals.

In Egypt, during the reign of Constantius, who succeeded his father
Constantine, the hot-headed Jews of Alexandria provoked the enactment by
that emperor of yet severer laws, by mingling themselves in the factions
of Arians and Athanasians, which distracted that restless city. They
joined with the pagans on the side of the Arian bishop, and committed
frightful excesses. An insurrection in Judea, which terminated in the
destruction of Dio Caesarea, gave further pretext for exaction and
oppression. But the apostasy of the emperor for a time revived the hopes
of the race, especially when he issued his memorable edict decreeing the
rebuilding of the Temple on Mount Moriah, and the restoration of the
Jewish worship in its original splendour.

The whole Jewish world was now in commotion. Julian entrusted the
execution of the project to his favourite, Alypius, while he advanced
with his ill-fated army to the East. The Jews crowded from the most
distant quarters to assist in the work. But terrible disappointment
ensued. Fire destroyed the work, and various catastrophes frustrated the
enterprise, and the death of Julian rendered it hopeless.

The irruption of the Northern Barbarians during the latter half of the
fourth to about the end of the fifth century so completely disorganised
the whole frame of society that the condition of its humblest members
could not but be powerfully influenced thereby. The Jews were widely
dispersed in all those countries on which the storm fell--in Belgium,
the Rhine districts, Germany, where it was civilised, Gaul, Italy, and
Spain. Not only did the Jews in their scattered colonies engage actively
in mercantile pursuits, but one great branch of commerce fell chiefly
into their hands--the internal slave-trade of Europe.

The Church beheld this evil with grief and indignation, and popes issued
rescripts and interdicts. Fierce hostility grew up between Church and
Synagogue. The Church had not then the power--it may be hoped it had not
the will--to persecute. It was fully occupied with the task of seeking
to impart to the fierce conquerors--the Vandals; Goths, and other
Barbarians--the humanising and civilising knowledge of Christianity.

A great enemy arose in the person of the Emperor Justinian, who was
provoked by savage conflicts between the Jews and the Samaritans to
issue severe enactments against both, which led to the fall of the
patriarchate. In the East, under the rule during the same period of the
Persian king, Chosroes the Just, or Nushirvan, who began his reign in
531 A.D., the position was not more favourable for the Jews of
Babylonia.


_III.--The Golden Age of Judaism_


During the conflict between Persian and Roman emperors a power was
rapidly growing up in the secret deserts of Arabia which was to erect
its throne on the ruins of both. The Jews were the first opponents and
the first victims of Mohammed. At least a hundred and twenty years
before Christ, Jewish settlers had built castles in Sabaea and
established an independent kingdom, known as Homeritis, which was
subdued by an Arab chieftain and came to an end. But the Jews were still
powerful in the Arabian peninsula. Mohammed designed to range all the
tribes under his banner; but his overtures were scorned, and he ordered
a massacre of all who refused to accept the Koran.

On one day 700 Jews were slain in Medina while the Prophet looked on
without emotion. But the persecution of the Jews by the Mohammedans was
confined to Arabia, for under the empire of the caliphs they suffered no
further oppression than the payment of tribute. Spain had maintained its
odious distinction in the West, and it is not surprising that the
suffering Jews by active intrigue materially assisted the triumphant
invasion of the country by the Saracens. And in France the Jews became
numerous and wealthy, and traded with great success.

We enter on a period which may be described as the Golden Age of the
modern Jews. The religious persecutions of this race by the Mohammedans
were confined within the borders of Arabia. The Prophet was content with
enforcing uniformity of worship within the sacred peninsula which gave
him birth. The holy cities of Medina and Mecca were not to be profaned
by the unclean footstep of the unbeliever. His immediate successors rose
from stern fanatics to ambitious conquerors. Whoever would submit to the
dominion of the caliph might easily evade the recognition of the
Prophet's title. The Jews had reason to rejoice in the change of
masters. An Islamite sovereign would not be more oppressive than a
Byzantine on the throne of Constantinople or a Persian on the throne of
Ctesiphon. In every respect the Jew rose in the social scale under his
Mohammedan rulers. Provided he demeaned himself peaceably, and paid his
tribute, he might go to the synagogue rather than to the mosque.

In the time of Omar, the second caliph, the coinage, already a trust of
great importance, had been committed to the care of a Jew. And the Jews
acted as intermediate agents in the interworking of European
civilisation, its knowledge, arts, and sciences, into the oriental mind,
and in raising the barbarian conquerors from the chieftains of wild,
marauding tribes into magnificent and enlightened sovereigns. The caliph
readily acknowledged as his vassal the Prince of the Captivity, who
maintained his state as representative of the Jewish community. And in
the West, during the reigns of Pepin and Charlemagne, the treatment of
Jews became much more liberal than before. Their superior intelligence
and education, in a period when nobles and kings, and even the clergy,
could not always write their names, pointed them out for offices of
trust. They were the physicians, the ministers of finance, to monarchs.
They even became ambassadors. The Golden Age of the Jews endured in
increasing prosperity during the reign of Louis the Debonnaire, or the
Pious, at whose court they were so powerful that their interest was
solicited by the presents of kings. In the reign of Charles the Bald,
the Jews maintained their high estate, but dark signs of the approaching
Age of Iron began to lower around.


_IV.--The Iron Age of Judaism_


Our Iron Age commences in the East, where it witnessed the extinction of
the Princes of the Captivity by the ignominious death of the last
sovereign, the downfall of the schools, and the dispersion of the
community, which from that period remained an abject and degraded part
of the population. During the ninth and tenth centuries the Caliphate
fell into weakness and confusion, and split up into several kingdoms
under conflicting sovereigns, and at the same time Judaism in the East
was distracted by continual disputes between the Princes of the
Captivity and the masters of the schools. The tribunals of the civil and
temporal powers of the Eastern Jewish community were in perpetual
collision, so that this singular state was weakened internally by its
own dissensions.

When a violent and rapacious caliph, Ahmed Kader, ascended the throne,
he cast a jealous look on the powers of his vassal sovereign, and,
without pretext, he seized Scherira, the prince of the community, now a
hundred years old, imprisoned him and his son Hai, and confiscated their
wealth. Hai escaped to resume his office and to transmit its honours and
its dangers to Hezekiah, who was elected chief of the community, but
after a reign of two years was arrested with all his family by order of
the caliph Abdallah Kaim ben Marillah (A.D. 1036). The schools were
closed. Many of the learned fled to Spain, where the revulsion under the
Almohades had not yet taken place; all were dispersed. Among the rest
two of the sons of the unfortunate Prince of the Captivity effected
their escape to Spain, while the last of the House of David who reigned
over the Jews of the Dispersion in Babylonia perished on the scaffold.

The Jewish communities in Palestine suffered a slower but more complete
dissolution. Benjamin of Tudela in the compilation of his travels in the
twelfth century gives a humiliating account of the few brethren who
still clung, in dire poverty and meanness, to their native land. In Tyre
he found 400 Jews, mostly glass-blowers. There were in Jerusalem only
200, almost all dyers of wool. Ascalon contained 153 Jews; Tiberias, the
seat of learning, and of the kingly patriarchate, but fifty. In the
Byzantine Empire the number of Jews had greatly diminished.

We pursue our dark progress to the West, where we find all orders
gradually arrayed in fierce and implacable animosity against the race of
Israel. Every passion was in arms against them. In that singular
structure, the feudal system, which rose like a pyramid from the
villeins, or slaves attached to the soil, to the monarch who crowned the
edifice, the, Jews alone found no proper place. In France and England
they were the actual property of the king, and there was nowhere any
tribunal to which they could appeal.

The Jew, often acquiring wealth in commerce, might become valuable
property of some feudatory lord. He was granted away, he was named in a
marriage settlement, he was pawned, he was sold, he was stolen. Even
Churchmen of the highest rank did not disdain such lucrative property.
Louis, King of Provence, granted to the Archbishop of Aries all the
possessions which his predecessors have held of former kings, including
the Jews. Philip the Fair bought of his brother, Charles of Valois, all
the Jews of his dominions and lordships.

The Jew, making money as he knew how to do by trade and industry, was a
valuable source of revenue, and was tolerated only as such, but he was a
valuable possession. Chivalry, the parent of so much good and evil, was
a source of unmitigated wretchedness to the Jew--for religious
fanaticism and chivalry were inseparable, the knight of the Middle Ages
being bound with his good sword to extirpate all the enemies of Christ
and His Virgin Mother. The power of the clergy tended greatly to
increase this general detestation against the unhappy Jew. And when
undisciplined fanatics of the lowest order, under the guidance of Peter
the Hermit and Walter the Penniless, were fired with the spirit of the
Crusades, fearful massacres of Jews were perpetrated in Treves, Metz,
Spiers, Worms, and Cologne. Everywhere the tracks of the Crusaders were
deeply marked with Jewish blood.

Half a century after the shocking massacres of Jews during the First
Crusade, another storm gathered, as the monk Rodolph passed through
Germany preaching the duty of wreaking vengeance on all the enemies of
God. The terrible cry of "Hep!"--the signal for the massacre of
Israelites--ran through the cities of the Rhine. Countless atrocities
took place as the Crusaders passed on, as the Jews record with triumph,
to perish by plague, famine, and the sword.


_V.--The Jews in England_


In the Dark Ages England was not advanced beyond the other nations of
Europe in the civil or religious wisdom of toleration. There were Jews
in England under the Saxons. And during the days of the Norman kings
they were established in Oxford and in London. They taught Hebrew to
Christian as well as to Jewish students. But they increased in both
wealth and unpopularity, false tales about atrocities committed by them
being bruited abroad. In many towns furious rabbles at different times
attacked the Jewish quarters, burnt the dwellings, and put the inmates
cruelly to death, as at York, where hundreds perished during a riot in
the reign of Richard I. King John by cruel measures extorted large sums
from wealthy Jews.

The Church was also their implacable enemy, securing many repressive
enactments against them. Jewish history has a melancholy
sameness--perpetual exactions, the means of enforcing them differing
only in their cruelty. When parliament refused to maintain the
extravagant royal expenditure, nothing remained but still further to
drain Hebrew veins. In the reign of Henry III. a tale was spread of the
crucifixion of a Christian child, called Hugh of Lincoln. The story
refutes itself, but it created horror throughout the country. For this
crime eighteen of the richest Jews of Lincoln were hanged, and many more
flung into dungeons.

The death of Henry brought no respite, for Edward acted with equal
harshness. At length he issued the famous irrevocable edict of total
expulsion from the realm. Their departure was fixed for October 10,
1290. All who delayed were to be hanged without mercy. The Jews were
pursued from, the kingdom with every mark of popular triumph in their
sufferings. In one day 16,511 were exiled; all their property, debts,
obligations, mortgages were escheated to the king. A like expulsion had
been effected in France; and Spain, where the Jews were of a far nobler
rank, was not to be outdone in bigotry.

During the reign of John I., in 1388 A.D., a fierce popular preacher of
Seville, Ferdinand Martinez, Arch-deacon of Ecija, excited the populace
to excesses against the Jews. The streets of the noble city ran with
blood, and 4,000 victims perished. The cruel spirit spread through the
kingdom, and appalling massacres followed in many cities. A series of
intermittent persecutions followed both in Spain and Portugal, in reign
after reign. Jews and Protestants together went through awful ordeals at
the hands of the Inquisition. When her glory had declined, Spain, even
in her lowest decrepitude, indulged in what might seem the luxury of
persecution.

It was in the reign of Charles II. that the Jews found opportunity to
steal insensibly back into England. Cromwell had felt very favourably
disposed towards them, but had not dared to permit the re-establishment
which they had openly sought. But the necessities of Charles and his
courtiers quietly accomplished the, change, and the race has ever since
maintained its footing, and no doubt contributed a fair share to the
national wealth. Russia throughout her history adhered to her hostility
to the Jews, but expulsion became impossible with such vast numbers. It
is estimated that Russia contains half the Jewish population of the
world, notwithstanding that Russia proper from ancient times has been
sternly inhospitable to the Jewish race, while Poland has ever been
hospitable.

The most important measures of amelioration in the lot of the Jews in
England were passed in 1723, when they acquired the right to possess
land; in 1753, when parliament enacted the Naturalisation Bill; in 1830,
when they were admitted to civic corporations; in 1833, when they were
admitted to the profession of advocates; in 1845, when they were
rendered eligible for the office of alderman and lord mayor; and in
1858, when the last and crowning triumph of the principle was achieved
by the admission of Jews into parliament.

In Asia, the Jews are still found in considerable numbers on the verge
of the continent; in China, they are now found in one city alone, and
possess only one synagogue. In Mesopotamia and Assyria the ancient seats
of the Babylonian Jews are still occupied by 5,270 families. But England
and Anglo-Saxon countries generally have been the most favourable to the
race. Perhaps the most remarkable fact in the history of modern Judaism
is the extension of the Jews in the United States. Writing in 1829, I
stated, on the best authority then attainable, their numbers at 6,000.
They are now [in 1863] reckoned at 75,000.

       *       *       *       *       *




HERODOTUS


History


     The "Father of History," as Herodotus has been styled, was
     born at Halicarnassus, the centre of a Greek colony in Asia
     Minor, between the years 490 and 480 B.C., and lived probably
     to sixty, dying about the year 425 B.C. A great part of his
     life was occupied with travels and investigations in those
     lands with which his history is mainly concerned. His work is
     the earliest essay in history in a European language. It is a
     record primarily of the causes and the course of the first
     great contest between East and West; and is a storehouse of
     curious and delightful traveller's gossip as well as a
     faithful record of events. The canons of evidence in his day
     were defective, for obvious reasons; a miscellaneous divine
     interposition in human affairs was taken for granted, and
     science had not yet reduced incredible marvels to ordinary
     natural phenomena. Nevertheless, Herodotus was a shrewd and
     careful critic, honest, and by no means remarkably credulous.
     If he had not acquired the conception of history as an exact
     science, he made it a particularly attractive form of
     literature, to which his simplicity of style gives a slight
     but pleasant archaic flavour. This epitome has been specially
     prepared far THE WORLD'S GREATEST BOOKS from the Greek text.


_I.--The Rise of Persian Power_


I will not dispute whether those ancient tales be true, of Io and Helen,
and the like, which one or another have called the sources of the war
between the Hellenes and the barbarians of Asia; but I will begin with
those wrongs whereof I myself have knowledge. In the days of Sadyattes,
king of Lydia, and his son Alyattes, there was war between Lydia and
Miletus. And Croesus, the son of Alyattes, made himself master of the
lands which are bounded by the river Halys, and he waxed in power and
wealth, so that there was none like to him. To him came Solon, the
Athenian, but would not hail him as the happiest of all men, saying that
none may be called happy until his life's end.

Thereafter trouble fell upon Croesus by the slaying of his son when he
was a-hunting. Then Cyrus the Persian rose up and made himself master of
the Medes and Persians, and Croesus, fearing his power, was fain to go
up against him, being deceived by an oracle; but first he sought to make
alliance with the chief of the states of Hellas. In those days,
Pisistratus was despot of Athens; but Sparta was mighty, by the laws of
Lycurgus. Therefore Croesus sent envoys to the Spartans to make alliance
with them, which was done very willingly. But when Croesus went up
against Cyrus, his army was put to flight, and Cyrus besieged him in the
city of Sardis, and took it, and made himself lord of Lydia. He would
have slain Croesus, but, finding him wise and pious, he made him his
counsellor.

Now, this Cyrus had before overthrown the Median king, Astyages, whose
daughter was his own mother. For her father, fearing a dream, wedded her
to a Persian, and when she bore a child, he gave order for its slaying.
But the babe was taken away and brought up by a herdsman of the
hill-folk. But in course of time the truth became known to Astyages, and
to Harpagus, the officer who had been bidden to slay the babe, and to
Cyrus himself. Then Harpagus, fearing the wrath of Astyages, bade Cyrus
gather together the Persians--who in those days were a hardy people of
the mountains--and made himself king over the Medians; which things
Cyrus did, overthrowing his grandfather Astyages. And in this wise began
the dominion of the Persians.

The Ionian cities of Asia were zealous to make alliance with Cyrus when
he had overthrown Croesus. But he held them of little account, and
threatened them, and the Lacedaemonians also, who sent him messengers
warning him to let the Ionians alone. And he sent Harpagus against the
cities of the Ionians, of whom certain Phocaeans and Teians sailed away
to Rhegium and Abdera rather than become the slaves of the barbarians;
but the rest, though they fought valiantly enough, were brought to
submission by Harpagus.

While Harpagus was completing the subjugation of the West, Cyrus was
making conquest of Upper Asia, and overthrew the kingdom of Assyria, of
which the chief city was Babylon, a very wonderful city, wherein there
had ruled two famous queens, Semiramis and Nitocris. Now, this queen had
made the city wondrous strong by the craft of engineers, yet Cyrus took
it by a shrewd device, drawing off the water of the river so as to gain
a passage. Thus Babylon also fell under the sway of the Persian. But
when Cyrus would have made war upon Tomyris, the queen of the Massagetae,
who dwelt to the eastward, there was a very great battle, and Cyrus
himself was slain and the most part of his host. And Cambyses, his son,
reigned in his stead.


_II.--Wars of Egypt and Persia_


Cambyses set out to conquer Egypt, taking in his army certain of the
Greeks. But of all that I shall tell about that land, the most was told
to me by the priests whom I myself visited at Memphis and Thebes and
Heliopolis. They account themselves the most ancient of peoples. If the
Ionians are right, who reckon that Egypt is only the Nile Delta, this
could not be. But I reckon that the whole Egyptian territory is. Egypt,
from the cataracts and Elephantine down to the sea, parted into the
Asiatic part and the Libyan part by the Nile.

For the causes of the rising and falling of the Nile, the reasons that
men give are of no account. And of the sources whence the river springs
are strange stories told of which I say not whether they be true or
false: but the course of it is known for four months' journey by land
and water, and in my opinion it is a river comparable to the Ister.

The priests tell that the first ruler of Egypt was Menes, and after him
were three hundred and thirty kings, counting one queen, who was called
Nitocris. After them came Sesostris, who carried his conquest as far as
the Thracians and Scythians; and later was Rhampsinitus, who married his
daughter to the clever thief who robbed his treasure-house; and after
him Cheops, who built the pyramid, drawing the stones from the Arabian
mountain down to the Nile. Chephren also, and Mycerinus built pyramids,
and the Greeks have a story--which is not true--that another was built
by Rhodopis. And in the reign of Sethon, Egypt was invaded by
Sennacherib the Assyrian, whose army's bowstrings were eaten by
field-mice.

A thing more wonderful than the pyramids is the labyrinth near Lake
Moeris, and still more wonderful is Lake Moeris itself, all which were
made by the twelve kings who ruled at once after Sethon. And after them,
Psammetichus made himself the monarch; and after him his great grandson
Apries prospered greatly, till he was overthrown by Amasis. And Amasis
also prospered, and showed favour to the Greeks. But for whatever
reason, in his day Cambyses made his expedition against Egypt, invading
it just when Amasis had died, and his son Psammenitus was reigning.

Cambyses put the Egyptian army to rout in a great battle, and conquered
the country, making Psammenitus prisoner. Yet he would have set him up
as governor of the province, according to the Persian custom, but that
Psammenitus was stirred up to revolt, and, being discovered, was put to
death. Thereafter Cambyses would have made war upon Carthage, but that
the Phoenicians would not aid him; and against the Ethiopians, who are
called "long-lived," but his army could get no food; and against the
Ammonians, but the troops that went were seen no more.

Now, madness came upon Cambyses, and he died, having committed many
crimes, among which was the slaying of his brother Smerdis. And there
rose up one among the Magi who pretended to be Smerdis, and was
proclaimed king. But this false Smerdis was one whose ears had been cut
off, and he was thus found out by one of his wives, the daughter of a
Persian nobleman, Otanes. Then seven nobles conspired together, since
they would not be ruled over by one of the Magi; and having determined
that it was best to have one man for ruler, rather than the rule of the
people or of the nobles, they slew Smerdis and made Darius, the son of
Hystaspes, their king.

Then Darius divided the Persian empire into twenty satrapies, whereof
each one paid its own tribute, save Persia itself, and he was lord of
all Asia, and Egypt also.

In the days of Cambyses, Polycrates was despot of Samos, being the first
who ever thought to make himself a ruler of the seas. And he had
prospered marvellously. But Oroetes, the satrap of Sardis, compassed his
death by foul treachery, and wrought many other crimes; whom Darius in
turn put to death by guile, fearing to make open war upon him. And not
long afterwards, he sent Otanes to make conquest of Samos. And during
the same days there was a revolt of the Babylonians; and Darius went up
against Babylon, yet for twenty months he could not take it. Howbeit, it
was taken by the act of Zopyrus, who, having mutilated himself, went to
the Babylonians and told them that Darius had thus evilly entreated him,
and so winning their trust, he made easy entry for the Persian army, and
so Babylon was taken the second time.


_III.--Persian Arms in Europe_


Now, Darius was minded to make conquest of the Scythians--concerning
which people, and the lands beyond those which they inhabit, there are
many marvels told, as of a bald-headed folk called Argippaei; and the
Arimaspians or one-eyed people; and the Hyperborean land where the air
is full of feathers. Of these lands are legends only; nothing is known.
But concerning the earth's surface, this much is known, that Libya is
surrounded by water, certain Phoenicians having sailed round it. And of
the unknown regions of Asia much was searched out by order of Darius.

The Scythians themselves have no cities; but there are great rivers in
Scythia, whereof the Ister is the greatest of all known streams, being
greater even than the Nile, if we reckon its tributaries. The great god
of the Scythians is Ares; and their war customs are savage exceedingly,
and all their ways barbarous. Against this folk Darius resolved to
march.

His plan was to convey his army across the Bosphorus on a bridge of
boats, while the Ionian fleet should sail up to the Ister and bridge
that, and await him. So he crossed the Bosphorus and marched through
Thrace, subduing on his way the Getse, who believe that there is no true
death. But when he passed the Ister, he would have taken the Ionians
along with him; but by counsel of Coes of Mitylene, he resolved to leave
them in charge of the bridge, giving order that, after sixty days, they
might depart home, but no sooner.

Then the Scythians, fearing that they could not match the great king's
army, summoned the other barbaric peoples to their aid; among whom were
the Sauromatians, who are fabled to be the offspring of the Amazons. And
some were willing, but others not. Therefore the Scythians retired
before Darius, first towards those peoples who would not come to their
help; and so enticed him into desert regions, yet would in no wise come
to battle with him.

Now, at length, Darius found himself in so evil a plight that he began
to march back to the Ister. And certain Scythians came to the Ionians,
and counselled them to destroy the bridge, the sixty days being passed.
And this Miltiades, the Athenian despot of the Chersonese, would have
had them do, so that Darius might perish with all his army; but
Histiaeus of Miletus dissuaded them, because the rule of the despots was
upheld by Darius. And thus the Persian army was saved, Megabazus being
left in Europe to subdue the Hellespontines. When Megabazus had subdued
many of the Thracian peoples, who, indeed, lack only union with each
other to make them the mightiest of all nations, he sent an embassy to
Amyntas, the king of Macedon, to demand earth and water. But because
those envoys insulted the ladies of the court, Alexander, the son of
Amyntas, slew them all, and of them or all their train was never aught
heard more.

Now Darius, with fair words, bade Histiseus of Miletus abide with him at
the royal town of Susa. Then Aristagoras, the brother of Histiaeus,
having failed in an attempt to subdue Naxos, and fearing both
Artaphernes, the satrap of Sardis, and the Persian general Megabazus,
with whom he had quarrelled, sought to stir up a revolt of the Ionian
cities; being incited thereto by secret messages from Histiseus.

To this end, he sought alliance with the Lacedaemonians; but they would
have nothing to do with him, deeming the venture too remote. Then he
went to Athens, whence the sons of Pisistratus had been driven forth
just before. For Hipparchus had been slain by Harmodius and Aristogiton,
and afterwards Hippias would hardly have been expelled but that his
enemies captured his children and so could make with him what terms they
chose. But the Pisistratidse having been expelled, the city grew in
might, and changes were made in the government of it by Cleisthenes the
Alcmaeonid. But the party that was against Cleisthenes got aid from
Cleomenes of Sparta; yet the party of Cleisthenes won.

Then, since they reckoned that there would be war with Sparta, the
Athenians had sought friendship with Artaphernes at Sardis; but since he
demanded earth and water they broke off. But because Athens was waxing
in strength, the Spartans bethought them of restoring the despotism of
the Pisistratidae. But Sosicles, the Corinthian, dissuaded the allies of
Sparta from taking part in so evil a deed. Then Hippias sought to stir
up against the Athenians the ill-will of Artaphernes, who bade them take
back the Pisistratidae, which they would not do.

Therefore, when Aristagoras came thither, the Athenians were readily
persuaded to promise him aid. And he, having gathered the troops of the
Ionians, who were at one with him, marched with them and the Athenians
against Sardis and took the city, which by a chance was set on fire. But
after that the Athenians refused further help to the Ionians, who were
worsted by the Persians. But the ruin of the Ionians was at the
sea-fight of Lade, where the men of Chios fought stoutly; but they of
Samos and Lesbos deserting, there was a great rout.


_IV.--Marathon and Thermopylae_


Thereafter King Darius, being very wroth with the Athenians for their
share in the burning of Sardis, sent a great army across the Hellespont
to march through Thrace against Athens, under his young kinsman
Mardonius. But disaster befell these at the hands of the Thracians, and
the fleet that was to aid them was shattered in a storm; so that they
returned to Asia without honour. Then Darius sent envoys to demand earth
and water from the Greek states; and of the islanders the most gave
them, and some also of the cities on the mainland; and among these were
the Aeginetans, who were at feud with Athens.

But of those who would not give the earth and water were the Eretrians
of Eubcea. So Darius sent a great armament by sea against Eretria and
Athens, led by Datis and Artaphernes, which sailed first against
Eretria. The Athenians, indeed, sent aid; but when they found that the
counsels of the Eretrians were divided, so that no firm stand might be
made, they withdrew. Nevertheless, the Eretrians fought valiantly behind
their walls, till they were betrayed on the seventh day. But the
Persians, counselled by Hippias, sailed to the bay of Marathon.

Then the Athenians sent the strong runner Pheidippides to call upon the
Spartans for aid; who promised it, yet for sacred reasons would not move
until the full moon. So the Athenian host had none to aid them save the
loyal Plataeans, valiant though few. Yet in the council of their generals
the word of Miltiades was given for battle, whereto the rest consented.
Then the Athenians and Plataeans, being drawn up in a long line, charged
across the plain nigh a mile, running upon the masses of the Persians;
and, breaking them upon the wings, turned and routed the centre also
after long fighting, and drove them down to the ships, slaying as they
went; and of the ships they took seven. And of the barbarians there fell
6,400 men, and of the Athenians, 192. But as for the story that the
Alcmaeonidae hoisted a friendly signal to the Persians, I credit it not
at all.

Now, Darius was very wroth with the Greeks when he heard of these
things, and made preparation for a mighty armament to overthrow the
Greeks, and also the Egyptians, who revolted soon afterwards. But he
died before he was ready, and Xerxes, his son, reigned in his stead.
Then, having first crushed the Egyptians, he, being ruled by Mardonius,
gathered a council and declared his intent of marching against the
Hellenes; which resolution was commended by Mardonius, but Artabanus,
the king's uncle, spoke wise words of warning. Then Xerxes would have
changed his mind, but for a dream which came to him twice, and to
Artabanus also, threatening disaster if he ceased from his project; so
that Artabanus was won over to favour it.

Then Xerxes made vast provision for his invasion for the building of a
bridge over the Hellespont, and the cutting of a canal through the
peninsula of Athos, where the fleet of Mardonius had been shattered. And
from all parts of his huge empire he mustered his hosts first in
Cappadocia, and marched thence by way of Sardis to the Hellespont. And
because, when the bridge was a building, a great storm wrecked it, he
bade flog the naughty waves of the sea. Then, the bridge being finished,
he passed over with his host, which took seven days to accomplish.

And when they were come to Doriscus he numbered them, and found them to
be 1,700,000 men, besides his fleets. And in the fleet were 1,207 great
ships, manned chiefly by the Phoenicians and the Greeks of Asia, having
also Persian and Scythian fighting men on board. But when Demaratus, an
exiled king of Sparta, warned Xerxes of the valour of all the Greeks,
but chiefly of the Spartans, who would give battle, however few they
might be, against any foe, however many, his words seemed to Xerxes a
jest, seeing how huge his own army was.

Now, Xerxes had sent to many of the Greek states heralds to demand earth
and water, which many had given; but to Athens and Sparta he had not
sent, because there the heralds of his father Darius had been evilly
entreated. And if it had not been for the resolution of the Athenians at
this time, all Hellas would have been forced to submit to the Great
King; for they, in despite of threatening oracles, held fast to their
defiance, being urged thereto by Themistocles, who showed them how those
oracles must mean that, although they would suffer evil things, they
would be victorious by means of wooden bulwarks, which is to say, ships;
and thus they were encouraged to rely upon building and manning a mighty
fleet. And all the other cities of Greece resolved to stand by them,
except the Argives, who would not submit to the leadership of the
Spartans. And in like manner Gelon, the despot of Syracuse in Sicily,
would not send aid unless he were accepted as leader. Nor were the men
of Thessaly willing to join, since the other Greeks could not help them
to guard Thessaly itself, as the pass of Tempe could be turned.

Therefore the Greeks resolved to make their stand at Thermopylae on land,
and at the strait of Artemisium by sea. But at the strong pass of
Thermopylae only a small force was gathered to hold the barbarians in
check, there being of the Spartans themselves only 300, commanded by the
king Leonidas. And when the Persians had come thither and sought to
storm the pass, they were beaten back with ease, until a track was found
by which they might take the defenders in the rear. Then Leonidas bade
the rest of the army depart except his Spartans. But the Thespians also
would not go; and then those Spartans and Thespians went out into the
open and died gloriously.


_V.--Destruction of the Persian Hosts_


During these same days the Greek fleet at Artemisium fought three
several engagements with the Persian fleet, in which neither side had
much the better. And thereafter the Greek fleet withdrew, but was
persuaded to remain undispersed in the bay of Salamis. The
Peloponnesians were no longer minded to attempt the defence of Attica,
but to fortify their isthmus, so that the Athenians had no choice but
either to submit or to evacuate Athens, removing their families and
their goods to Troezen or Aegina or Salamis. In the fleet, their
contingent was by far the largest and best, but the commanding admiral
was the Spartan Eurybiades. Then the Persians, passing through Boeotia,
but, being dispersed before Delphi by thunderbolts and other portents,
took possession of Athens, after a fierce fight with the garrison in the
Acropolis.

Then the rest of the Greek fleet was fain to withdraw from Salamis, and
look to the safety of the Peloponnese only. But Themistocles warned them
that if they did so, the Athenians would leave them and sail to new
lands and make themselves a new Athens; and thus the fleet was persuaded
to hold together at Salamis. Yet he did not trust only to their
goodwill, but sent a messenger to the Persian fleet that the way of
retreat might be intercepted. For the Persian fleet had gathered at
Phalerum, and now looked to overwhelm the Grecian fleet altogether,
despite the council of Queen Artemisia of Halicarnassus, who would have
had them not fight by sea at all. When Aristides, called the Just, the
great rival of Themistocles, came to the Greeks with the news that their
retreat by sea was cut off, then they were no longer divided, but
resolved to fight it out.

In the battle, the Aeginetans and the Athenians did the best of all the
Greeks, and Themistocles best among the commanders; nor was ever any
fleet more utterly put to rout than that of the Persians, among whom
Queen Artemisia won praise unmerited. As for King Xerxes, panic seized
him when he saw the disaster to his fleet, and he made haste to flee. He
consented, however, to leave Mardonius behind with 300,000 troops in
Thessaly, he being still assured that he could crush the Greeks. And it
was well for him that Themistocles was over-ruled in his desire to
pursue and annihilate the fleet, then sail to the Hellespont and destroy
the bridge.

When the winter and spring were passed, Mardonius marched from Thessaly
and again occupied Athens, which the Athenians had again evacuated, the
Spartans having failed to send succour. But when at length the
Lacedaemonians, fearing to lose the Athenian fleet, sent forth an army,
the Persians fell back to Boeotia. So the Greek hosts gathered near
Plataea to the number of 108,000 men, but the troops of Mardonius were
about 350,000. Yet, by reason of doubtful auguries, both armies held
back, till Mardonius resolved to attack, whereof warning was brought to
the Athenians by Alexander of Macedon. But when the Spartan Pausanias,
the general of the Greeks, heard of this, he did what caused no little
wonder, for he proposed that the Athenians instead of the Lacedaemonians
should face the picked troops of the Persians, as having fought them at
Marathon. But Mardonius, seeing them move, moved his picked troops also.
Then Mardonius sent some light horse against the Greeks by a fountain
whence flowed the water for the army; which, becoming choked, it was
needful to move to a new position. But the move being made by night,
most of the allies withdrew into the town. But the Spartans, and Tegeans
and Athenians, perceiving this, held each their ground till dawn.

Now, in the morning the picked Persian troops fell on the Spartans, and
their Grecian allies attacked the Athenians. But, Mardonius being slain,
the Persians fled to their camp, which was stormed by the Spartans and
Tegeans, and the Athenians, who also had routed their foes; and there
the barbarians were slaughtered, so that of 300,000 men not 3,000 were
left alive. But Artabazus, who, before the battle, had withdrawn with
40,000 men, escaped by forced marches to the Hellespont.

And on that same day was fought another fight by sea at Mycale in Ionia,
where also the barbarians were utterly routed, for the fleet had sailed
thither. And thence the Greeks sailed to Sestos, captured the place, and
so went home.

       *       *       *       *       *




THUCYDIDES


The Peloponnesian War


     The Athenian historian, Thucydides, was born about 471 B.C.,
     within ten years of the great repulse of the Persian invasion.
     Before he was thirty, the great political ascendancy of
     Pericles was completely established at Athens, and the
     ascendancy of Athens among the Greek states was unchallenged,
     except by Sparta. He was forty at the beginning of the
     Peloponnesian War. Thucydides was appointed to a military
     command seven years later, but his failure in that office
     caused his banishment. From that time he remained an exiled
     spectator of events; the date of his death is uncertain. His
     great work is the history of the Peloponnesian War to its
     twentieth year, where his history is abruptly broken off. To
     Herodotus, history presented itself as a drama; Thucydides
     views it with the eyes of a philosophical statesman, but
     writes it also with extraordinary descriptive power, not only
     in pregnant sentences which have never been effectively
     rendered in translation, but in passages of sustained
     intensity, of which it would be vain to reproduce fragments.
     The abridged translation given here has been made direct from
     the Greek.


_I.--The Beginning of the War_


I have written the account of the war between Athens and Sparta, since
it is the greatest and the most calamitous of all wars hitherto to the
Greeks. For the contest with the Medes was decided in four battles; but
this war was protracted over many years, and wrought infinite injury and
bloodshed.

Of the immediate causes of the war the first is to be found in the
affairs of Epidamnus, Corcyra, and Corinth, of which Corcyra was a
colony. Of the Greek states, the most were joined either to the Athenian
or the Peloponnesian league, but Corcyra had joined neither. But having
a quarrel with Corinth about Epidamnus, she now formed an alliance with
Athens, whose intervention enraged the Corinthians.

They then helped Potidaea, a Corinthian colony, but an Athenian
tributary, to revolt from Athens. Corinth next appealed to Sparta, as
the head of Hellas, to intervene ere it should be too late and check the
Athenian aggression, which threatened to make her the tyrant of all
Greece. At Sparta the war party prevailed, although King Archidamus
urged that sufficient pressure could be brought to bear without actual
hostilities.

The great prosperity and development of Athens since the Persian war had
filled other states with fear and jealousy. She had rebuilt her city
walls and refortified the port of Piraeus after the Persian occupation;
Sparta had virtually allowed her to take the lead in the subsequent
stages of the war, as having the most effective naval force at command.
Hence she had founded the Delian league of the maritime states, to hold
the seas against Persia. At first these states provided fixed
contingents of ships and mariners; but Athens was willing enough to
accept treasure in substitution, so that she might herself supply the
ships and men.

Thus the provision of forces by each state to act against Persia was
changed in effect into a tribute for the expansion of the Athenian
fleet. The continuous development of the power of Athens had been
checked only momentarily by her disastrous Egyptian expedition. Her
nominal allies found themselves actually her tributary dependencies, and
various attempts to break free from her yoke had made it only more
secure and more burdensome.

Hence the warlike decision of Sparta was welcomed by others besides
Corinth. But diplomatic demands preceded hostilities. Sparta and Athens
sent to each other summons and counter-summons for the "expulsion of the
curse," that is of all persons connected with certain families which lay
under the curse of the gods.

In the case of Athens, this amounted to requiring the banishment of her
greatest citizen and statesman, Pericles. To this the Spartans added the
demand that the Athenians should "restore the freedom of Hellas," and
should specifically remove certain trading disabilities imposed on the
people of Megara.

At this crisis Pericles laid down the rules of policy on which Athens
ought to act--rules which required her to decline absolutely to submit
to any form of dictation from Sparta. When a principle was at stake, it
made no difference whether the occasion was trivial or serious. Athens
could face war with confidence. Her available wealth was far greater--a
matter of vital importance in a prolonged struggle. Her counsels were
not divided by the conflicting interests of allies all claiming to
direct military movements and policy. Her fleet gave her command of the
sea, and enabled her to strike when and where she chose. If
Peloponnesian invaders ravaged Attica, still no permanent injury would
be done comparable to that which the Athenians could inflict upon them.
The one necessity was to concentrate on the war, and attempt no
extension of dominion while it was in progress.

War was not yet formally declared when the Thebans attempted to seize
Plataea, a town of Boeotia, which had long been closely allied to Athens.
The attempt failed, and the Thebans were put to death; but the Plataeans
appealed to Athens for protection against their powerful neighbour, and
when the Athenian garrison was sent to them, this was treated as a
_casus belli_.

Preparations were urged on both sides; Sparta summoned her allies to
muster their contingents on the Isthmus for the invasion of Attica,
nearly all the mainland states joining the Peloponnesian league. The
islanders and the cities in Asia Minor, on the other hand, were nearly
all either actually subject to Athens or in alliance with her.

As Pericles advised, the Athenians left the country open to the ravages
of the invading forces, and themselves retired within the city. In spite
of the resentment of those who saw their property being laid waste,
Pericles maintained his ascendency, and persuaded the people to devote
their energies to sending out an irresistible fleet, and to establishing
a great reserve both of ships and treasure, which were to be an annual
charge and brought into active use only in the case of dire emergency.
The fleet sailed round the Peloponnese, and the ravages it was able to
inflict, with the alarm it created, caused the withdrawal of the forces
in Attica.

In that winter Pericles delivered a great funeral oration, or panegyric,
in memory of the Athenians who had so far fallen gloriously in defence
of their country, in which he painted the characteristic virtues of the
Athenian people in such a fashion as to rouse to the highest pitch the
patriotic pride of his countrymen, and their confidence in themselves,
in their future, and in their leader.


_II.--Early Successes of Athens_


In the second year of the war, Athens suffered from a fearful visitation
of the plague, which, however, made no way in the Peloponnese. It broke
out also among the reinforcements dispatched to Potidaea; and it required
all the skill of Pericles to reconcile the Athenians to the continuation
of the war, after seeing their territories overrun for the second time
for six weeks. By dint of dwelling on the supreme importance of their
decisive command of the sea, and on the vast financial resources which
secured their staying power, he maintained his ascendency until his
death in the following year, though he had to submit to a fine. The
events which followed his death only confirmed the profundity of his
political judgment, and the accuracy with which he had gauged the
capacities of the state. In that winter Potidaea was forced to capitulate
to the Athenians.

In the summer of the third year, the Lacedaemonians called on the
Plataeans to desert the Athenian alliance. On their refusal, Plataea was
besieged by the allied forces of the Peloponnesians. With splendid
resolution, the Plataeans defeated the attempt of the allies to force an
entry till they were able to complete and withdraw behind a second and
more easily tenable line of defence, when the Peloponnesians settled
down to a regular investment. The same year was marked by the brilliant
operations of the Athenian admiral Phormio in the neighbourhood of
Naupactus.

On the other hand, a Peloponnesian squadron threatened the Piraeus,
caused some temporary panic, and awakened the Athenians to the necessity
of maintaining a look-out, but otherwise effected little. The year is
further noted for the invasion of Macedonia by the Thracian or Scythian
king Sitalces, who was, however, induced to retire.

In the next year, Lesbos revolted against the Athenian supremacy. As a
result, an Athenian squadron blockaded Mitylene. The Lacedaaeonians were
well pleased to accept alliance with a sea-power which claimed to have
struck against Athens, not as being subject to her, but in anticipation
of attempted subjugation. The prompt equipment, however, of another
Athenian fleet chilled the naval enthusiasm of Sparta.

During this winter the Plataeans began to feel in straits from shortage
of supplies, and it was resolved that a party of them should break
through the siege lines, and escape to Athens, a feat of arms which was
brilliantly and successfully accomplished.

In the next--the fifth--summer, Mitylene capitulated; the fate of the
inhabitants was to be referred to Athens. Here Cleon had now become the
popular leader, and he persuaded the Athenians to order the whole of the
adult males to be put to death. The opposition, however, succeeded in
getting this bloodthirsty resolution rescinded. The second dispatch,
racing desperately after the first, did not succeed in overtaking it,
but was just in time to prevent the order for the massacre from being
carried out. Lesbos was divided among Athenian citizens, who left the
Lesbians in occupation as before, but drew a large rental from them.

In the same summer the remaining garrison of Plataea surrendered to the
Lacedaemonians, on terms to be decided by Lacedaemonian commissioners.
Before them the Plataeans justified their resistance, but the
commissioners ignored the defence, and, on the pretext that the only
question was whether they had suffered any "wrong" at the hands of the
Plataeans, and that the answer to that was obvious, put the Plataeans to
death and razed the city to the ground.

Meanwhile, at Corcyra, the popular and the oligarchical parties, who
favoured the Athenians and Peloponnesians respectively, had reached the
stage of murderous hostility to each other. The oligarchs captured the
government, and were then in turn attacked by the popular party; and
there was savage faction fighting. An attempt was made by the commander
of the Athenian squadron at Naupactus to act as moderator; the
appearance of a Peloponnesian squadron and a confused sea-fight,
somewhat in favour of the latter, brought the popular party to the verge
of a compromise. But the Peloponnesians retired on the reported approach
of a fresh Athenian fleet, and a democratic reign of terror followed.

"The father slew the son, and the supplicants were torn from the temples
and slain near them." And thus was initiated the peculiar horror of this
war--the desperate civil strife in one city after another, oligarchs
hoping to triumph by Lacedaemonian and democrats by Athenian, support,
and either party, when uppermost, ruling by terror. It was at this time
also that the Ionian and Dorian cities of Sicily, headed by Leontini and
Syracuse respectively, went to war with each other, and an Athenian
squadron was first induced to participate in the struggle.

Among the operations of the next, or sixth, summer was a campaign which
the Athenian commander Demosthenes conducted in AEtolia--successful at
the outset, but terminating in disaster, which made the general afraid
to return to Athens. He seized a chance, however, of recovering his
credit by foiling a Lacedaemonian expedition against Naupactus; and in
other ways he successfully established a high military reputation, so
that he was no longer afraid to reappear at Athens.

Next year, the Athenians dispatched a larger fleet with Sicily for its
objective. Demosthenes, however, who had a project of his own in view,
was given an independent command. He was thus enabled to seize and
fortify Pylos, a position on the south-west of Peloponnese, with a
harbour sheltered by the isle of Sphacteria. The Spartans, in alarm,
withdrew their invading force from Attica, and attempted to recover
Pylos, landing over 400 of their best men on Sphacteria. The locality
now became the scene of a desperate struggle, which finally resulted in
the Spartans on Sphacteria being completely isolated.

So seriously did the Lacedaemonians regard this blow that they invited
the Athenians to make peace virtually in terms of an equal alliance; but
the Athenians were now so confident of a triumphant issue that they
refused the terms--chiefly at the instigation of Cleon. Some supplies,
however, were got into Sphacteria, owing to the high rewards offered by
the Lacedaemonians for successful blockade-running. At this moment,
Cleon, the Athenian demagogue, having rashly declared that he could
easily capture Sphacteria, was taken at his word and sent to do it. He
had the wit, however, to choose Demosthenes for his colleague, and to
take precisely the kind of troops Demosthenes wanted; with the result
that within twenty days, as he had promised, the Spartans found
themselves with no other alternatives than annihilation or surrender.
Their choice of the latter was an overwhelming blow to Lacedaemonian
prestige.


_III.--Victories of Lacedaemon_


The capture of the island of Cythera in the next summer gave the
Athenians a second strong station from which they could constantly
menace the Peloponnese. On the other hand, in this year the Sicilians
were awakening to the fact that Athens was not playing a disinterested
part on behalf of the Ionian states, but was dreaming of a Sicilian
empire. At a sort of peace congress, Hermocrates of Syracuse
successfully urged all Sicilians to compose their quarrels on the basis
of _uti possidetis,_ and thus deprive the Athenians of any excuse for
remaining. Thus for the time Athenian aspirations in that quarter were
checked.

At Megara this year the dissensions of the oligarchical and popular
factions almost resulted in its capture by the Athenians. The
Lacedaemonian Brasidas, however--who had distinguished himself at
Pylos--effected an entry, so that the oligarchical and Peloponnesian
party became permanently established in power. The most important
operations were now in two fields. Brasidas made a dash through Thessaly
into Macedonia, in alliance with Perdiccas of Macedon, with the hope of
stirring the cities of Chalcidice to throw off the Athenian yoke; and
the democrats of Boeotia intrigued with Athens to assist in a general
revolution. Owing partly to misunderstandings and partly to treachery,
the Boeotian democrats failed to carry out their programme, the
Athenians were defeated at Delium, and Delium itself was captured by the
Boeotians.

Meanwhile, Brasidas succeeded in persuading Acanthus to revolt, he
himself winning the highest of reputations for justice and moderation as
well as for military skill. Later in the year he suddenly turned his
forces against the Athenian colony of Amphipolis, which he induced to
surrender by offering very favourable terms before Thucydides, who was
in command of Thasos, arrived to relieve it. The further successes of
Brasidas during this winter made the Athenians ready to treat for peace,
and a truce was agreed upon for twelve months. Brasidas, however,
continued to render aid to the subject cities which revolted from
Athens--this being now the ninth year of the war--but he failed in an
attempt to capture Potidaea.

The period of truce terminating without any definite peace being arrived
at, the summer of the tenth year is chiefly notable for the expedition
sent under Cleon to recover Amphipolis, and for a recrudescence of the
old quarrel in Sicily between Leontini and Syracuse. Before Amphipolis,
the incompetent Cleon was routed by the skill of Brasidas; but the
victor as well as the vanquished was slain, though he lived long enough
to know of the victory. Their deaths removed two of the most zealous
opponents of the peace for which both sides were now anxious. Hence at
the close of the tenth year a definite peace was concluded.

The Lacedaemonians, however, were almost alone in being fully satisfied
by the terms, and the war was really continued by an anti-Laconian
confederation of the former Peloponnesian allies, who saw in the peace a
means to the excessive preponderance of Athens and Sparta. Argos was
brought into the new confederacy in the hope of establishing her nominal
equality with Sparta. For some years from this point the combinations of
the states were constantly changing, while Athens and Sparta remained
generally on terms of friendliness, the two prominent figures at Athens
being the conservative Nicias and the restless and ambitious young
intriguer Alcibiades.

In the fourteenth year there were active hostilities between Argos, with
which by this time Athens was in alliance, and Lacedaemon, issuing in
the great battle of Mantinea, where there was an Athenian contingent
with the Argives. This was notable especially as completely restoring
the prestige of the Lacedaemonian arms, their victory being decisive. The
result was a new treaty between Sparta and Argos, and the dissolution of
the Argive-Athenian alliance; but this was once more reversed in the
following year, when the Argive oligarchy was attacked successfully by
the popular party.

The next year is marked by the high-handed treatment of the island of
Melos by the Athenians. This was one of the very few islands which had
not been compelled to submit to Athens, but had endeavoured to remain
neutral. Thither the Athenians now sent an expedition, absolutely
without excuse, to compel their submission.

The Melians, however, refused, and gave the Athenians a good deal of
trouble before they could be subdued, when the adult male population was
put to death, and the women and children enslaved. At this time the
Athenians resolved, under colour of an appeal for assistance from the
Sicilian city of Egesta, deliberately to set about the establishment of
their empire in Sicily. The aggressive policy was vehemently advocated
by Alcibiades, and opposed by Nicias. Nevertheless, he, with Alcibiades
and Lamachus, was appointed to command the expedition, which was
prepared on a scale of unparalleled magnificence. It was on the point of
starting, when the whole city was stirred to frenzy by the midnight
mutilation of the sacred images called Hermae, an act laid at the door of
Alcibiades, along with many other charges of profane outrages. Of set
purpose, however, the enemies of Alcibiades refused to bring him to
trial. The expedition sailed. The Syracusans were deaf to the warnings
of Hermocrates until the great fleet had actually arrived at Rhegium.

Nicias was now anxious to find an excuse, in the evident falsity of
statements made by the Egestans, for the fleet to content itself with
making a demonstration and then returning home. The scheme of
Alcibiades, however, was adopted for gaining over the other Sicilian
states in order to crush Syracuse. But at this moment dispatches arrived
requiring the return of Alcibiades to stand trial. Athens was in a panic
over the Hermae affair, which was supposed to portend an attempt to
reestablish the despotism which had been ended a hundred years before by
the expulsion of the Pisistratidae. Alcibiades, however, made his escape,
and for years pursued a life of political intrigue against the Athenian
government.

Nicias and Lamachus, left in joint command, drew off the Syracusan
forces by a ruse, and were thus enabled to occupy unchecked a strong
position before Syracuse. Although, however, they inflicted a defeat on
the returned Syracusan forces, they withdrew into winter quarters; the
Syracusans were roused by Hermocrates to improve their military
organisation; and both sides entered on a diplomatic contest for winning
over the other states of Sicily. Alcibiades, now an avowed enemy of
Athens, was received by the Lacedaemonians, whom he induced to send an
able Spartan officer, Gylippus, to Syracuse, and to determine on the
establishment of a military post corresponding to that of Pylos on Attic
soil at Decelea.


_IV.--The Disaster of Syracuse_


In the spring the Athenians succeeded in establishing themselves on the
heights called Epipolae, overlooking Syracuse, began raising a wall of
circumvallation, and carried by a surprise the counter-stockade which
the Syracusans were raising. In one of the skirmishes, while the
building of the wall was in progress, Lamachus was killed; otherwise
matters went well for the Athenians and ill for the Syracusans, till
Gylippus was allowed to land at Himera, force his way into Syracuse, and
give new life. Nicias was guilty of the blunder of allowing Gylippus to
land at Himera, to aid the defence, at the moment when it was on the
point of capitulation. A long contest followed, the Athenians
endeavouring to complete the investing lines, the Syracusans to pierce
them with counterworks. Nicias sent to Athens for reinforcements, while
the Syracusans were energetically fitting out a fleet and appealing for
air in the Peloponnese. Nicias, in fact, was extremely despondent and
anxious to resign; the Athenians, however, answered his dispatches by
preparing a great reinforcement under the command of Demosthenes,
without accepting the resignation of Nicias. The Lacedaemonians, however,
also sent some reinforcements; at the same time they formally declared
war, and carried out the plan of occupying and fortifying Decelea, which
completely commanded the Athenian territory and was the cause of untold
loss and suffering.

Now, at Syracuse the besieged took the offensive both by sea and land,
and were worsted on the water, but captured some of the Athenian forts,
commanding the entry to the besiegers' lines--a serious disaster. By the
time that Demosthenes with his reinforcements reached Sicily nearly the
whole island had come over to the side of Syracuse. Before this, the
Syracusans had again challenged an engagement both by sea and land, with
results indecisive on the first day but distinctly in their favour on
the second. At this juncture, Demosthenes arrived, and, seeing the
necessity for immediate action, made a night attack on the Syracusan
lines; but, his men falling into confusion after a first success, the
attempt was disastrously repulsed.

Demosthenes was quick to realise that the whole situation was hopeless;
but Nicias lacked nerve to accept the responsibility of retiring, and
also had some idea that affairs within Syracuse were favourable. His
obstinacy gave Demosthenes and his colleague Eurymedon the impression
that he was guided by secret information. And now it became the primary
object of Gylippus and the Syracusans to keep the Athenians from
retiring. Another naval defeat reduced the Athenians to despair; they
resolved that they must cut their way out.

The desperate attempt was made, but by almost hopeless men against an
enemy now full of confidence. To the excited, almost agonised, watchers
on shore, it seemed for a brief space that the ships might force a
passage; the fight was a frenzied scuffle; but presently the terrible
truth was realised--the Athenian ships were being driven ashore. The
last hope of escape by sea was gone, for, though there were still ships
enough, the sailors were too utterly demoralised to make the attempt.

Hermocrates and Gylippus, sure that a retreat by land would not be
tried, succeeded by a trick in detaining the Athenians till they had
themselves sent out detachments to hold the roads. On the third day the
Athenians began their retreat in unspeakable misery, amid the
lamentations of the sick and wounded, whom they were forced to leave
behind. For three days they struggled on, short of food and perpetually
harassed, cut off from all communications. On the third day their
passage was barred in a pass, and they found themselves in a trap. On
the third night they attempted to break away by a different route, but
the van and the rear lost touch. Overtaken by the Syracusans,
Demosthenes attempted to fight a rearguard action, but in vain, and he
was forced to surrender at discretion with his whole force. Next day,
Nicias with the van was overtaken, and, after a ghastly scene of
confusion and slaughter, the remnants of the vanguard were forced to
surrender also. Nicias and Demosthenes were put to death; great numbers
were seized as private spoil by their captors, the rest of the
prisoners--more than 7,000--were confined for weeks under the most
noisome conditions in the quarries, and finally the survivors were sold
as slaves. So pitiably ended that once magnificent enterprise in the
nineteenth year of the war.

The terrific disaster filled every enemy of Athens with confident
expectation of her immediate and utter ruin. Lacedaemonians anticipated
an unqualified supremacy. At Athens there was a stubborn determination
to prepare for a desperate stand; but half the islanders were intriguing
for Lacedaemonian or Persian aid in breaking free, while Alcibiades
became extremely busy.

The first Peloponnesian squadron which attempted to move was promptly
driven into Piraeus by an Athenian fleet and blockaded. On the open
revolt of some of the states, the Athenians for the first time brought
into play their reserve fund and reserve navy--the emergency had arisen.
While one after another of the subject cities revolted, the Athenians
struck hard at Chios, and especially Miletus, and obtained marked
successes. Meanwhile, a revolution in Samos had expelled the oligarchy
and re-established the democracy, to which the Athenians accorded
freedom, thereby securing an ally. In Lesbos also they recovered their
challenged supremacy.

Phrynicus now came into prominence as a shrewd commander and a crafty
politician, while the intricate intrigues of Alcibiades, whose great
object was to recover his position at Athens, created perpetual
confusion. These events took place in the twentieth year of the war, and
to them must be added a Lacedaemonian treaty with Persia through the
satrap Tissaphernes. All the leading men, however, were engaged in
playing fast and loose, each of them having his personal ambitions in
view. Of this labyrinth of plots and counter-plots, the startling
outcome was the sudden abrogation of the constitution at Athens and the
capture of the government by a committee of five with a council of four
hundred and a supplementary assembly of five thousand--in place of the
whole body of citizens as formerly. The Five and the Four Hundred in
effect were the Government, and established a reign of terror.

At Athens, the administration thus formed was effective; but the army
and fleet at Satnos repudiated the revolution and swore loyalty to the
democracy, claiming to be the true representatives of the Athenian
state. Moreover, they allied themselves with Alcibiades, expecting
through him to receive Persian support; and, happily for Athens, he
succeeded in restraining the fleet--which was still more than a match
for all adversaries--from sailing back to the Piraeus to subvert the rule
of the Four Hundred. The more patriotic of the oligarchs saw, in fact,
that the best hopes for the state lay in the establishment of a limited
democracy; with the result that the extreme oligarchs, who would have
joined hands with the enemy, were overthrown, and the rule of the Five
Thousand replaced that of the Four Hundred, providing Athens with the
best administration it had ever known. A great naval victory was won by
the Athenian fleet, under the command of Thrasybulus, over a slightly
larger Peloponnesian fleet at Cynossema.

       *       *       *       *       *




XENOPHON


Anabasis


     Xenophon was born at Athens about B.C. 430, and died probably
     in 355. He was an Athenian gentleman who in his early-manhood
     was an intimate member of the Socratic circle. In 401 he
     joined the expedition of Cyrus, recorded in the "Anabasis,"
     and did not again take up his residence in Athens. The
     "Anabasis" must be introduced by an historical note. In the
     year 404 B.C. the Peloponnesian war was brought to a close by
     a peace establishing the Lacedaemonian supremacy consequent
     upon the crowning disaster to the Athenians at Aegos Potami.
     In the same year the Persian king Darius Nothus died, and was
     succeeded on the throne by his son Artaxerxes. His younger
     son, Cyrus, determined to make a bid for the throne. He had
     personal knowledge of the immense superiority of the Greek
     soldiery and the Greek discipline over those of the Eastern
     nations. Accordingly, he planned to obtain the services of a
     large contingent of Greek mercenaries, who had become the more
     readily available since the internecine struggle between the
     two leading states of Hellas had been brought to an end. The
     term "Anabasis," or "going up," applies properly to the
     advance into the interior; the retreat, with which the work is
     mainly concerned, is the "Katabasis." The author writes his
     record in the third person. This epitome has been specially
     adapted for THE WORLD'S GREATEST BOOKS from the Greek text.


_I.--The Going-up of Cyrus_


Cyrus, the younger brother of Artaxerxes the king, began his
preparations for revolt by gradually gathering and equipping an army on
the pretext of hostile relations between himself and another of the
western satraps, Tissaphernes. Notably, he secretly furnished Clearchus,
a Lacedaemonian, with means to equip a Greek force in Thrace; another
like force was ready to move from Thessaly under Aristippus; while a
Boeotian, Proxenus, and two others friends were commissioned to collect
more mercenaries to aid in the war with Tissaphernes.

Next, an excuse for marching up-country, at the head of all these
forces, was found in the need of suppressing the Pisidians. He advanced
from Sardis into Phrygia, where his musters were completed at Celaenae. A
review was held at Tyriaeum, where the Cilician queen, who had supplied
funds, was badly frightened by a mock charge of the Greek contingent.
When the advance had reached Tarsus, there was almost a mutiny among the
Greeks, who were suspicious of the intentions of Cyrus. The diplomacy,
however, of their principal general, Clearchus, the Lacedaemonian,
coupled with promises of increased pay, prevailed, though it had long
been obvious that Pisidia was not the objective of the expedition.

Further reinforcements were received at Issus, the eastern seaport of
Cilicia; Cyrus then marched through the Cilician gate into Syria. At
Myriandrus two Greek commanders, probably through jealousy of Clearchus,
deserted. Cyrus won popularity by refusing to presume thereon; and the
whole force now struck inland to Thapsacus, on the Euphrates.

At Thapsacus, Cyrus announced his purpose. The Greek soldiers were angry
with their generals for having, as they supposed, wilfully misled them,
but were mollified by promise of large rewards. One of the commanders,
Menon, won the approval of Cyrus by being the first to lead his own
contingent across the Euphrates on his own initiative. The advance was
now conducted by forced marches through a painfully sterile country. In
the course of this, the troops of Clearchus and Menon very nearly came
to blows; the intervention of Proxenus only made matters worse; and
order was restored by the arrival of Cyrus, who pointed out that the
whole expedition must be ruined if the Greeks fell out among themselves.

By this time, Artaxerxes had realised that the repeated warnings of
Tissaphernes and others were justified; and as the expedition neared
Babylonia, signs of the enemy became apparent in the deliberate
devastation of the country. Here Orontes, one of the principal Persian
officers of Cyrus, was convicted of treason and put to death.

The army was again reviewed, the whole force amounting to some 100,000
barbarians and nearly 14,000 Greeks; the enemy were reputed to number
over 1,000,000, though not so many took part in the engagement. Cyrus
now advanced, expecting battle immediately at an entrenched pass; but,
finding this unoccupied, he did not maintain battle order; which was
hurriedly taken up on news of the approach of the royal forces. The
Greeks, under Clearchus, occupied the right wing, Cyrus being in the
centre, and Ariaeus on the left. The king's army was so large that its
centre extended beyond the left of Cyrus.

The Greeks advanced on the royalist left, which broke and fled almost
without a blow. Thinking that the Greeks might be intercepted and cut
off, Cyrus charged the centre in person with his bodyguard, and routed
the opposing troops; but dashing forward in the hope of capturing
Artaxerxes, was himself pierced by a javelin, and fell dead on the
field. So ended the career of the most brilliant Persian since Cyrus the
Great had established the Persian Empire; brave, accomplished, the
mirror of honour, just himself and the rewarder of justice in others,
generous and most loyal to his friends.


_II.--The Homeward March_


When Cyrus fell, the left wing, under Ariaeus, broke and fled. The Greeks
had meantime poured on in pursuit of the royalist left, while the main
body of the royalists were in possession of the rebel camp, though a
Greek guard, which had been left there, held the Greek quarter.
Artaxerxes, however, had no mind to give battle to the returning Greek
column.

It was not till next day that Clearchus and his colleagues learned by
messengers from Ariaeus that Cyrus was slain, and that Ariaeus had fallen
back to the last halting-place, where he proposed to wait twenty-four
hours, and no more, before starting in his retreat westward. Clearchus
replied, that the Greeks, for their part, had been victorious, and that
if Ariaeus would rejoin them they would win the Persian crown for him,
since Cyrus was dead. The next message was from Artaxerxes inviting the
Greeks to give up their arms; to which they replied that he might come
and take them if he could, but if he meant to treat them as friends,
they would be no use to him without their arms, if as enemies, they
would keep them to defend themselves.

Though no formal appointment was made, the Greeks recognised Clearchus
as their leader. They fell back to join Ariaeus, who declined the
proposal to seat him on the Persian throne; and it was agreed to follow
a new route in retreat to Ionia, the way by which the force had advanced
being now impracticable.

Now, however, Artaxerxes began to negotiate through Tissaphernes, the
Greeks maintaining a bold and even contemptuous front, warranted by the
king's obvious fear of risking an engagement.

Finally, an offer came to conduct the Greeks back to Grecian territory,
providing them, at their own cost, with necessaries. Prolonged delays,
however, aroused suspicions of treachery among the Greeks, who
distrusted Tissaphernes and Ariaeus alike; but Clearchus held it better
not to break openly with the Persians. The march at last began along a
northerly route towards the Black Sea, the Greeks keeping rigidly apart
from the Persian forces which accompanied them, in readiness for an
attack.

At the crossing of the Tigris suspicion was particularly active, the
conduct of Ariaeus being especially dubious; but still no overt
hostilities were attempted until the river Zabatus was reached, after
three weeks of marching. Here Clearchus endeavoured to end the extremely
strained relations between the Greeks and the barbarian commanders by an
interview with Tissaphernes. Both men carefully repudiated any idea of
hostile intentions, and the Persian invited Clearchus and the Greek
officers generally to attend a conference. Not all, but a considerable
number--five generals, including Clearchus, Proxenus, and Menon, with
twenty more officers and nearly two hundred others--attended. At a given
signal all were treacherously massacred; but a fugitive reached the
Greek camp, where the men sprang to arms. Ariaeus, approaching with an
escort, declared that Clearchus had been proved guilty of treason, but
was received with fierce indignation, and withdrew.

Of the murdered generals, Clearchus was a man of high military capacity,
but a harsh disciplinarian, feared and respected, but very unpopular;
Proxenus, a particular friend of Xenophon, was an amiable but not a
strong man; Menon, the Thessalian, was a crafty and hypocritical
time-server, of whom no good can be spoken.

The ten thousand Greeks were now in an ugly predicament; they were a
thousand miles from home, while between them and the Black Sea lay the
mountains of Armenia. They were surrounded by hostile hordes, and were
without cavalry. They had no recognised chief, and their most trusted
leaders were gone. The whole company seemed paralysed under a universal
despondency. It was at this juncture that Xenophon, an Athenian
gentleman-volunteer, was stirred to action by a dream. He rose and
roused the officers of the contingent of Proxenus, to which he was
attached. Heartened by an address, in which he pointed out that, on the
one hand they had to depend on their own courage, skill, and
resourcefulness, and, on the other, were released from all obligation to
the Persians, they unanimously chose him their leader, and at his
instigation roused the senior officers of all the other contingents to
assemble for deliberation.

The council thus summoned, inspired again by the words of Xenophon,
vigorously backed up by other leaders, appointed new generals, among
them Xenophon himself, and set about actively to organise a retreat to
the sea. The contagion of resolute determination spread through the
ranks of the whole force. Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian was given the
chief command, the two youngest generals, Xenophon and Timerion, were
placed in charge of the rear-guard. A troop of slingers was organised;
all horses with the arroy were sequestrated to form a cavalry squadron.
The army started on its march through the unknown, formed in a hollow
square, which was shortly so organised that the columns could be
broadened or narrowed according to the ground without creating
confusion.

They soon found themselves able to repulse without difficulty even
attacks in force by the troops of Tissaphernes, the enemy being entirely
outmatched in hand-to-hand fighting. The slingers and archers, however,
proved troublesome, and hostile forces, though keeping out of reach,
were never far off. At last Tissaphernes and Ariaeus drew off altogether,
and the Greek generals having as alternative courses the march east upon
Susa, north upon Babylon, and west towards Ionia, decided to revert to
the course northwards to the Black Sea.


_III.--The Sea! The Sea!_


This route led at first through the country of the Carduchi, a very
warlike folk who had never been subjugated. Here there was a good deal
of hard fighting, the Carduchi being adepts in hill warfare, and
particularly expert archers. Such was the length and weight of their
arrows that Greeks collected them, and used them as javelins. Seven days
of this brought the retreating force to the river Centrites, which parts
the Carduchian mountains from the province of Armenia. With a barely
fordable river, troops in evidence on the other side, and the Carduchi
hanging on their rear, the passage offered great difficulties, solved by
the discovery of a much shallower ford. A feint at one point by the
rearguard drew off the enemy on the opposite bank, while the main body
crossed at the shallows, which the rearguard also managed to pass by a
successful ruse which misled the Carduchi.

The Persian governor of Western Armenia, Tiribazus, offered safe passage
through his province, but scouts brought information that large forces
were collecting, and would dispute the passage of a defile through which
the army must pass. This point, however, was reached by a forced march,
and the enemy was put to rout.

For some days after this the marching was very severe; the men had to
struggle forward on very nearly empty stomachs, through blizzards,
suffering terribly from frostbite and the blinding effect of the snow on
their eyes, so that at times nothing short of actual threats from the
officers could induce the exhausted men to toil forward; and all the
time the enemy's skirmishers were harassing the troops and cutting off
stragglers. These, however, were finally dispersed by a sudden onslaught
of the rearguard, and after this a more populous district was reached,
where food and wine abounded, and the Greeks, who were not ill-received,
made some days' halt to recuperate.

Here a guide was obtained for the next stages; but on the third night he
deserted, because Cheirisophus had lost his temper and struck him. This
incident was the only occasion of a serious difference between Xenophon
and the elder commander. On the seventh day after this the river Phasis
was crossed; but two days later, on approaching a mountain pass, it was
seen to be occupied in force. A council of war was held, at which some
jesting passed, Xenophon remarking on the reputation of the
Lacedaemonians as adepts in thieving, a jibe which Cheirisophus retorted
on the Athenians; as the business in hand was to "steal a match" on the
enemy, each encouraged the other to act up to the national reputation.
In the night, a detachment of volunteers captured the ridge above the
pass; the enemy facing the main body beat a hasty retreat when they
found their position turned.

Another five days brought the army into the country of the Taochi, where
the Greeks had to rush a somewhat dangerous position in order to capture
supplies. A space of some twenty yards was open to such a storm of
missiles from above that it could only be passed by drawing the enemy's
fire and making a dash before fresh missiles were accumulated. When this
was accomplished, however, the foe offered no practical resistance, but
flung themselves over the cliffs.

Eighteen days later the Greeks reached a town called Gymnise, where they
obtained a guide. Their course lay through tribes towards whom the
governor was hostile, and the Greeks had no objection to gratifying him
by spoiling and burning on their way. On the fifth day after leaving
Gymnise, a mountain pass was reached.

When the van cleared the top of the mountain, there arose a great
shouting. And when Xenophon heard it, and they of the rear-guard, they
supposed that other enemies were ranged against them, for the men of the
land which had been ravaged were following behind; but when the clamour
grew louder and nearer, and the new arrivals doubled forward to where
the shouting was, so that it became greater and greater with the added
numbers, Xenophon thought this must be something of moment. Therefore,
taking Lycias and the horsemen, he rode forward at speed to give aid;
and then suddenly they were aware of the soldiers' shout, the word that
rang through the lines--"The sea! the sea!" Then every man raced,
rear-guard and all, urging horses and the very baggage-mules to the top
of their speed, and when they came to the top, they fell on each other's
necks, and the generals, and officers, too, with tears of delight. And
in a moment, whoever it was that passed the word, the men were gathering
stones, and there they reared a mighty column.

And as for the lucky guide, he betook himself home laden with presents.

Of what befell between this point and the actual arrival of the army on
the coast of the Black Sea at the Grecian colony of Trapezus [Trebizond]
the most curious incident was that of the soldiers lighting upon great
quantities of honey, which not only made them violently ill, but had an
intoxicating effect, attributed to the herbs frequented by the bees in
that district. This necessitated a halt of some days. The second day's
march thence brought them to Trapezus, where they made sacrificial
thank-offerings to the gods, and further celebrated the occasion by
holding athletic games.


_IV.--The End of the Expedition_


But Trapezus was not Greece, and the problem of transport was serious.
The men, sick of marching, were eager to accomplish the rest of their
journey by sea. Cheirisophus the general, as being a personal friend of
the Lacedaemonian admiral stationed at Byzantium, was commissioned to
obtain ships from him to take the Greeks home.

Cheirisophus departed. The army, which still numbered over ten thousand
persons, was willing enough to maintain its military organisation for
foraging and for self-defence; also to make such arrangements as were
practicable for collecting ships in case Cheirisophus should fail them;
but the men flatly refused to consider any further movement except by
water.

So they stayed where they were, maintaining their supplies by raids on
the natives; but time passed, and there were no tidings of Cheirisophus.
At last, they saw nothing for it but to put the sick and other
non-combatants aboard of the vessels which had been secured, send them
on by sea, and themselves march by the coast to Cerasus, another Greek
colony. Thence they continued their westward progress, in which they met
with considerable resistance from the natives, who were barbarians of a
primitive type, until they came to Cotyora.

This was another settlement from Sinope; but it received the Greeks very
inhospitably, so that the latter continued their practice of ravaging
the neighbouring territories. It was now eight months since the
expedition had started on its homeward march. Here a deputation arrived
from Sinope to protest against their proceedings; but Xenophon pointed
out that while they were perfectly willing to buy what they needed and
behave as friends, if they were not allowed to buy, self-preservation
compelled them to take by force. Ultimately, the deputation promised to
send ships from Sinope to convey them thither.

During the time of waiting there was some risk of the force breaking
itself up, and some inclination to make attacks on the officers,
including Xenophon. The formulation of charges, however, enabled him
amply to justify the acts complained of, and order generally was
restored. At last, however, a sufficient number of ships were collected
to convey the force to Sinope, where also Cheirisophus put in his
long-delayed appearance.

Cheirisophus came practically without ships and with nothing but vague
promises from the admiral at Byzantium. At this point it occurred to the
army that it would be better to have a single commander for the whole
than a committee of generals each in control of his own division. Hence
Xenophon was invited to accept the position. On consulting the omens he
declined, recommending that, since Cheirisophus was a Lacedaemonian, it
would be the proper thing to offer him the command, which was
accordingly done.

The force now sailed from Sinope as far as Heraclea. Here the
contingents from Arcadia and Archaea--more than half the force--insisted
on requisitioning large supplies of money from Heraclea. Cheirisophus,
supported by Xenophon, refused assent; the Arcadians and Achaeans
consequently refused to serve under their command any more, and
appointed captains for themselves. The other half of the army was also
parted in two divisions, commanded by Cheirisophus and Xenophon
respectively.

From Calpe the Arcadians and Archaeans made an expedition into the
interior, which fared so ill that Xenophon, hearing by accident of what
had happened, was obliged to march to their relief. To his satisfaction,
however, it was found that the enemy had already dispersed, and the
Greek column was overtaken on the way back to Calpe. The general effect
of the episode was to impress upon the Arcadians and Archaeans that it
was commonsense for the whole force to remain united.

The usual operations were carried on for obtaining supplies, report
having arrived that Cleander, the Lacedaemonian governor of Byzantium,
was coming, which he presently did, with a couple of galleys but no
transports. From information received, Cleander was inclined to regard
the army as little better than a band of brigands; but this idea was
successfully dissipated by Xenophon. Cleander went back to Byzantium,
and the Greeks marched from Calpe to Chrysopolis, which faces Byzantium.

Here the whole force was at last carried over to the opposite shore, and
once more found itself on European soil, having received promises of pay
from the admiral Anaxibius. Suspicions of his real intentions were
aroused, and Xenophon had no little difficulty in preventing his
soldiery from breaking loose and sacking Byzantium itself.

Ultimately, the greater part of the force took service with the Thracian
king Seuthes. Seuthes, however, failed to carry out his promises as to
payments and rewards. But now the Lacedaemonians were engaged in a
quarrel with the western satraps, Tissaphernes and Artabazus; six
thousand veterans so experienced as those who had followed this famous
march into the heart of the Persian empire, had fought their way from
Cunaxa to Trapezus, and had supported themselves mainly by their
military prowess in getting from Trapezus to Europe, were a force by no
means to be neglected, and the bulk of the troops were not unwilling to
be incorporated in the Lacedaemonian armies. And so ends the story of the
Retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks.

       *       *       *       *       *




GEORGE GROTE


History of Greece


     George Grote, born at Beckenham, England, Nov. 17, 1794,
     entered the bank founded by his grandfather, from which he
     withdrew in 1843. He joined the group of "philosophic
     Radicals," among whom James Mill was a leader, and was a keen
     politician and reformer, and an ardent advocate of the ballot.
     His determination to write a sound "History of Greece" was
     ensured, if it was not inspired, by Mitford's history, a work
     full of anti-democratic fervour and very antagonistic to the
     great Greek democratic state of Athens. In some respects his
     work is a defence of the Athenian democracy, at least as
     contrasted with Sparta; it appeared in twelve volumes between
     1846 and 1856, and covered Greek history from the earliest
     times "till the close of the generation contemporary with
     Alexander the Great." It at once occupied, and still holds,
     the field as the classic work on the subject as a whole,
     though later research has modified many of his conclusions.
     His methods were pre-eminently thorough, dispassionate, and
     judicial; but he suffers from a lack of sympathetic
     imagination. He died on June 18, 1871, and was buried in
     Westminster Abbey.


_I.--Early History_


The divine myths constitute the earliest matter of Greek history. These
may be divided into those which belong to the gods and to the heroes
respectively; but most of them, in point of fact, present gods, heroes,
and men in juxtaposition. Every community sought to trace its origin to
some common divine, or semi-divine, progenitor; the establishment of a
pedigree was a necessity; and each pedigree contains at some, point
figures corresponding to some actual historical character, before whom
the pedigree is imaginary, but after whom, in the main, actual. The
precise point where the legend fades into the mythical, or consolidates
into the historical, is not usually ascertainable.

The legendary period culminates in the tale of Troy, which belongs to a
period prior to the Dorian conquest presented in the Herakleid legend;
the tale of Troy itself remaining the common heritage of the Greek
peoples, and having an actual basis in historical fact. The events,
however, are of less importance than the picture of an actual
historical, political, and social system, corresponding, not to the
supposed date of the Trojan war, but to the date of the composition of
the Homeric poems. Later ages regarded the myths themselves with a good
deal of scepticism, and were often disposed to rationalise them, or to
find for them an allegorical interpretation. The myths of other European
peoples have undergone a somewhat similar treatment.

Greece proper, that is, the European territory occupied by the Hellenic
peoples, has a very extensive coast-line, covers the islands of the
AEgean, and is so mountainous on the mainland that communication between
one point and another is not easy. This facilitated the system which
isolated communities, compelling each one to develop and perfect its own
separate organisation; so that Greece became, not a state, but a
congerie of single separate city states--small territories centering in
the city, although in some cases the village system was not centralised
into the city system. On the other hand, the Hellenes very definitely
recognised their common affinity, looked on themselves as a distinct
aggregate, and very emphatically differentiated that entire aggregate
from the non-Hellenes, whom they designated as "barbarians."

Of these states, the first to come into view--post-Homerically--is
Sparta, the head of the Dorian communities, governed under the laws and
discipline attributed to Lycurgus, with its special peculiarity of the
dual kingship designed to make a pure despotism impossible. The
government lay and remained in the hands of the conquering Spartan
race--as for a time with the Normans in England--which formed a close
oligarchy, while within the oligarchical body the organisation was
democratic and communistic. For Sparta, the eighth and seventh centuries
B.C. were characterised by the two Messenian wars; and we note that
while the Hellenes generally recognised her headship, Argos claimed a
titular right to that position. As a general rule, the primitive
monarchical system portrayed in the Homeric poems was displaced in the
Greek cities by an oligarchical government, which in turn was overthrown
by an irregular despotism called _tyrannis_, primarily established by a
professed popular leader, who maintained his supremacy by mercenary
troops. One after another these usurping dynasties were again ejected in
favour either of a restored oligarchy or of a democracy. Sparta, where
the power of the dual kingship was extremely limited, was the only state
where the legitimate kingship survived. Corinth attained her highest
power Under the despot Periander, son of Cypselus. Of the Ionian section
of Greek states, the supreme type is Athens. Her early history is
obscure. The kingship seems to have ended by being, so to speak, placed
in commission, the royal functions being discharged by an elected body
of Archons. Dissensions among the groups of citizens issued in the
democratic Solonian constitution, which remained the basis of Athenian
government, except during the despotism of the house of Pisistratus in
the latter half of the sixth century B.C. But outside of Greece proper
were the numerous Dorian and Ionian colonies, really independent cities,
planted in the coast districts of Asia Minor, at Cyrene and Barka in
Mediterranean Africa, in Epirus (Albania), Southern Italy, Sicily, and
even at Massilia in Gaul, and in Thrace beyond the proper Hellenic area.
These colonies brought the Greek world in touch with Lydia and its king,
Croesus, with the one sea-going Semitic power, the Phoenicians, with the
Egyptians, and more remotely with the wholly Oriental empires of Assyria
and Babylon, as well as with the outer barbarians of Scythia.

Between 560 and 510 B.C., Athens was generally under the rule of the
despot Pisistratus and his son Hippias. In 510, the Pisistratidae were
expelled, and Athens became a pure democracy. Meanwhile, the Persian
Cyrus had seized the Median monarchy and overthrown every other
potentate in Western Asia; Egypt was added to the vast Persian dominion
by his son Cambyses. A new dynasty was established by Darius, the son of
Hystaspes, who organized the empire, but failed to extend it by an
incursion into European Scythia.

The revolt of the Ionic cities in Asia Minor against the governments
established by the "great king" brought him in contact with the
Athenians, who sent help to Ionia. Demands for "earth and water,"
_i.e.,_ the formal recognition of Persian sovereignty, sent to the
apparently insignificant Greek states were insolently rejected. Darius
sent an expedition to punish Athens in particular, and the Athenians
drove his army into the sea at the battle of Marathon.

Xerxes, son of Darius, organised an overwhelming force by land and sea
to eat up the Greeks. The invaders were met but hardly checked at
Thermopylae, where Leonidas and the immortal three hundred fell; all
Greece north of the Isthmus of Corinth was in their hands, including
Athens. But their fleet was shattered to pieces, chiefly by the
Athenians under Themistocles and Aristides at Salamis, and the
destruction of their land forces was completed by the united Greeks at
Plataea. A further disaster was inflicted on the same day at Mycale.


_II.--The Struggles of Athens and Sparta_


Meanwhile, the Sicilian Greeks, led by Gelo of Syracuse, successfully
resisted and overthrew the aggression of Carthage, the issue being
decided at the battle of Himera. The part played by Athens under the
guidance of Themistocles in the repulse of Persia gave her a new
position among the Greek states and an indisputable naval leadership. As
the maritime head of Hellas she was chief of the naval Delian League,
now formed ostensibly to carry on the war against Persia. But the
leaguers, who first contributed a quota of ships, soon began to
substitute money to provide ships, which in effect swelled the Athenian
navy, and turned the contributors into tributaries. Thus, almost
automatically, the Delian League converted itself into an Athenian
empire. In Athens itself an unparalleled personal ascendancy was
acquired by Pericles, who made the form of government and administration
more democratic than before. But this growing supremacy of Athens
aroused the jealous alarm of other Greek states. Sparta saw her own
titular hegemony threatened; the subject cities grew restive under the
Athenian yoke. Sparta came forward professedly as champion of the
liberties of Hellas; Athens, guided by Pericles, refused to submit to
Spartan dictation, and accepted the challenge which plunged Greece into
the Peloponnesian war.

The Athenians concentrated on the expansion of their naval armaments,
left the open country undefended and gathered within the city walls, and
landed forces at will on the Peloponnese. Platsea, almost their sole
ally on land, held out valiantly for some time, but was forced to
surrender; and Athens herself suffered frightfully from a visitation of
the plague. After the death of Pericles, Cleon became the most prominent
leader of the aggressive and democratic party, Nicias, of the
anti-democratic peace party. Over most of Greece in each state the
oligarchic faction favoured the Peloponnesian league, the democratic,
Athens. The general Demosthenes at Pylos effected the surrender of a
Lacedaemonian force, which temporarily shattered Sparta's military
prestige, a blow in some degree counteracted by the brilliant operations
of Brasidas in the north, where, however, both he and Cleon were killed.

Meanwhile, Athens was awakening to the possibilities of a great
sea-empire, in consequence of her intervention having been invited in
disputes among the Sicilian states. As the outcome, incited by the
brilliant young Alcibiades, she resolved on the fatal Sicilian
expedition. The expedition, planned under command of Alcibiades and
Nicias, was dispatched in spite of the startling mutilation of the
Hermae, a sacrilegious performance attributed to Alcibiades. It had
hardly reached Sicily when he was recalled, but made his escape and
spent some years mainly in intriguing against Athens. The siege of
Syracuse was progressing favourably, when the Spartan Gylippus was
allowed to enter and put new life into the defence. Disaster followed on
disaster both by sea and land; finally, the whole Athenian force was
either cut to pieces or surrendered at discretion, to become the slaves
of the Syracusans, both Nicias and Demosthenes being put to death.

Meanwhile, the truce between Athens and Sparta had been ended, and war
again declared. Sparta occupied permanently a post of the Attic
territory, Deceleia, with merciless effect. The Sicilian disaster moved
the islanders, notably Chios, to revolt, by Spartan help, against
Athens. She, however, renovated her navy with unexpected vigour. But,
with her fleets away, Alcibiades inspired oligarchical intrigues in the
city; a _coup d'etat_ gave the government to the leaders of a group of
400. The navy stood by the democratic constitution, the 400 were
overthrown, and an assembly, nominally of 5,000, assumed the government.
A great Athenian triumph at Arginusae was followed later by a still more
overwhelming disaster at AEgos Potami.

The Spartan commander Lysander blockaded Athens; starvation forced her
to surrender. Lysander established the government known as that of the
Thirty Tyrants, who were headed by Kritias. Lysander's ascendancy
created in Sparta a party in opposition to him; in the outcome, the
Spartan king Pausanias helped in the overthrow of the Thirty at Athens
by Thrasybulus, and the restoration of the Athenian democracy.
Throughout, the conduct of the democratic party, at its best and its
worst, contrasted favourably with that of the oligarchical faction.

These eighty years were the great period of Athenian literature and art:
of the Parthenon and Phidias; of AEschylus, the soldier of Marathon; then
Sophocles and Euripides and Aristophanes; finally, of Socrates, not
himself an author, but the inspirer of Plato, and the founder of ethical
science; according to popular ideas, the typical Sophist, but in fact
differing from the Sophists fundamentally.


_III.--The Blotting Out of Hellas_


The triumph of Sparta has established her empire among the Greeks; she
used her power with a tyranny infinitely more galling than the sway of
Athens. The Spartan character had become greatly demoralised. Agesilaus,
who succeeded to the kingship, set on foot ambitious projects for a
Greek conquest of Asia; but Greece began to revolt against the Spartan
dominion. Thebes and other cities rose, and called for help from Athens,
their former foe. In the first stages of the ensuing war, of which the
most notable battle was Coronea, Sparta maintained her supremacy within
the Peloponnesus, but not beyond. Athens obtained the countenance of
Persia, and the counter-diplomacy of Sparta produced the peace known by
the name of the Spartan Antalcidas, establishing generally the autonomy
of Greek cities. But this in effect meant the restoration of Spartan
domination.

In course of time, however, this brought about the defiance of Spartan
dictation by Thebes and the tremendous check to her power inflicted at
the battle of Leuctra, by Epaminondas the Theban, whose military skill
and tactical originality there overthrew the Spartan military prestige.
As a consequence, half the Peloponnese itself broke away from Sparta; a
force under Epaminondas aided the Arcadians, and the Arcadian federation
was established.

Hellenic Sicily during these years was having a history of her own of
some importance. Syracuse, after her triumph over the Athenian forces,
continued the contest with her neighbours, which had been the ostensible
cause of the Athenian expedition. But this was closed by the advent of
fresh invaders, the Carthaginians, who renewed the attack repulsed at
Himera. Owing to the disaster to Athens, her fleets were no longer to be
feared by Carthage as a protection to the Hellenic world; and for two
centuries to come, her interventions in Sicily were incessant. Now, the
presence of a foreign foe in Sicily gave intriguers for power at
Syracuse their opportunity, of which the outcome was the subversion of
the democracy and the establishment of Dionysius as despot.

His son, Dionysius II., succeeded, and was finally ejected by the
Corinthian Timoleon, who, after a brilliant career of victories as
Syracusan general against Carthage, acted as general liberator of
Sicilian cities from despotisms, laid down his powers, and was content
with the position, not of despot, but of counsellor, to the great
prosperity of Sicily as a whole.

Going back to the north of Greece, the semi-Hellenic Macedon with a
Hellenic dynasty was growing powerful. Philip--father of Alexander the
Great--was now king, and was resolved to make himself the head of the
Greek world. His great opponent is found in the person of the Athenian
orator Demosthenes, who saw that Philip was aiming at ascendancy, but
generally failed to persuade the Athenians to recognise the danger in
which they stood. Philip gradually achieved his immediate end of being
recognised as the captain-general of the Hellenes, and their leader in a
new Persian war, when his life was cut short by an assassin, and he was
succeeded by his youthful son Alexander.

The Greek states, awakening to their practical subjection, would have
thrown off the new yoke, but the young king with swift and overwhelming
energy swept down from Thrace upon Thebes, the centre of resistance, and
stamped it out. He had already conceived, in part at least, his vast
schemes of Asiatic conquest; while he lived, Greece had practically no
distinguishable history. She is merely an appendage to Macedon.
Everything is absorbed in the Macedon conqueror. With an army incredibly
small for the task before him, he entered Asia Minor, and routed the
Persian forces on the river Granicus. The Greek Memnon, the one able
leader for the Persians, would have organised against him a destructive
naval power; but death removed him.

Alexander dispersed the armies of the Persian king Darius at the Issus,
captured Tyre after a remarkable siege, and took easy possession of
Egypt, where he founded Alexandria. Having organised the administration
of the conquered territories, he marched to the Euphrates, but did not
engage the enormous Persian hosts till he found and shattered them at
the battle of Gaugamela, also called Arbela. Darius fled, and Alexander
swept on to Babylon, to Susa, to Persepolis, assuming the functions of
the "Great King." The fugitive Darius was assassinated. Alexander
henceforth assumed a new and oriental demeanour; but he continued his
conquests, crossing the Hindoo Koosh to Bactria, and then bursting into
the Punjab. But his ambitions were ended by his death, and their
fulfilment, not at all according to his designs, was left to the
"Diadochi," the generals among whom the conquered dominions were parted.
Athens led the revolt against Macedonian supremacy, but in vain.
Demosthenes, condemned by the conquering Antipater, took poison. The
remainder of the history is that of the blotting out of Hellas and of
Hellenism.

       *       *       *       *       *




HEINRICH SCHLIEMANN


Troy and Its Remains


     Heinrich Schliemann was born at Kalkhorst, a village in
     Mecklenburg-Schwerin, on January 6, 1822, and died on December
     27, 1890. During his early childhood an old scholar, who had
     fallen upon evil days, delighted him with stories of the great
     deeds of Homeric heroes. At the age of fourteen he was
     apprenticed in a warehouse, but never lost his love for
     antiquity, and unceasingly prayed to God that he might yet
     have the happiness to learn Greek. An accident released him
     from his low position, and he went to Holland and found a
     situation in an office. He now began to study languages,
     suffering extraordinary denials so as to be able to afford
     money for his studies. In 1846 he was sent by his firm to
     Russia, learning Swedish and Polish, and next acquired Greek.
     Later, he travelled in Europe and the East, making a voyage
     round the world. At last he realised the dream of his life.
     Inaugurating a series of explorations in Greece and Asia
     Minor, Dr. Schliemann gained fame by his discoveries at
     Tiryus, Mycenae, and Troy, largely solving the problems of
     antiquity and archaeology associated with these localities.
     "Troy and Its Remains" is published here in order that, having
     read in the classical histories, we may see how the ancient
     world is reconstructed for modern readers, by the records of
     one of the most famous of archaeologists.


_I.--Searching for the Site of Troy_


_Hissarlik, Plain of Troy, October_ 18, 1871. In my work, "Ithaca, the
Peloponnesus, and Troy," published in 1869, I endeavored to prove, both
by my own excavations and by the statement of the Iliad, that the
Homeric Troy cannot possibly have been situated on the heights of
Bunarbashi, to which place most archaeologists assign it. At the same
time I endeavoured to explain that the site of Troy must necessarily be
identical with the site of that town which, throughout all antiquity and
down to its Complete destruction at the end of the eighth or beginning
of the ninth century A.D., was called Ilium, and not until 1,000 years,
after its disappearance--that is, in 1788 A.D.--was christened Ilium
Novum by Lechevalier, who, as his work proves, can never have visited
his Ilium Novum.

The site of Ilium is on a plateau 80 feet above the plain. Its
north-western corner is formed by a hill about 26 feet higher still,
which is about 705 feet in breadth and about 984 feet in length, and
from its imposing situation and natural fortifications, this hill of
Hissarlik seems specially suited to the acropolis of the town. Ever
since my first visit I never doubted that I should find the Pergamus of
Priam in the depths of this hill.

On October 10, 1871, I started with my wife from the Dardanelles for the
Plain of Troy, a journey of eight hours, and next day commenced my
excavations where I had, a year previously, made some preliminary
explorations, and had found, among other things, at a depth of 16 feet,
walls about 6-1/2 feet thick, which belong to a bastion of the time of
Lysimachus.

Hissarlik, the Turkish name of this imposing hill at the north-western
end of the site of Ilium, means "fortress," or "acropolis," and seems to
prove that this is the Pergamus of Priam; that here Xerxes in 480 B.C.
offered up 1,000 oxen to the Ilian Athena; that here Alexander the Great
hung up his armour in the temple of the goddess, and took away in its
stead some of the weapons therein dedicated, belonging to the time of
the Trojan war.

I conjectured that this temple, the pride of the Ilians, must have stood
on the highest point of the hill, and I therefore decided to excavate
this locality down to the native soil, and I made an immense cutting on
the face of the steep northern slope, about 66 feet from my last year's
work. Notwithstanding the difficulties due to coming on immense blocks
of stone, the work advances rapidly. My dear wife, an Athenian lady, who
is an enthusiastic admirer of Homer, and knows almost the whole of the
Iliad by heart, is present at the excavations from morning to night. All
of my workmen are Greeks from the neighbouring village of Renkoi; only
on Sunday, a day on which the Greeks do not work, I employ Turks.

_Hissarlik, October_ 26, 1871. Since my report of the 18th I have
continued the excavations with the utmost energy, with, on the average,
80 workmen, and I have to-day reached an average depth of 13 feet. I
found an immense number of round articles of terra-cotta, red, yellow,
grey, and black, with two holes, without inscriptions, but frequently
with a kind of potter's stamp upon them. I cannot find any trace of
their having been used for domestic purposes, and therefore I presume
they have served as _ex votos_ for hanging up in the temples.

I found at a depth of about five feet three marble slabs with
inscriptions. One of these must, I think, from the character of the
writing, be assigned to the third century, the two others to the first
century B.C. A king spoken of in the third century writing must have
been one of the kings of Pergamus.

The view from the hill of Hissarlik is magnificent. Before me lies the
glorious Plain of Troy, traversed from the south-east to the north-west
by the Scamander, which has changed its bed since ancient times.

_Hissarlik, November_ 18, 1871. I have now reached a depth of 33 feet.
During these operations I was for a time deceived by the enormous mass
of stone implements which were dug up, and by the absence of any trace
of metal, and supposed that I had come upon the Stone Age. But since the
sixth of this month there have appeared many nails, knives, lances, and
battle-axes of copper of such elegant workmanship that they can have
been made only by a civilised people. I cannot even admit that I have
reached the Bronze Period, for the implements and weapons which I find
are too well finished.

I must, however, observe that the deeper I dig the greater are the
indications of a higher civilisation. And as I thus find ever more and
more traces of civilisation the deeper I dig, I am now perfectly
convinced that I have not yet penetrated to the period of the Trojan
war, and hence I am more hopeful than ever of finding the site of Troy
by further excavations; for if ever there was a Troy--and my belief in
this is firm--it can only have been here, on the site of Ilium.


_II.--Trojan Life and Civilisation_


_Hissarlik, April 5, 1872._ On the first of this month I resumed the
excavations which were discontinued at the end of November.

In the ruins of houses I find, amongst other things, a great number of
small idols of very fine marble, with or without the symbols of the
owl's head and woman's girdle. Many Trojan articles found in the ruins
have stamped on them crosses of various descriptions, which are of the
highest importance to archaeology. Such symbols were already regarded,
thousands of years before Christ, as religious tokens of the very
greatest importance. The figure of the cross represents two pieces of
wood which were laid crosswise upon one another before the sacrificial
altars in order to produce holy fire. The fire was produced by the
friction of one piece of wood against another.

At all depths we find a number of flat idols of very fine marble; upon
many of them is the owl's face, and a female girdle with dots. I am
firmly convinced that all of the helmeted owls' heads represent a
goddess, and the important question now presents itself, what goddess is
it who is here found so repeatedly, and is, moreover, the only one to be
found upon the idols, drinking-cups, and vases? The answer is, she must
necessarily be the tutelary goddess of Troy; she must be the Ilian
Athena, and this indeed perfectly agrees with the statement of Homer,
who continually calls her _thea glaukopis Athene,_ "the goddess with the
owl's face."

_Hissarlik, June 18, 1872._ I had scarcely begun to extend a third
cutting into the hill when I found a block of triglyphs of Parian
marble, containing a sculpture in high relief which represents Phoebus
Apollo, who, in a long woman's robe with a girdle, is riding on the four
immortal horses which pursue their career through the universe. Nothing
is to be seen of a chariot. Above the head of the god is seen about
two-thirds of the sun's disc with twenty rays. The face of the god is
very expressive, and the folds of his robe are exquisitely sculptured;
but my admiration is specially excited by the four horses, which,
snorting and looking wildly forward, career through the universe with
infinite power. Their anatomy is so masterly that I confess I have never
seen so masterly a work.

It is especially remarkable to find the sun-god here, for Homer knows
nothing of a temple to the sun in Troy, and later history says not a
word about the existence of such a temple. However, the image of Phoebus
Apollo does not prove that the sculpture must have belonged to a temple
of the sun; in my opinion it may just as well have served as an ornament
to any other temple.

I venture to express the opinion that the image of the sun, which I find
represented here thousands and thousands of times upon the whorls of
terra-cotta, must be regarded as the name or emblem of the town--that
is, Ilios. In like manner, this sun-god shone in the form of a woman
upon the propylaea of the temple of the Ilian Athena as a symbol of the
sun-city.

This head of the sun-god appears to me to have so much of the
Alexandrian style that I must adhere to history, and believe that this
work of art belongs to the time of Lysimachus, who, according to Strabo,
after the time of Alexander the Great, built here the new temple of the
Ilian Athena, which Alexander had promised to the town of Ilium after
the subjugation of the Persian Empire.

Were it not for the splendid terra-cottas which I find exclusively on
the primary soil and as far as 6-1/2 feet above it, I could swear that
at a depth of from 26 to 33 feet, I am among the ruins of the Homeric
Troy. [The reader should bear in mind that Dr. Schliemann finally came
back to this opinion.] For at this depth I have found a thousand
wonderful objects; whereas I find little in the lowest stratum, the
removal of which gives immense trouble. We daily find some of the whorls
of very fine terra-cotta, and it is curious that those which have no
decorations at all are always of the ordinary shape, and of the size of
small tops, or like the craters of volcanoes, while almost all those
possessing decorations are flat, and in the form of a wheel.

Metals, at least gold, silver, and copper, were known to the Trojans,
for I found a copper knife highly gilded, a silver hairpin, and a number
of copper nails at a depth of forty-six feet. I found many small
instruments for use as pins; also a number of ivory needles, and some
curious pieces of ivory, one in the form of a paper-knife, the other in
the shape of an exceedingly neat dagger. We discovered one-edged or
double-edged knives of white silex in the form of saws in quantities,
each about two inches long; also many hand millstones of lava, and some
beautiful red vases, cups, vessels, jugs, and hand plates. In these
depths we likewise find many bones of animals; boars' tusks, small
shells, horns of the buffalo, ram, and stag, as well as the vertebrae of
the shark.

The houses and palaces in which the splendid terra-cottas were used were
large and spacious, for to them belong all the mighty heaps of stone,
hewn and unhewn, which cover them to the height of from 13 to 20 feet.
These buildings were easily destroyed, for the stones were only joined
with earth, and when the walls fell everything in the houses was crushed
to pieces by the immense blocks of stone. The primitive Trojan people
disappeared simultaneously with the destruction of their town. [Here, as
well as in what goes before, Dr. Schliemann writes on the supposition,
which he afterwards abandoned, that the remains in the lowest stratum
are those of the Trojans of the Iliad.]

Upon the site of the destroyed city new settlers, of a different
civilisation, manners, and customs, built a new town; but only the
foundation of their houses consisted of stones joined with clay; all the
house-walls were built of unburnt bricks. I must draw attention to the
fact that I have found twice on fragments of pottery the curious symbol
of the _suastika_, or crossed angles, which proves that the primitive
Trojans belonged to the Aryan race. This is further proved by the
symbols on the round terra-cottas. The existence of the nation which
preceded the Trojans was likewise of long duration, for all the layers
of _debris_ at the depth of from 33 to 23 feet belong to it. They also
were of Aryan descent, for they possessed innumerable Aryan religious
symbols. Several of the symbols belonged to the time when Germans,
Pelasgians, Hindoos, Persians, Celts, and Greeks still formed one
nation.

I found no trace of a double cup among this people, but instead of it
those curious cups which have a coronet below in place of a handle; then
those brilliant, fanciful goblets, in the form of immense champagne
glasses, and with two mighty handles on the sides; they are round below,
so that they can only stand on their mouths. Further, all those splendid
vessels of burnt earthenware, as, for instance, funeral, wine, or water
urns, five feet high; likewise, all of those vessels with a beak-shaped
mouth, bent back, and either short or long.

I have met with many very curious vases in the shape of animals with
three feet. The mouth of the vessel is in the tail, which is upright and
very thick, and is connected with the back by a handle. In these strata
we also meet with an immense number of those round terra-cottas--the
whorls--embellished with beautiful and ingenious symbolical signs,
amongst which the sun-god always occupies the most prominent position.
But the fire-machine of our primeval ancestors, the holy sacrificial
altar with blazing flames, the holy soma-tree, or tree of life, and the
_rosa mystica_, are also very frequently met with here.

This mystic rose, which occurs very often in the Byzantine sculptures,
and the name of which, as is well known, is employed to designate the
Holy Virgin in the Roman Catholic liturgies, is a very ancient Aryan
symbol, as yet, unfortunately, unexplained. It is very ancient, because
I find it at a depth of from 23 to 33 feet, in the strata of the
successors to the Trojans, which must belong to a period about 1,200
years before Christ.

At a depth of 30-1/2 feet, among the yellow ashes of a house destroyed
by fire, I found silver-ware ornaments and also a very pretty gold
ear-ring, which has three lows of stars on both sides; then two bunches
of earrings of various forms, most of which are of silver and terminate
in five leaves.

I now come to the strata of _debris_ at a depth of from 23 to 13 feet,
which are evidently also the remains of a people of the Aryan race, who
took possession of the town built on the ruins of Troy, and who
destroyed it and extirpated the inhabitants; for in these strata of ten
feet thick I find no trace of metal, and the structure of the houses is
entirely different. All the house-walls consist of small stones joined
with clay. In these strata--at a depth of from 23 to 13 feet--not only
are all the stone implements much rougher, but all the terra-cottas are
of a coarser quality. Still, they possess a certain elegance.

A new epoch in the history of Ilium commenced when the accumulation of
_debris_ on this hill had reached a height of 13 feet below its present
surface; for the town was again destroyed, and the inhabitants killed or
driven out by a wretched tribe, which certainly must likewise have
belonged to the Aryan race, for upon the round terra-cottas I still very
frequently find the tree of life, and the simple cross and double cross
with the four nails. In these depths, however, the forms of the whorls
degenerate. Of pottery, however, much less is found, and all of it is
considerably less artistic than that which I have found in the preceding
strata. With the people to whom these strata belonged--from 13 to 6-1/2
feet below the surface--the pre-Hellenic ages end, for henceforth we see
many ruined walls of Greek buildings, of beautifully hewn stones laid
together without cement, and the painted and unpainted terra-cottas
leave no doubt that a Greek colony took possession of Ilium when the
surface of this hill was much lower than it is now.

It is impossible to determine when this new colonisation took place, but
it must have been much earlier than the visit of Xerxes reported by
Herodotus, which took place 480 years before Christ. The event may have
taken place 700 B.C.


_III.--Homeric Legends Verified_


_Pergamus of Troy, August_ 4, 1872. On the south side of the hill where
I made my great trench I discovered a great tower, 40 feet thick, which
obstructs my path and appears to extend to a great length. I have
uncovered it on the north and south sides along the whole breadth of my
trench, and have convinced myself that it is built on the rock at a
depth of 46-1/2 feet.

This tower is now only 20 feet high, but must have been much higher. For
its preservation we have to thank the ruins of Troy, which entirely
covered it as it now stands. Its situation would be most interesting and
imposing, for its top would command not only a view of the whole plain
of Troy, but of the sea, with the islands of Tenedos, Imbros, and
Samothrace. There is not a more sublime situation in the whole area of
the plain of Troy than this.

In the ashes of a house at the depth of 42-1/2 feet I found a tolerably
well preserved skeleton of a woman. The colour of the bones shows that
the lady, whose gold ornaments were near by, was overtaken by fire and
burnt alive. With the exception of the skeleton of an infant found in a
vase, this is the only skeleton of a human being I have ever met with in
the pre-Hellenic remains on this hill. As we know from Homer, all
corpses were burnt and the ashes placed in urns, of which I have found
great numbers. The bones were always burnt to ashes.

_Pergamus of Troy, August 14, 1872._ In stopping the excavations for
this year, and in looking back on the dangers to which we have been
exposed between the gigantic layers of ruins, I cannot but fervently
thank God for his great mercy, not only that no life has been lost, but
that none of us has been seriously hurt.

As regards the result of my excavations, everyone must admit that I have
solved a great historical problem, and that I have solved it by the
discovery of a high civilisation and immense buildings upon the primary
soil, in the depths of an ancient town, which throughout antiquity was
called Ilium and declared itself to be the successor of Troy, the site
of which was regarded as identical with the site of the Homeric Ilium by
the whole world of that time. The situation of this town not only
corresponds perfectly with all the statements of the Iliad, but also
with all the traditions handed down to us by later authorities.

_Pergamus of Troy, March 22, 1873. _During this last week, with splendid
weather, and with 150 men on the average, I have got through a good
piece of work. On the north side of the excavation on the site of the
Temple of Athena I have already reached a depth of 26 feet, and have
laid bare the tower in several places.

The most remarkable of the objects found this week is a large knob of
the purest and finest crystal, belonging to a stick, in the form of a
beautifully wrought lion's head. It seems probable that in remote
antiquity lions existed in this region. Homer could not so excellently
have described them had he not had the opportunities of watching them.

_Pergamus of Troy, May 10, 1873._ Although the Pergamus, whose depths I
have been ransacking, borders directly on the marshes formed by the
Simois, in which there are always hundreds of storks, yet none of them
ever settle down here. Though there are sometimes a dozen storks' nests
on one roof in the neighbouring Turkish villages, yet no one will settle
on mine, even though I have two comfortable nests made for them. It is
probably too cold and stormy for the little storks on _Ilios anemoessa_.

My most recent excavations have far surpassed my expectations, for I
have unearthed two large gates, standing 20 feet apart, in a splendid
street which proceeds from the chief building in the Pergamus. I venture
to assert that this great double gate must be the Homeric Scaean Gate. It
is in an excellent state of preservation.

Here, therefore, by the side of the double gate, at Ilium's Great Tower,
sat Priam, the seven elders of the city, and Helen. From this spot the
company surveyed the whole plain, and saw at the foot of the Pergamus
the Trojan and Achaean armies face to face about to settle their
agreement to let the war be decided by a single combat between Paris and
Menelaus.

I now positively retract my former opinion that Ilium was inhabited up
to the ninth century after Christ, and I must distinctly maintain that
its site has been desolate and uninhabited since the end of the fourth
century. But Troy was not large. I am extremely disappointed at being
obliged to give so small a plan of the city; nay, I had wished to be
able to make it a thousand times larger, but I value truth above
everything, and I rejoice that my three years' excavations have laid
open the Homeric Troy, even though on a diminished scale, and that I
have proved the Iliad based upon real facts.

Homer is an epic poet, and not an historian; so it is quite natural that
he should have exaggerated everything with poetic licence. Moreover, the
events he describes are so marvellous that many scholars have long
doubted the very existence of Troy, and have considered the city to be a
mere invention of the poet's fancy. I venture to hope that the civilised
world will not only not be disappointed that the city of Priam has shown
itself to be scarcely a twentieth part as large as was to be expected
from the statements of the Iliad, but that, on the contrary, it will
accept with delight and enthusiasm the certainty that Ilium did really
exist, that a large portion of it has now been brought to light, and
that Homer, even though he exaggerates, nevertheless sings of events
that actually happened.

Homer can never have seen Ilium's Great Tower, the surrounding wall of
Poseidon and Apollo, the Scaean Gate of the palace of King Priam, for all
these monuments lay buried deep in heaps of rubbish, and he could have
made no excavations to bring them to light. He knew of these monuments
only from hearsay and tradition, for the tragic fate of ancient Troy was
then still in fresh remembrance, and had already been for centuries in
the mouth of all minstrels.

       *       *       *       *       *




JULIUS CAESAR


Commentaries on the Gallic War


     Caius Julius Caesar was born on July 12, 100 B.C., of a noble
     Roman family. His career was decided when he threw in his lot
     with the democratic section against the republican oligarchy.
     Marrying Cornelia, daughter of Lucius Cinna, the chief
     opponent of the tyrant dictator Sulla, he incurred the
     implacable hatred of the latter, and was obliged to quit Rome.
     For a season he studied rhetoric at Rhodes. Settling in Rome
     after Sulla's death, Caesar attached himself to the illustrious
     Pompey, whose policy was then democratic. In B.C. 68 he
     obtained a quaestorship in Spain, and on returning next year
     reconciled the two most powerful men in Rome, Pompey and
     Crassus. With them he formed what became known as the First
     Triumvirate. Being appointed to govern Gaul for five years,
     Caesar there developed his genius for war; but his brilliant
     success excited the fears of the senate and the envy even of
     Pompey. Civil war broke out. The conflict ended in the fall of
     Pompey, who was defeated in the fateful battle of Pharsalia,
     and was afterwards murdered in Egypt. Julius Caesar now
     possessed supreme power. He lavished vast sums on games and
     public buildings, won splendid victories in Gaul, Egypt,
     Pontus, and Africa, and was the idol of the common people. But
     the jealousy of many of the aristocrats led to the formation
     of a plot, and on March 15, 44 B.C., Caesar was assassinated in
     the Senate House. This summary relates to the commentaries
     known to be by Caesar himself, certain other books having been
     added by other Latin writers. It will be noticed that he
     writes in the third person. This epitome is prepared from the
     Latin text.


_I.--Subduing Celtic Gaul_


Gaul is divided into three parts, one of which the Belgae inhabit; the
Aquitani another; those who in their own language are called Celts, in
ours Gauls, the third. All these differ from each other in language,
customs, and laws. Among the Gauls the Helvetii surpass the rest in
valour, as they constantly contend in battle with the Germans. When
Messala and Piso were consuls, Orgetorix, the most distinguished of the
Helvetii, formed a conspiracy among the nobility, persuading them that,
since they excelled all in valour, it would be very easy to acquire the
supremacy of the whole of Gaul. They made great preparations for the
expedition, but suddenly Orgetorix died, nor was suspicion lacking that
he committed suicide.

After his death, the Helvetii nevertheless attempted the exodus from
their territories. When it was reported to Caesar that they were
attempting to make their route through our province, he gathered as
great a force as possible, and by forced marches arrived at Geneva.

The Helvetii now sent ambassadors to Caesar, requesting permission to
pass through the province, which he refused, inasmuch as he remembered
that Lucius Cassius, the consul, had been slain and his army routed, and
made to pass under the yoke by the Helvetii. Disappointed in their hope,
the Helvetii attempted to force a passage across the Rhone, but, being
resisted by the soldier, desisted.

After the war with the Helvetii was concluded, ambassadors from almost
all parts of Gaul assembled to congratulate Caesar, and to declare that
his victory had happened no less to the benefit of the land of Gaul than
of the Roman people, because the Helvetii had quitted their country with
the design of subduing the whole of Gaul.

When the assembly was dismissed, the chiefs' of the AEdui and of the
Sequani waited upon Caesar to complain that Ariovistus, the king of the
Germans, had seized a third of their land, which was the best in Gaul,
and was now ordering them to depart from another third part.

To ambassadors sent by Caesar, demanding an appointment of some spot for
a conference, Ariovistus gave an insolent reply, which was repeated on a
second overture. Hearing that the king of the Germans was threatening to
seize Vesontio, the capital of the Sequani, Caesar, by a forced march,
arrived there and took possession of the city. Apprised of this event,
Ariovistus changed his attitude, and sent messengers intimating that he
agreed to meet Caesar, as they were now nearer to each other, and could
meet without danger.

The conference took place, but it led to no successful result, for
Ariovistus demanded that the Romans should withdraw from Gaul and his
conduct became afterwards so hostile that it led to war. A battle took
place about fifty miles from the Rhine. The Germans were routed and fled
to the river, across which many escaped, the rest being slain in
pursuit. Caesar, having concluded two very important wars in one
campaign, conducted his army into winter quarters.


_II.--Taming the Rebellious Belgae_


While Caesar was in winter quarters in Hither Gaul frequent reports were
brought to him that all the Belgae were entering into a confederacy
against the Roman people, because they feared that, after all Celtic
Gaul was subdued, our army would be led against them. Caesar, alarmed,
levied two new legions in Hither Gaul, and proceeded to the territory of
the Belgae. As he arrived there unexpectedly, and sooner than anyone
anticipated, the Remi, who are the nearest of the Belgae to Celtic Gaul,
sent messages of submission and gave Caesar full information about the
other Belgae.

Caesar next learned that the Nervii, a savage and very brave people,
whose territories bordered those just conquered, had upbraided the rest
of the Belgae who had surrendered themselves to the Roman people, and had
declared that they themselves would neither send ambassadors nor accept
any condition of peace. He was informed concerning them that they
allowed no access of any merchants, and that they suffered no wine and
other things tending to luxury to be imported, because they thought that
by their use the mind is enervated and the courage impaired.

After he had made three days' march into their territory, Caesar
discovered that all the Nervii had stationed themselves on the other
side of the River Sambre, not more than ten miles from his camp, and
that they had persuaded the Atrebates and the Veromandui to join with
them, and that likewise the Aduatuci were expected by them, and were on
the march. The Roman army proceeded to encamp in front of the river, on
a site sloping towards it. Here they were fiercely attacked by the
Nervii, the assault being so sudden that Caesar had to do all things at
one time. The standard as the sign to run to arms had to be displayed,
the soldiers were to be called from the works on the rampart, the order
of battle was to be formed, and a great part of these arrangements was
prevented by the shortness of time and the sudden charge of the enemy.

Time was lacking even for putting on helmets and uncovering shields. In
such an unfavorable state of affairs, various events of fortune
followed. The soldiers of the ninth and tenth legions speedily drove
back the Atrebates, who were breathless with running and fatigue. Many
of them were slain. In like manner the Veromandui were routed by the
eighth and eleventh legions; but as part of the camp was very exposed,
the Nervii hastened in a very close body, under Boduagnatus, their
leader, to rush against that quarter. Our horsemen and light-armed
infantry were by the first assault routed, and the enemy, rushing into
our camp in great numbers, pressed hard on the legions. But Caesar,
seizing a shield and encouraging the soldiers, many of whose centurions
had been slain, ordering them to extend their companies that they might
more freely use their swords.

So great a change was soon effected that, though the enemy displayed
great courage, the battle was ended so disastrously for them that the
Nervii were almost annihilated. Scarcely five hundred were left who
could bear arms. Their old men sent ambassadors to Caesar by the consent
of all who remained, surrendering themselves. The Aduatuci, before
mentioned, who were coming to the help of the Nervii, returned home when
they heard of this battle.

All Gaul being now subdued, so high an opinion of this war was spread
among the barbarians that ambassadors were sent to Caesar by those
nations that dwelt beyond the Rhine, to promise that they would give
hostages and execute his commands. He ordered these embassies to return
to him at the beginning of the following summer, because he was
hastening into Italy and Illyricum. Having led his legions into winter
quarters among the Carnutes, the Andes, and the Turones, which states
were close to those in which he had waged war, he set out for Italy, and
a public thanksgiving of fifteen days was decreed for these
achievements, an honour which before that time had been conferred on
none.


_III.--War by Land and Sea in Gaul_


When Caesar was setting out for Italy, he sent Servius Galba with the
twelfth legion and part of the cavalry against the Nantuates, the
Veragri, and the Seduni, who extend from the territories of the
Allobroges and the Lake of Geneva and the River Rhone to the top of the
Alps. The reason for sending him was that he desired that the pass along
the Alps, through which the Roman merchants had been accustomed to
travel with great danger, should be opened.

Galba fought several successful battles, stormed some of their forts,
and concluded a peace. He then determined to winter in a village of the
Veragri, which is called Octodurus. But before the winter camp could be
completed the tops of the mountains were seen to be crowded with armed
men, and soon these rushed down from all parts and discharged stones and
darts on the ramparts.

The fierce battle that followed lasted for more than six hours. During
the fight more than a third part of the army of 30,000 men of the Seduni
and the Veragri were slain, and the rest were put to flight,
panic-stricken. Then Galba, unwilling to tempt fortune again, after
having burned all the buildings in that village, hastened to return into
the province, urged chiefly by the want of corn and provision. As no
enemy opposed his march, he brought his forces safely into the country
of the Allobroges, and there wintered.

These things being achieved, Caesar, who was visiting Illyricum to gain a
knowledge of that country, had every reason to suppose that Gaul was
reduced to a state of tranquillity. For the Belgae had been overcome, the
Germans had been expelled, and the Seduni and the Veragri among the Alps
defeated. But a sudden war sprang up in Gaul.

The occasion of that war was this. P. Crassus, a young man, had taken up
his winter quarters with the seventh legion among the Andes, who border
on the Atlantic Ocean. As corn was scarce, he sent out officers among
the neighbouring states for the purpose of procuring supplies. The most
considerable of these states was the Veneti, who have a very great
number of ships with which they have been accustomed to sail into
Britain, and thus they excel the rest of the states in nautical affairs.
With them arose the beginning of the revolt.

The Veneti detained Silius and Velanius, who had been sent among them,
for they thought they should recover by their means the hostages which
they had given Crassus. The neighbouring people, the Essui and the
Curiosolitae, led on by the influence of the Veneti (as the measures of
the Gauls are sudden and hasty) detained other officers for the same
motive. All the sea-coast being quickly brought over to the sentiments
of these states, they sent a common embassy to P. Crassus to say "If he
wished to receive back his officers, let him send back to them their
hostages."

Caesar, being informed of these things, since he was himself so far
distant, ordered ships of war to be built on the River Loire; rowers to
be raised from the province; sailors and pilots to be provided. These
matters being quickly executed, he hastened to the army as soon as the
season of the year admitted.

Caesar at once ordered his army, divided into several detachments, to
attack the towns of the enemy in different districts. Many were stormed,
yet much of the warfare was vain and much labour was lost, because the
Veneti, having numerous ships specially adapted for such a purpose,
their keels being flatter than those of our ships, could easily navigate
the shallows and estuaries, and thus their flight hither and thither
could not be prevented.

At length, in a naval fight, our fleet, being fully assembled, gained a
victory so signal that, by that one battle, the war with the Veneti and
the whole sea-coast was finished. Caesar thought that severe punishment
should be inflicted, in order that for the future the rights of
ambassadors should be respected by barbarians; he therefore put to death
all their senate, and sold the rest for slaves.

About the same time P. Crassus arrived in Aquitania, which, as was
already said, is, both from its extent and its number of population, a
third part of Gaul. Here, a few years before, L. Valerius Praeconius, the
lieutenant, had been killed and his army routed, so that Crassus
understood no ordinary care must be used. On his arrival being known,
the Sotiates assembled great forces, and the battle that followed was
long and vigorously contested. The Sotiates being routed, they retired
to their principal stronghold, but it was stormed, and they submitted.
Crassus then marched into the territories of the Vocates and the
Tarusites, who raised a great host of men to carry on the war, but
suffered total defeat, after which the greater part of Aquitania of its
own accord surrendered to the Romans, sending hostages of their own
accord from different tribes. A few only--and those remote
nations--relying on the time of year, neglected to do this.


_IV.--The First Landing in Britain_


The following winter, this being the year in which Cn. Pompey and M.
Crassus were consuls [this was the year 699 after the building of Rome,
55 before Christ; it was the fourth year of the Gallic war] the Germans,
called the Usipetes, and likewise the Tenchtheri, with a great number of
men, crossed the Rhine, not far from the place at which that river falls
into the sea. The motive was to escape from the Suevi, the largest and
strongest nation in Germany, by whom they had been for several years
harassed and hindered from agricultural pursuits.

The Suevi are said to possess a hundred cantons, from each of which they
send forth for war a thousand armed men yearly, the others remaining at
home, and going forth in their turn in other years.

Caesar, hearing that various messages had been sent to them by the Gauls
(whose fickle disposition he knew) asking them to come forward from the
Rhine, and promising them all that they needed, set forward for the army
earlier in the year than usual. When he had arrived in the region, he
discovered that those things which he had suspected would occur, had
taken place, and that, allured by the hopes held out to them, the
Germans were then making excursions to greater distances, and had
advanced to the territories of the Euburones and the Condrusi, who are
under the protection of the Treviri. After summoning the chiefs of Gaul,
Caesar thought proper to pretend ignorance of the things which he had
discovered, and, having conciliated and confirmed their minds, and
ordered some cavalry to be raised, resolved to make war against the
Germans.

When he had advanced some distance, the Germans sent ambassadors,
begging him not to advance further, as they had come hither reluctantly,
having been expelled from their country. But Caesar, knowing that they
wished for delay only to make further secret preparations, refused the
overtures. Marshalling his army in three lines, and marching eight
miles, he took them by surprise, and the Romans rushed their camp. Many
of the enemy were slain, the rest being either scattered or drowned in
attempting to escape by crossing the Meuse in the flight.

The conflict with the Germans being finished, Caesar thought it expedient
to cross the Rhine. Since the Germans were so easily urged to go into
Gaul, he desired they should have fears for their own territories.
Therefore, notwithstanding the difficulty of constructing a bridge,
owing to the breadth, rapidity, and depth of the river, he devised and
built one of timber and of great strength, piles being first driven in
on which to erect it.

The army was led over into Germany, advanced some distance, and burnt
some villages of the hostile Sigambri, who had concealed themselves in
the woods after conveying away all their possessions. Then Caesar, having
done enough to strike fear into the Germans and to serve both honour and
interest, after a stay of eighteen days across the Rhine, returned into
Gaul and cut down the bridge.

During the short part of the summer which remained he resolved to
proceed into Britain, because succours had been constantly furnished to
the Gauls from that country. He thought it expedient, if he only entered
the island, to see into the character of the people, and to gain
knowledge of their localities, harbours, and landing-places. Having
collected about eighty transport ships, he set sail with two legions in
fair weather, and the soldiers were attacked instantly on landing by the
cavalry and charioteers of the barbarians. The enemy were vanquished,
but could not be pursued, because the Roman horse had not been able to
maintain their course at sea and to reach the island. This alone was
wanting to Caesar's accustomed success.


_V.--Caesar on the Thames_


During the winter Caesar commanded as many ships as possible to be
constructed, and the old repaired. About six hundred transports and
twenty ships of war were built, and, after settling some disputes in
Gaul among the chiefs, Caesar went to Port Itius with the legions. He
took with him several of the leading chiefs of the Gauls, determined to
retain them as hostages and to keep them with him during his next
expedition to Britain, lest a commotion should arise in Gaul during his
absence.

Caesar, having crossed to the shore of Britain and disembarked his army
at a convenient spot advanced about twelve miles and repelled all
attacks of the cavalry and charioteers of the enemy. Then he led his
forces into the territories of Cassivellaunus to the River Thames, which
river can be forded in one place only. Here an engagement took place
which resulted in the flight of the Britons. But Cassivellaunus had sent
messengers to the four kings who reigned over Kent and the districts by
the sea, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximaquilus, and Segonax, commanding
them to collect all their forces and assail the naval camp.

In the battle which ensued the Romans were victorious, and when
Cassivellaunus heard of this disaster he sent ambassadors to Caesar to
treat about a surrender. Caesar, since he had resolved to pass the winter
on the continent, on account of sudden revolts in Gaul, demanded
hostages and prescribed what tribute Britain should pay each year to the
Roman people.

Caesar, expecting for many reasons greater commotion in Gaul, levied
additional forces. He saw that war was being prepared on all sides, that
the Nervii, Aduatuci, and Menapii, with the addition of all the Germans
on this side of the Rhine, were under arms; that the Senones did not
assemble according to his command, and were concerting measures with
Carnutes and the neighbouring states; and that the Germans were
importuned by the Treviri in frequent embassies. Therefore he thought
that he ought to take prompt measures for the war.

Accordingly, before the winter was ended, he marched with four legions
unexpectedly into the territories of the Nervii, captured many men and
much cattle, wasted their lands, and forced them to surrender and give
hostages. He followed up his success by worsting the Senones, Carnutes,
and Menapii, while Labienus defeated the Treviri.

Gaul being tranquil, Caesar, as he had determined, set out for Italy to
hold the provincial assizes. There he was informed of the decree of the
senate that all the youth of Italy should take the military oath, and he
determined to hold a levy throughout the entire province. The Gauls,
animated by the opportunity afforded through his absence, and indignant
that they were reduced beneath the dominion of Rome, began to organise
their plans for war openly.

Many of the nations confederated and selected as their commander
Vercingetorix, a young Avernian. On hearing what had happened, Caesar set
out from Italy for Transalpine Gaul, and began the campaign by marching
into the country of the Helvii, although it was the severest time of the
year, and the country was covered with deep snow.

The armies met, and Vercingetorix sustained a series of losses at
Vellaunodunum, Genabum, and Noviodunum. The Gauls then threw a strong
garrison into Avaricum, which Caesar besieged, and at length Caesar's
soldiers took it by storm. All the Gauls, with few exceptions, joined in
the revolt; and the united forces, under Vercingetorix, attacked the
Roman army while it was marching into the country of the Sequani, but
they suffered complete defeat. After struggling vainly to continue the
war, Vercingetorix surrendered, and the Gallic chieftains laid down
their arms. Caesar demanded a great number of hostages, sent his
lieutenants with various legions to different stations in Gaul, and
determined himself to winter at Bibracte. A supplication of twenty days
was decreed at Rome by the senate on hearing of these successes.

       *       *       *       *       *




TACITUS


Annals


     Publius Cornelius Tacitus was born perhaps at Rome, shortly
     before the accession of the Emperor Nero in 54 A.D. He married
     the daughter of Agricola, famous in the history of Britain,
     and died probably about the time of Hadrian's accession to the
     empire, 117 A.D. He attained distinction as a pleader at the
     bar, and in public life; but his fame rests on his historical
     works. A man of strong prepossessions and prejudices, he
     allowed them to colour his narratives, and particularly his
     portraits; but he cannot be charged with dishonesty. The
     portraits themselves are singularly powerful; his narrative is
     picturesque, vivid, dramatic; but the condensed character of
     his style and the pregnancy of his phrases make his work
     occasionally obscure, and particularly difficult to render in
     translation. His "Germania" is a most valuable record of the
     early institutions of the Teutonic peoples. His "Histories" of
     the empire from Galba to Domitian are valuable as dealing with
     events of which he was an eye-witness. His "Annals," covering
     practically the reigns from Tiberius to Nero, open only some
     forty years before his own birth. Of the original sixteen
     books, four are lost, and four are incomplete. The following
     epitome has been specially prepared from the Latin text.


_I.--Emperor and Nephew_


Tiberius, adopted son and actual stepson of Augustus, was summoned from
Illyria by his mother Livia to the bedside of the dying emperor at Nola.
Augustus left a granddaughter, Agrippina, who was married to Germanicus,
the nephew of Tiberius; and a grandson, Agrippa Postumus, a youth of
evil reputation. The succession of Tiberius was not in doubt; but his
first act was to have Agrippa Postumus put to death--according to his
own statement, by the order of Augustus. At Rome, consuls, senators, and
knights hurried to embrace their servitude. The nobler the name that
each man bore, the more zealous was he in his hypocrisy. The grave
pretence of Tiberius that he laid no claim to imperial honours was met
by the grave pretence that the needs of the state forbade his refusal of
them, however reluctant he might be. His mother, Livia Augusta, was the
object of a like sycophancy. But the world was not deceived by the
solemn farce.

The death of Augustus, however, was the signal for mutinous outbreaks
among the legions on the European frontiers of the empire; first in
Pannonia, then in Germany. In Pannonia, the ostensible motive was
jealousy of the higher pay and easier terms of service of the Praetorian
guard. So violent were the men, and so completely did the officers lose
control, that Drusus, the son of Tiberius, was sent to make terms with
the mutineers, and only owed his success to the reaction caused by the
superstitious alarm of the soldiery at an eclipse of the moon.
Germanicus, who was in command in Germany, was absent in Gaul. Here the
mutiny of the Lower Army, under Caecina, was very serious, because it was
clearly organised, the men working systematically and not haphazard.

News of the outbreak brought their popular general, Germanicus, to the
spot. The mutineers at once offered to make him emperor, a proposal
which he indignantly repudiated. The position, in a hostile country,
made some concession necessary; but fresh disturbances broke out when it
was suspected that the arrival of a commission from the senate meant
that the concessions would be cancelled. Here the reaction which broke
down the mutiny was caused by the shame of the soldiers themselves, when
Germanicus sent his wife and child away from a camp where their lives
were in danger. Of their own accord, the best of the soldiers turned on
their former ringleaders, and slew them. And the legions under Caecina
took similar steps to recover their lost credit. Germanicus, however,
saw that the true remedy for the disaffection would be found in an
active campaign. The desired effect was attained by an expedition
against the Marsi, conducted with a success which Tiberius, at Rome,
regarded with mixed feelings.

The German tribe named the Cherusci favoured Arminius, the determined
enemy of Rome, in preference to Segestes, who was conspicuous for
"loyalty" to Rome. Germanicus advanced to support the latter, and
Arminius was enraged by the news that his wife, the daughter of
Segestes, was a prisoner. His call to arms, his declamations in the name
of liberty, roused the Cherusci, the people who had annihilated the
legions of Varus a few years before. A column commanded by Caecina was
enticed by Arminius into a swampy position, where it was in extreme
danger, and a severe engagement took place. The scheme of Arminius was
to attack the Romans on the march; fortunately, the rasher counsels of
his uncle, Inguiomerus, prevailed; an attempt was made to storm the
camp, and the Romans were thus enabled to inflict a decisive defeat on
the foe.

It was at this time that the disastrous practice was instituted of
informers bringing charges of treason against prominent citizens on
grounds which Tiberius himself condemned as frivolous. The emperor began
to make a practice of attending trials, which indeed prevented corrupt
awards, but ruined freedom.

Now arose disturbances in the east. The Parthians expelled their king,
Vonones, a former favourite of Augustus. Armenia became involved, and
these things were the source of serious complications later. Tiberius
was already meditating the transfer of Germanicus to these regions. That
general, however, was planning a fresh German campaign from the North
Sea coast. A great fleet carried the army to the mouth of the Ems;
thence Germanicus marched to the Weser and crossed it. Germanicus was
gratified to find that his troops were eager for the impending fray. A
tremendous defeat was inflicted on the Cherusci, with little loss to the
Romans. Arminius, who had headed a charge which all but broke the Roman
line, escaped only with the utmost difficulty.

Nevertheless, the Germans rallied their forces, and a second furious
engagement took place, in which the foe fought again with desperate
valour, and were routed mainly through the superiority of the Roman
armour and discipline. The triumph was marred only by a disaster which
befel the legions which were withdrawn by sea. A terrific storm wrecked
almost the entire fleet, and it was with great difficulty that the few
survivors were rescued. The consequent revival of German hopes made it
necessary for two large armies to advance against the Marsi and the
Catti respectively, complete success again attending the Roman arms.

Jealousy of his nephew's popularity and success now caused Tiberius to
insist on his recall. At this time informers charged with treason a
young man of distinguished family, Libo Drusus, mainly on the ground of
his foolish consultation of astrologers, with the result that Drusus
committed suicide. This story will serve as one among many which
exemplify the prevalent demoralisation. In the same year occurred the
audacious insurrection of a slave who impersonated the dead Agrippa
Postumus; and also the deposition of the king of Cappadocia, whose
kingdom was annexed as a province of the empire.

A contest took place between the Suevi and the Cherusci, in which Rome
declined to intervene. Maroboduus, of the Suevi, was disliked because he
took the title of king, which was alien to the German ideas, being in
this respect contrasted with Arminius. The Cherusci had the better of
the encounter.


_II.--The Development of Despotism_


Germanicus on his recall was in danger, while in Rome, of being made the
head of a faction in antagonism to Drusus, the son of Tiberius. He was
dispatched, however, with extraordinary powers, to take control of the
East, where Piso, the governor of Syria, believed that he held his own
appointment precisely that he might be a thorn in the side of
Germanicus. The latter made a progress through Greece, settled affairs
in Armenia and Parthia, and continued his journey to Egypt.

Piso's machinations, encouraged by the reports which reached him of the
emperor's displeasure at the conduct of Germanicus, caused the gravest
friction. Finally, on the return from Egypt through Syria, Germanicus
became desperately ill. He declared his own belief that Piso and his
wife had poisoned him; and, on his death, the rumour met general
credence, though it was unsupported by evidence. Agrippina returned to
Rome, bent on vengeance, and the object of universal sympathy. Piso
attempted to make himself master of Syria, but failed to win over the
legions, and then resolved to return to Rome and defy his accusers.

About this time Arminius was killed in attempting to make himself king.
Shortly before, Tiberius had rejected with becoming dignity a rival
chief's offer to poison the national hero of German independence.

On the arrival in Italy of Agrippina with the ashes of Germanicus, the
popular and official expressions of grief and sympathy were almost
unprecedented. This public display was not at all encouraged by Tiberius
himself. Drusus was instructed to emphasize the fact that Piso must not
be held either guilty or innocent, till the case had been sifted.
Tiberius insisted that not he, but the senate, must be the judge; the
case must be decided on its merits, not out of consideration for his own
outraged feelings. Piso was charged with having corrupted the soldiery,
levied war on the province of Syria, and poisoned Germanicus. All except
the last charge were proved up to the hilt; for that alone there was no
evidence. Piso, however, despaired, fearing less the ebullitions of
popular wrath than the emotionless implacability of the emperor. He was
found dead in his room; but whether by his own act or that of Tiberius,
was generally doubted. The penalties imposed on his wife and son were
mitigated by the emperor himself.

A number of notorious scandals at this period emphasise the degradation
of morals and the disregard for the sanctity of the marriage tie in a
society where children were regarded as a burden, in spite of official
encouragement of the birth-rate. There was an instructive debate on a
proposal that magistrates appointed to provinces should not take their
wives with them.

Risings in Gaul of the Treveri and Aedui created much alarm in Rome; the
composure of Tiberius was justified by their decisive suppression.

In Africa, Blaems successfully suppressed, though he did not finally
curb, the brigand chief Tacfarinas, who had been building up a nomad
empire of his own. It was under Dolabella, the successor of Blaems, that
Tacfarinas was completely overthrown and slain.

Hitherto the rule of Tiberius had been, on the whole, prosperous. But
the ninth year marks the establishment of the ascendancy of AElius
Sejanus over the mind of the emperor, whereby his sway was transformed
into a foul tyranny. Not of noble birth, Sejanus had neglected no means,
however base, to secure his own favour with Tiberius and with the
Praetorian Guard, of which he held the command. He was now determined to
get rid of Drusus, the son of Tiberius, as the most dangerous obstacle
to his ambitions. He accomplished his purpose by administering a poison,
of which the operation was unsuspected till the facts were revealed many
years later by an accomplice. Then the young sons of Germanicus became
the accepted representatives of the imperial line, for the infant sons
of Drusus died very shortly afterwards. Accordingly, Sejanus now
directed his attacks against the more powerful persons who might be
regarded as partisans of the house of Germanicus.

Despite the multiplications of prosecutions, it is to be noted that it
was still possible for a shrewd and tactful person, as exemplified by
the career of Marcus Lepidus, to uphold the principles of justice and
liberty without losing the favour of the emperor. Among other
prosecutions, that of Cremutius, whose crime was that of praising the
memory of Brutus and Cassius, demands attention, as the first of the
kind.

The ambitions of Sejanus received a check when he had the presumption to
request Tiberius to grant him the hand of the widow of Drusus in
marriage. In order the more surely to bring disgrace on the house of
Germanicus, he now implanted in the mind of Agrippina a conviction that
Tiberius intended to poison her. That such suspicions were mere
commonplaces of that terrible time is well illustrated by the story.
Incapable of hiding her feelings, the persistent gloom of her face and
voice, and her refusal of proffered dishes as she sat near Tiberius at
dinner, attracted his attention; to test her, he personally commended
and pressed on her some apples; this only intensified her suspicions,
and she gave them to the attendants untasted. Tiberius made no open
comment, but observed to his mother that it would hardly be surprising
should he contemplate harsh measures towards one who obviously took him
for a poisoner.


_III.--Morbid Tyrant and Dotard_


It was at this time that Tiberius withdrew himself from the capital, and
took up his residence at a country seat where hardly anyone had access
to him except Sejanus; whether at the favourite's suggestion or not is
uncertain. The retreat finally selected was the island of Caprae.

The monstrous lengths to which men of the highest rank were now prepared
to go to curry favour with Tiberius and Sejanus was exemplified in the
ruin of Sabinus, a loyal friend of the house of Germanicus. The
unfortunate man was tricked into speaking bitterly of Sejanus and
Tiberius. Three senators were actually hidden above the ceiling of the
room where he was entrapped into uttering unguarded phrases, and on this
evidence he was condemned.

The death of the aged Livia Augusta removed the last check on the
influence of Sejanus.

[The account of his two years of unqualified supremacy, and of his
sudden and utter overthrow has been lost, two books of the "Annals"
being missing here.]

From this time, the life of Tiberius at Caprae was one of morbid and
nameless debauchery. The condition of his mind may be inferred from the
opening words of one of his letters to the senate. "If I know what to
write, how to write it, what not to write, may the gods and goddesses
destroy me with a worse misery than the death I feel myself dying
daily." The end came when Macro, the prefect of the Praetorians, who, to
save his own life and secure the succession of Gaius Caesar Caligula, the
surviving son of Germanicus, caused the old emperor to be smothered.

[The record of the next ten years--the reign of Caligula, and the first
years of Claudius--is lost. When the story is taken up again, the wife
of Claudius, the infamous Messalina, was at the zenith of her evil
career.]

While the doting pedant Claudius was adding new letters to the alphabet,
Messalina was parading with utter shamelessness her last and fatal
passion for Silius, and went so far as publicly to marry her paramour.
It was the freedman Narcissus who made the outrageous truth known to
Claudius, and practically terrorised him into striking. Half measures
were impossible; a swarm of Messalina's accomplices in vice were put to
death. To her, Claudius showed signs of relenting; but Narcissus gave
the orders for her death without his knowledge. When they told Claudius
that she was dead, he displayed no emotion, but went on with his dinner,
and apparently forgot the whole matter.

A new wife had to be provided; Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus,
niece of Claudius himself, and mother of the boy Domitius, who was to
become the emperor Nero, was the choice of the freedman Pallas, and
proved the successful candidate. Shortly after, her new husband adopted
Nero formally as his son. It was not long before she had assumed an air
of equality with her husband; and all men saw that she intended him to
be succeeded not by his own son Britannicus, but by hers, Nero.

Meanwhile, there had been a great revolt in Britain against the
propraetor Ostorius. First the Iceni took up arms, then the Brigantes;
then--a still more serious matter--the Silures, led by the most
brilliant of British warriors, Caractacus. Even his skill and courage,
however, were of no avail against the superior armament of the Roman
legions; his forces were broken up, and he himself, escaping to the
Brigantes, was by them betrayed to the Romans. The famous warrior was
carried to Rome, where by his dignified demeanour he won pardon and
liberty. In the Far East, Mithridates was overthrown by his nephew
Rhadamistus, and Parthia and Armenia remained in wild confusion. The
reign of Claudius was brought to an end by poison--the notorious Locusta
was employed by Agrippina for the purpose--and he was succeeded by Nero,
to whom his mother's artifices gave the priority over Britannicus.


_IV.--The Infamies of Nero_


At the outset the young emperor was guided by Seneca and Burrus; his
first speech--put into his mouth by Seneca, for he was no orator--was
full of promise. But he was encouraged in a passion for Acte, a
freed-woman, by way of counterpoise to the influence of his mother,
Agrippina. The latter, enraged at the dismissal of Pallas, threatened
her son with the legitimate claims of Britannicus, son of Claudius; Nero
had the boy poisoned. In terror now of his mother, he would have
murdered her, but was checked by Burrus. Nero's private excesses and
debaucheries developed, while the horrible system of delation
flourished, and prosecutions for treason abounded.

About this time the emperor's passion for Poppaea Sabina, the wife of
Otho, became the source of later disaster. Beautiful, brilliant, utterly
immoral, but complete mistress of her passions, she had married Nero's
boon companion. Otho was dispatched to Lusitania, and Poppaea remained at
Rome. Poppaea was bent on the imperial crown for herself, and urged Nero
against his mother. A mock reconciliation took place, but it was only
the preliminary to a treacherous plot for murdering the former empress.
The plot failed; her barge was sunk, but she escaped to shore. Nero,
however, with the shameful assent of Burrus and Seneca, dispatched
assassins to carry out the work, and Agrippina was slaughtered.

For a moment remorse seized Nero, but it was soon soothed; Burrus headed
the cringing congratulations of Roman society, to which Thrasea Paetus
was alone in refusing to be a party. The emperor forthwith began to
plunge into the wild extravagances on which his mother's life had been
some check. He took cover for his passion for chariot-driving and
singing by inducing men of noble birth to exhibit themselves in the
arena; high-born ladies acted in disreputable plays; the emperor himself
posed as a mime, and pretended to be a patron of poetry and philosophy.
The wildest licence prevailed, and there were those who ventured even to
defend it.

About this time the Roman governor in Britain, Suetonius, crossed the
Menai Strait and conquered the island of Anglesea. But outrages
committed against Boadicea, queen of the Iceni, stirred that tribe to
fierce revolt. Being joined by the Trinobantes, they fell upon the
Romans at Camulodunum and massacred them. Suetonius, returning hastily
from the west, found the Roman population in panic. The troops, however,
inspired by the general's resolution, won a decisive victory, in which
it is said that no fewer than 80,000 Britons, men and women, were
slaughtered.

Not long after, Burrus died--in common belief, if not in actual fact, of
poison; and Seneca found himself driven into retirement, while
Tigellinus became Nero's favourite and confidant. Nero then capped his
matricide by suborning the same scoundrel who had murdered Agrippina to
bring foul and false charges against his innocent wife, Octavia; who was
thus done to death when not yet twenty, that her husband might be free
to marry Poppaea. As a matter of course, the crime was duly celebrated by
a public thanksgiving.

The dispatch of an incompetent general into Asia resulted in a most
inglorious Parthian campaign. Nero, however, was more interested first
in extravagant rejoicings at the birth of a daughter to Poppaea, and then
in equally extravagant mourning over the infant's death. It was well
that Corbulo, marching from Syria, restored the Roman prestige in the
Far East.

These events were followed by the famous fire which devastated Rome;
whether or no it was actually Nero's own work, rumour declared that he
appeared on a private stage while the conflagration was raging, and
chanted appropriately of the fall of Troy. He planned rebuilding on a
magnificent scale, and sought popularity by throwing the blame of the
fire--and putting to the most exquisite tortures--a class hated for
their abominations, called Christians, from their first leader,
Christus, who had suffered the extreme penalty under Pontius Pilate,
procurator of Judaea, in the reign of Tiberius.

A very widespread conspiracy was now formed against Nero, in favour of
one Gaius Calpurnius Piso; Faenius Rufus, an officer of the Praetorians,
who had been subordinated to Tigellinus, being one of the leaders. The
plot, however, was betrayed by a freedman of one of the conspirators.

       *       *       *       *       *




SALLUST


The Conspiracy of Catiline


     The Roman historian Caius Crispus Sallust, who was born at
     Amiternum in 86 B.C., and died in 34 B.C., lived throughout
     the active career of Julius Caesar, and died while Anthony and
     Octavian were still rivals for the supreme power. It might be
     supposed from his works that he was a person of eminent
     virtue, but this was merely a literary pose. He was probably
     driven into private life, in the first place, on account of
     the scandals with which he was associated. He became a
     partisan of Caesar in the struggle with Pompey, and to this he
     owed the pro-consulship of Numidia, on the proceeds of which
     he retired into leisured ease. Sallust aspired with very
     limited success to assume the mantle of Thucydides, and the
     role of a philosophic historian. He displays considerable
     political acumen on occasion, but his assumption of stern
     impartiality is hardly less a pose than his pretense of
     elevated morality. His "Conspiracy of Catiline"--the first of
     his historical essays--was probably written, in part at least,
     with the object of dissociating Caesar from it; the lurid
     colors in which he paints the conspirator are probably
     exaggerated. But whether true or false, the picture presented
     is a vivid one. This epitome is adapted specially from the
     Latin text.


_I.--The Plotting_


I esteem the intellectual above the physical qualities of man; and the
task of the historian has attracted me because it taxes the writer's
abilities to the utmost Personal ambition had at first drawn me into
public life, but the political atmosphere, full of degradation and
corruption, was so uncongenial that I resolved to retire and devote
myself to the production of a series of historical studies, for which I
felt myself to be the better fitted by my freedom from the influences
which bias the political partisan. For the first of these studies I have
selected the conspiracy of Catiline.

Lucius Catilina [commonly called Catiline] was of high birth, richly
endowed both in mind and body, but of extreme depravity; with
extraordinary powers of endurance, reckless, crafty, and versatile, a
master in the arts of deception, at once grasping and lavish, unbridled
in his passions, ready of speech, but with little true insight Of
insatiable and inordinate ambitions, he was possessed, after Sulla's
supremacy, with a craving to grasp the control of the state, utterly
careless of the means, so the end were attained. Naturally headstrong,
he was urged forward by his want of money, the consciousness of his
crimes, and the degradation of morals in a society where luxury and
greed ruled side by side.

The wildest, the most reckless, the most prodigal, the most criminal,
were readily drawn into the circle of Catiline's associates; in such a
circle those who were not already utterly depraved very soon became so
under the sinister and seductive influence of their leader. This man,
who in the pursuit of his own vices had done his own son to death, did
not hesitate to encourage his pupils in every species of crime; and with
such allies, and the aid of the disbanded Sullan soldiery swarming in
Italy, he dreamed of subverting the Roman state while her armies, under
Gnaeus Pompeius, were far away.

The first step was to secure his own election as consul. One plot of his
had already failed, because Catiline himself had attempted to move
prematurely; but the conspirators remained scatheless. Those who were
now with Catiline included members of the oldest families and of
equestrian rank. Crassus himself was suspected of complicity, owing to
his rivalry with Pompeius. The assembled conspirators were addressed by
Catiline in a speech of the most virulent character. He urged these
social outcasts to rise against a bloated plutocracy battening on the
ill-gotten wealth to which his audience had just as good a title. He
promised the cancellation of all debts, the proscription of the wealthy,
and the general application of the rule of "the spoils to the victors."
He had friends at the head of the armies in Spain and Mauritania, if
Gaius Antonius were the other successful candidate for the consulship,
his co-operation, too, could be secured. Such was the purport of his
speech; but I do not credit the popular fiction that the conspirators
were solemnly pledged in a bowl of mingled wine and blood.

Rumours of the plot, however, began to leak out through a certain
Fulvia, mistress of Quintus Curio, a man who had been expelled from the
senatorial body on account of his iniquities; and this probably caused
many of the nobility to support, for the consulship, Cicero, whom, as a
"new man," they would otherwise have religiously opposed. The result was
that Catiline's candidature failed, and Cicero was elected with Gaius
Antonius for his colleague.

At length Cicero, seeing that the ferment was everywhere increasing to
an extent with which the ordinary law could not cope, obtained from the
senate the exceptional powers for dealing with a national emergency
which they had constitutional authority to grant. Thus, when news came
that a Catilinarian, Gaius Manlius, had risen in Etruria at the head of
an armed force, prompt administrative measures were taken to dispatch
adequate military forces to various parts of the country. Catiline
himself had taken no overt action; he now presented himself in the
senate, was openly assailed by Cicero, responded with insults which were
interrupted by cries of indignation, and flung from the house with the
words "Since I am beset by enemies and driven out, the fire you have
kindled about me shall be crushed out by the ruin of yourselves."

Seeing that delay would be fatal, he started at once for the camp of
Manlius, leaving Cethegus and Lentulus to keep up the ferment in Rome.
To several persons of position he sent letters announcing that he was
retiring to Marseilles; but, with misplaced confidence, he sent one of a
different and extremely compromising tenor to Quintus Catullus, which
the recipient read to the senate. It was next reported that he had
assumed the consular attributes and joined Manlius; whereupon he was
proclaimed a public enemy, a general levy was decreed, Antonius was
appointed to take the field, while Cicero was to remain in the capital.


_II.--The Downfall_


Meanwhile, Lentulus at Rome, among his various plots, intrigued to
obtain the support of the Allobroges, a tribe of Gauls from whom there
was at the time an embassy in Rome. The envoys, however, took the advice
of Quintus Fabius Sanga, and while he kept Cicero supplied with
information, themselves pretended to be at one with the conspirators.

Risings were now taking place all over Italy, though they were
ill-concerted. At Rome, the plan was that when Catiline's army was at
Faesulae, the tribune Lucius Bestia should publicly accuse Cicero of
having caused the war; and this was to be the signal for an organised
massacre, while the city itself was to be fired at twelve points
simultaneously. The insurgents were then to march out and join Catiline
at Faesulae.

The Allobroges were now departing, carrying with them letters from
Lentulus to Catiline; but according to a concerted plan, they were
arrested. This provided Cicero with evidence which warranted the arrest
of Lentulus and other ringleaders in Rome; and its publication created a
popular revulsion--the lower classes were not averse from plunder, but
saw no benefit to themselves in a general conflagration of Rome.

A certain Lucius Tarquinius was now captured, who gave information
tallying with what was already published, but further incriminated
Crassus. Crassus, however, was so wealthy, and had so many of the senate
in his power, that even those who believed the charge to be true,
thought it politic to pronounce it a gross fabrication. The danger of an
attempted rescue of Lentulus brought on a debate as to what should be
done with the prisoners. Caesar, from whatever motive, spoke forcibly
against any unconstitutional action which, however justified by the
enormity of the prisoners' guilt, might become a dangerous precedent. In
his opinion, the wise course would be to confiscate the property of the
prisoners, and to place their persons in custody not in Rome, but in
provincial towns.

Caesar's humanitarian statesmanship was answered by the grave austerity
of Cato. "The question for us is not that of punishing a crime, but of
preserving the state--or of what the degenerate Roman of to-day cares
for more than the state, our lives and property. To speak of clemency
and compassion is an abuse of terms only too common, when vices are
habitually dignified with the names of virtues. Let us for once act with
vigour and decision, and doom these convicted traitors to the death they
deserve." The decree of death was carried to immediate execution. In the
meantime, Catiline had raised a force numbering two legions, but not
more than a quarter of them were properly armed. He remained in the
hills, refusing to give battle to Antonius.

On hearing the fate of Lentulus and the rest, he attempted to retreat to
Gaul, but this movement was anticipated and intercepted by Metellus
Celer, who was posted at Picenum with three legions. With Antonius
pressing on his rear, Catiline resolved to hazard all on a desperate
engagement. In exhorting his troops, he dwelt on the fact that men
fighting for life and liberty were more than a match for a foe who had
infinitely less at stake.

Thus brought to bay, Catiline's soldiers met the attack of the
government troops with furious valour, their leader setting a brilliant
example of desperate daring, and the most vigilant and vigorous
generalship. But Petreius, on the other side, directed his force against
the rebel centre, shattered it, and took the wings in flank. Catiline's
followers stood and fought till they fell, with their wounds in front;
he himself hewed his way through the foe, and was found still breathing
at a distance from his own ranks. No quarter was given or taken; and
among the rebels there were no survivors. In the triumphant army, all
the stoutest soldiers were slain or wounded; mourning and grief mingled
with the elation of victory.

       *       *       *       *       *




EDWARD GIBBON


Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire--I


     Edward Gibbon, son of a Hampshire gentleman, was born at
     Putney, near London, April 27, 1737. After a preliminary
     education at Westminster, and fourteen "unprofitable" months
     at Magdalen College, Oxford, a whim to join the Roman church
     led to his banishment to Lausanne, where he spent five years,
     and acquired a mastery of the French language, formed his
     taste for literary expression, and settled his religious
     doubts in a profound scepticism. He served some years in the
     militia, and was a member of parliament. It was in 1764, while
     musing amidst, the ruins of the Capitol of Rome, that the idea
     of writing "The Decline and Fall" of the city first started
     into his mind. The vast work was completed in 1787. "A Study
     in Literature," written in French, and his "Miscellaneous
     Works," published after his death, which include "The Memoirs
     of his Life and Writings," complete the list of his literary
     labours. He died of dropsy on January 16, 1794. The portion of
     the work which is epitomized here covers the period from the
     reign of Commodus to the era of Charlemagne, and includes the
     famous portion of the work dealing with the growth of the
     Christian church.


_I.--Rome, Mistress of the World_


In the second century of the Christian era, the Empire of Rome
comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the most civilised
portion of mankind. On the death of Augustus, that emperor bequeathed,
as a valuable legacy to his successors, the advice of confining the
empire within those limits which nature seemed to have placed as its
permanent bulwarks and boundaries--on the west the Atlantic Ocean, the
Rhine and Danube on the north, the Euphrates on the east, and towards
the south the sandy deserts of Arabia and Africa. The subsequent
settlement of Great Britain and Dacia supplied the two exceptions to the
precepts of Augustus, if we omit the transient conquests of Trajan in
the east, which were renounced by Hadrian.

By maintaining the dignity of the empire, without attempting to enlarge
its limits, the early emperors caused the Roman name to be revered among
the most remote nations of the earth. The terror of their arms added
weight and dignity to their moderation. They preserved peace by a
constant preparation for war. The soldiers, though drawn from the
meanest, and very frequently from the most profligate, of mankind, and
no longer, as in the days of the ancient republic, recruited from Rome
herself, were preserved in their allegiance to the emperor, and their
invincibility before the enemy, by the influences of superstition,
inflexible discipline, and the hopes of reward. The peace establishment
of the Roman army numbered some 375,000 men, divided into thirty
legions, who were confined, not within the walls of fortified cities,
which the Romans considered as the refuge of pusillanimity, but upon the
confines of the empire; while 20,000 chosen soldiers, distinguished by
the titles of City Cohorts and Praetorian Guards, watched over the safety
of the monarch and the capitol.

"Wheresoever the Roman conquers he inhabits," was a very just
observation of Seneca. Colonies, composed for the most part of veteran
soldiers, were settled throughout the empire. Rich and prosperous
cities, adorned with magnificent temples and baths and other public
buildings, demonstrated at once the magnificence and majesty of the
Roman system. In Britain, York was the seat of government. London was
already enriched by commerce, and Bath was celebrated for the salutary
effects of its medicinal waters.

All the great cities were connected with each other, and with the
capital, by the public highway, which, issuing from the Forum of Rome,
traversed Italy, pervaded the provinces, and was terminated only by the
frontiers of the empire. This great chain of communications ran in a
direct line from city to city, and in its construction the Roman
engineers snowed little respect for the obstacles, either of nature or
of private property. Mountains were perforated and bold arches thrown
over the broadest and most rapid streams. The middle part of the road,
raised into a terrace which commanded the adjacent country, consisted of
several strata of sand, gravel, and cement, and was paved with granite
or large stones. Distances were accurately computed by milestones, and
the establishment of post-houses, at a distance of five or six miles,
enabled a citizen to travel with ease a hundred miles a day along the
Roman roads.

This freedom of intercourse, which was established throughout the Roman
world, while it extended the vices, diffused likewise the improvements
of social life. Rude barbarians of Gaul laid aside their arms for the
more peaceful pursuits of agriculture. The cultivation of the earth
produced abundance in every portion of the empire, and accidental
scarcity in any single province was immediately relieved by the
plentifulness of its more fortunate neighbours. Since the productions of
nature are the materials of art, this flourishing condition of
agriculture laid the foundation of manufactures, which provided the
luxurious Roman with those refinements of conveniency, of elegance, and
of splendour which his tastes demanded. Commerce flourished, and the
products of Egypt and the East were poured out in the lap of Rome.

Though there still existed within the body of the Roman Empire an
unhappy condition of men who endured the weight, without sharing the
benefits of society, the position of a slave was greatly improved in the
progress of Roman development. The power of life and death was taken
from his master's hands and vested in the magistrate, to whom he had a
right to appeal against intolerable treatment. These magistrates
exercised the authority of the emperor and the senate in every quarter
of the empire, inflexibly maintaining in their administration, as in the
case of military government, the use of the Latin tongue. Greek was the
natural idiom of science, Latin that of government.


_II.--The Seeds of Dissolution_


But while Roman society persisted in a state of peaceful security, it
already contained within itself the seeds of dissolution. The long peace
and uniform government of the Romans introduced a slow and secret poison
into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced
to the same level, the fire of genius was extinguished, and even the
military spirit evaporated. The citizens received laws and covenants
from the will of their sovereign, and trusted for their defence to a
mercenary army. Of their ancient freedom nothing remained except the
name, and that Augustus, sensible that mankind is governed by names, was
careful to preserve.

It was by the will of the senate the emperor ruled. It was from the
senate that he received the ancient titles of the republic--of consul,
tribune, pontiff, and censor. Even his title of _imperator_ was decreed
him, according to the custom of the republic, only for a period of ten
years. But this specious pretence, which was preserved until the last
days of the empire, did not mask the real autocratic authority of the
emperor. The fact that he nominated citizens to the senate was proof, if
proof were needed, that the independence of that body was destroyed; for
the principles of a free constitution are irrecoverably lost when the
legislative power is nominated by the executive.

Moreover, the dependence of the emperor on the legions completely
subverted the civil authority. To keep the military power, which had
given him his position, from undermining it, Augustus had summoned to
his aid whatever remained in the fierce minds of his soldiers of Roman
prejudices, and interposing the majesty of the senate between the
emperor and the army, boldly claimed their allegiance as the first
magistrate of the republic. During a period of 220 years, the dangers
inherent to a military government were in a great measure suspended by
this artful system. The soldiers were seldom roused to that fatal sense
of their own strength and of the weakness of the civil authority which
afterwards was productive of such terrible calamities.

The emperors Caligula and Domitian were assassinated in their palace by
their own domestics. The Roman world, it is true, was shaken by the
events that followed the death of Nero, when, in the space of eighteen
months, four princes perished by the sword. But, excepting this violent
eruption of military licence, the two centuries from Augustus to
Commodus passed away unstained with civil blood and undisturbed by
revolution. The Roman citizens might groan under the tyranny, from which
they could not hope to escape, of the unrelenting Tiberius, the furious
Caligula, the profligate and cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellius, and the
timid, inhuman Domitian; but order was maintained, and it was not until
Commodus, the son of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher,
succeeded to the authority that his father had exercised for the benefit
of the Roman Empire that the army fully realised, and did not fail to
exercise, the power it had always possessed.

During the first three years of his reign the vices of Commodus affected
the emperor rather than the state. While the young prince revelled in
licentious pleasures, the management of affairs remained in the hands of
his father's faithful councillors; but, in the year 183, the attempt of
his sister Lucilla to assassinate him produced fatal results. The
assassin, in attempting the deed, exclaimed, "The senate sends you
this!" and though the blow never reached the body of the emperor, the
words sank deep into his heart.

He turned upon the senate with relentless cruelty. The possession of
either wealth or virtue excited the tyrant's fury. Suspicion was
equivalent to proof; trial to condemnation, and the noblest blood of the
senate was poured out like water.

He has shed with impunity the noblest blood of Rome; he perished as soon
as he was dreaded by his own domestics. A cup of drugged wine, delivered
by his favourite concubine, plunged him in a deep sleep. At the
instigation of Laetus, his Praetorian prefect, a robust youth was admitted
into his chamber, and strangled him without resistance. With secrecy and
celerity the conspirators sought out Pertinax, the prefect of the city,
an ancient senator of consular rank, and persuaded him to accept the
purple. A large donative secured them the support of the Praetorian
guard, and the joyous senate eagerly bestowed upon the new Augustus all
the titles of imperial power.

For eighty-six days Pertinax ruled the empire with firmness and
moderation, but the strictness of the ancient discipline that he
attempted to restore in the army excited the hatred of the Praetorian
guards, and the new emperor was struck down on March 28, 193.


_III.--An Empire at Auction_


The Praetorians had violated the sanctity of the throne by the atrocious
murder of Pertinax; they dishonored the majesty of it with their
subsequent conduct. They ran out upon the ramparts of the city, and with
a loud voice proclaimed that the Roman world was to be disposed of to
the best bidder by public auction. Sulpicianus, father-in-law of
Pertinax, and Didius Julianus, bid against each other for the prize. It
fell to Julian, who offered upwards of L1,000 sterling to each of the
soldiers, and the author of this ignominious bargain received the
insignia of the empire and the acknowledgments of a trembling senate.

The news of this disgraceful auction was received by the legions of the
frontiers with surprise, with indignation, and, perhaps, with envy.
Albinus, governor of Britain, Niger, governor of Syria, and Septimius
Severus, a native of Africa, commander of the Pannonian army, prepared
to revenge the death of Pertinax, and to establish their own claims to
the vacant throne. Marching night and day, Severus crossed the Julian
Alps, swept aside the feeble defences of Julian, and put an end to a
reign of power which had lasted but sixty-six days, and had been
purchased with such immense treasure. Having secured the supreme
authority, Severus turned his arms against his two competitors, and
within three years, and in the course of two or three battles,
established his position and brought about the death of both Albinus and
Niger.

The prosperity of Rome revived, and a profound peace reigned throughout
the world. At the same time, Severus was guilty of two acts which were
detrimental to the future interests of the republic. He relaxed the
discipline of the army, increased their pay beyond the example of former
times, re-established the Praetorian guards, who had been abolished for
their transaction with Julian, and welded more firmly the chains of
tyranny by filling the senate with his creatures. At the age of
sixty-five in the year 211, he expired at York of a disorder which was
aggravated by the labours of a campaign against the Caledonians.

Severus recommended concord to his sons, Caracalla and Geta, and his
sons to the army. The government of the civilised world was entrusted to
the hands of brothers who were implacable enemies. A latent civil war
brooded in the city, and hardly more than a year passed before the
assassins of Caracalla put an end to an impossible situation by
murdering Geta. Twenty thousand persons of both sexes suffered death
under the vague appellation of the friends of Geta. The fears of
Macrinus, the controller of the civil affairs of the Praetorian
prefecture, brought about his death in the neighbourhood of Carrhae in
Syria on April 8, 217.

For a little more than a year his successor governed the empire, but the
necessary step of reforming the army brought about his ruin. On June 7,
218, he succumbed to the superior fortune of Elagabulus, the grandson of
Severus, a youth trained in all the superstitions and vices of the East.

Under this sovereign Rome was prostituted to the vilest vices of which
human nature is capable. The sum of his infamy was reached when the
master of the Roman world affected to copy the dress and manners of the
female sex. The shame and disgust of the soldiers resulted in his murder
on March 10, 222, and the proclamation of his cousin, Alexander Severus.

Again the necessity of restoring discipline within the army led to the
ruin of the emperor, and, despite thirteen years of just and moderate
government, Alexander was murdered in his tent on March 19, 235, on the
banks of the Rhine, and Maximin, his chief lieutenant, a Thracian,
reigned in his stead.


_IV.--Tyranny and Disaster_


Fear of contempt, for his origin was mean and barbarian, made Maximin
one of the cruellest tyrants that ever oppressed the Roman world. During
the three years of his reign he disdained to visit either Rome or Italy,
but from the banks of the Rhine and the Danube oppressed the whole
state, and trampled on every principle of law and justice. The tyrant's
avarice ruined not only private citizens, but seized the municipal funds
of the cities, and stripped the very temples of their gold and silver
offerings.

Maximus and Balbinus, on July 9, 237, were declared emperors. The
Emperor Maximus advanced to meet the furious tyrant, but the stroke of
domestic conspiracy prevented the further eruption of civil war. Maximin
and his son were murdered by their disappointed troops in front of
Aquileia.

Three months later, Maximus and Balbinus, on July 15, 238, fell victims
to their own virtues at the hands of the Praetorian guard, Gordian became
emperor. At the end of six years, he, too, after an innocent and
virtuous reign, succumbed to the ambition of the prefect Philip, while
engaged in a war with Persia, and in March 244, the Roman world
recognized the sovereignty of an Arabian robber.

Returning to Rome, Philip celebrated the secular games, on the
accomplishment of the full period of a thousand years from the
foundation of Rome. From that date, which marked the fifth time that
these rites had been performed in the history of the city, for the next
twenty years the Roman world was afflicted by barbarous invaders and
military tyrants, and the ruined empire seemed to approach the last and
fatal moment of its dissolution. Six emperors in turn succeeded to the
sceptre of Philip and ended their lives, either as the victims of
military licence, or in the vain attempt to stay the triumphal eruption
of the Goths and the Franks and the Suevi. In three expeditions the
Goths seized the Bosphorus, plundered the cities of Bithynia, ravaged
Greece, and threatened Italy, while the Franks invaded Gaul, overran
Spain and the provinces of Africa.

Some sparks of their ancient virtue enabled the senate to repulse the
Suevi, who threatened Rome herself, but the miseries of the empire were
not assuaged by this one triumph, and the successes of Sapor, king of
Persia, in the East, seemed to foreshadow the immediate downfall of
Rome. Six emperors and thirty tyrants attempted in vain to stay the
course of disaster. Famine and pestilence, tumults and disorders, and a
great diminution of the population marked this period, which ended with
the death of the Emperor Gallienus on March 20, 268.


_V.--Restorers of the Roman World_


The empire, which had been oppressed and almost destroyed by the
soldiers, the tyrants, and the barbarians, was saved by a series of
great princes, who derived their obscure origin from the martial
provinces of Illyricum. Within a period of about thirty years, Claudius,
Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian and his colleagues triumphed over the
foreign and domestic enemies of the state, re-established, with a
military discipline, the strength of the frontier, and deserved the
glorious title of Restorers of the Roman world.

Claudius gained a crushing victory over the Goths, whose discomfiture
was completed by disease in the year 269. And his successor, Aurelian,
in a reign of less than five years, put an end to the Gothic war,
chastised the Germans who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and
Britain from the Roman usurpers, and destroyed the proud monarchy which
Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, had erected in the East on the ruins of the
afflicted empire.

The murder of Aurelian in the East (January 275) led to a curious
revival of the authority of the senate. During an interregnum of eight
months the ancient assembly at Rome governed with the consent of the
army, and appeared to regain with the election of Tacitus, one of their
members, all their ancient prerogatives. Their authority expired,
however, with the death of his successor, Probus, who delivered the
empire once more from the invasions of the barbarians, and succumbed to
the too common fate of assassination in August 282.

Carus, who was elected in his place, maintained the reputation of the
Roman arms in the East; but his supposed death by lightning, by
delivering the sceptre into the hands of his sons Carinus and Numerian
(December 25, 283), once more placed the Roman world at the mercy of
profligacy and licentiousness. A year later, the election of the Emperor
Diocletian (September 17, 284) founded a new era in the history and
fortunes of the empire.

It was the artful policy of Diocletian to destroy the last vestiges of
the ancient constitution. Dividing his unwieldly power among three other
associates--Maximian, a rough, brutal soldier, who ranked as Augustus;
and Galerius and Constantius, who bore the inferior titles of Caesar--the
emperor removed the centre of government by gradual steps from Rome.
Diocletian and Maximian held their courts in the provinces, and the
authority of the senators was destroyed by spoliation and death.


_VI.--Reign of the Six Emperors_


For twenty-one years Diocletian held sway, establishing, with the
assistance of his associates, the might of the Roman arms in Britain,
Africa, Egypt, and Persia; and then, on May 1, 305, in a spacious plain
in the neighborhood of Nicomedia, divested himself of the purple and
abdicated the throne. On the same day at Milan, Maximian reluctantly
made his resignation of the imperial dignity.

According to the rules of the new constitution, Constantius and Galerius
assumed the title of Augustus, and nominated Maximin and Severus as
Caesars. The elaborate machinery devised by Diocletian at once broke
down. Galerius, who was supported by Severus, intrigued for the
possession of the whole Roman world. Constantine, the son of
Constantius, on account of his popularity with the army and the people,
excited his suspicion, and only the flight of Constantine saved him from
death. He made his way to Gaul, and, after taking part in a campaign
with his father against the Caledonians, received the title of Augustus
in the imperial palace at York on the death of Constantius.

Civil war once more raged. Maxentius, the son of Maximian, was declared
Emperor of Rome, and, with the assistance of his father, who broke from
his retirement, defended his title against Severus, who was taken
prisoner at Ravenna and executed at Rome in February 307. Galerius, who
had raised Licinius to fill the post vacated by the death of Severus,
invaded Italy to reestablish his authority, but, after threatening Rome,
was compelled to retire.

There were now six emperors. Maximian and his son Maxentius and
Constantine in the West; in the East, Gelerius, Maximin, and Licinius.
The second resignation of Maximian, and his renewed attempt to seize the
imperial power by seducing the soldiers of Constantine, and his
subsequent execution at Marseilles in February 310, reduced the number
to five. Galerius died of a lingering disorder in the following year,
and the civil war that broke out between Maxentius and Constantine,
culminating in a battle near Rome in 312, placed the sceptre of the West
in the hands of the son of Constantius. In the East, the alliance
between Licinius and Maximin dissolved into discord, and the defeat of
the latter on April 30, 313, ended in his death three or four months
later.

The empire was now divided between Constantine and Licinius, and the
ambition of the two princes rendered peace impossible. In the years 315
and 323 civil conflict broke out, ending, after the battle of Adrianople
and the siege of Byzantium, in a culminating victory for Constantine in
the field of Chrysopolis, in September. Licinius, taken prisoner, laid
himself and his purple at the feet of his lord and master, and was duly
executed.

By successive steps, from his first assuming the purple at York, to the
resignation of Licinius, Constantine had reached the undivided
sovereignty of the Roman world. His success contributed to the decline
of the empire by the expense of blood and treasure, and by the perpetual
increase as well of the taxes as of the military establishments. The
foundation of Constantinople and the establishment of the Christian
religion were the immediate and memorable consequences of this
revolution.

       *       *       *       *       *




Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire--II


_I.--Decay of the Empire under Constantine_


The unfortunate Licinius was the last rival who opposed the greatness of
Constantine. After a tranquil and prosperous reign, the conqueror
bequeathed to his family the inheritance of the Roman Empire; a new
capital, a new policy, and a new religion; and the innovations which he
established have been embraced, and consecrated, by succeeding
generations.

Byzantium, which, under the more august name of Constantinople, was
destined to preserve the shadow of the Roman power for nearly a thousand
years after it had been extinguished by Rome herself, was the site
selected for the new capital. Its boundary was traced by the emperor,
and its circumference measured some sixteen miles. In a general decay of
the arts no architect could be found worthy to decorate the new capital,
and the cities of Greece and Asia were despoiled of their most valuable
ornaments to supply this want of ability. In the course of eight or ten
years the city, with its beautiful forum, its circus, its imperial
palace, its theatres, baths, churches, and houses, was completed with
more haste than care. The dedication of the new Rome was performed with
all due pomp and ceremony, and a population was provided by the
expedient of summoning some of the wealthiest families in the empire to
take up their residence within its walls.

The gradual decay of Rome had eliminated that simplicity of manners
which was the just pride of the ancient republic. Under the autocratic
system of Diocletian, a hierarchy of dependents had sprung up. The rank
of each was marked with the most scrupulous exactness, and the purity of
the Latin language was debased by the invention of the deceitful titles
of your Sincerity, your Excellency, your Illustrious and Magnificent
Highness.

The officials of the empire were divided into three classes of the
Illustrious, Respectable, and Honourable. The consuls were still
annually elected, but obtained the semblance of their ancient authority,
not from the suffrages of the people, but from the whim of the emperor.
On the morning of January 1 they assumed the ensigns of their dignity,
and in the two capitals of the empire they celebrated their promotion to
office by the annual games. As soon as they had discharged these
customary duties, they retired into the shade of private life, to enjoy,
during the remainder of the year, the undisturbed contemplation of their
own greatness. Their names served only as the legal date of the year in
which they had filled the chair of Marius and of Cicero. The ancient
title of Patrician became now an empty honour bestowed by the emperor.
Four prefects held jurisdiction over as many divisions of the empire,
and two municipal prefects ruled Rome and Constantinople. The proconsuls
and vice-prefects belonged to the rank of Respectable, and the
provincial magistrates to the lower class of Honourable. In the military
system, eight master-generals exercised their jurisdiction over the
cavalry and the infantry, while thirty-five military commanders, with
the titles of counts and dukes, under their orders, held sway in the
provinces. The army itself was recruited with difficulty, for such was
the horror of the profession of a soldier which affected the minds of
the degenerate Romans that compulsory levies had frequently to be made.
The number of the barbarian auxiliaries enormously increased, and they
were included in the legions and the troops that surrounded the throne.
Seven ministers with the rank of Illustrious regulated the affairs of
the palace, and a host of official spies and torturers swelled the
number of the immediate followers of the sovereign.

The general tribute, or indiction, as it was called, was derived largely
from the taxation of landed property. Every fifteen years an accurate
census, or survey, was made of all lands, and the proprietor was
compelled to state the true facts of his affairs under oath, and paid
his contribution partly in gold and partly in kind. In addition to this
land tax there was a capitation tax on every branch of commercial
industry, and "free gifts" were exacted from the cities and provinces on
the occasion of any joyous event in the family of the emperor. The
peculiar "free gift" of the senate of Rome amounted to some $320,000.

Constantine celebrated the twentieth year of his reign at Rome in the
year 326. The glory of his triumph was marred by the execution, or
murder, of his son Crispus, whom he suspected of a conspiracy, and the
reputation of the emperor who established the Christian religion in the
Roman world was further stained by the death of his second wife, Fausta.
With a successful war against the Goths in 331, and the expulsion of the
Sarmatians in 334, his reign closed. He died at Nicomedia on May 22,
337.


_II.--The Division of East and West_


The unity of the empire was again destroyed by the three sons of
Constantine. A massacre of their kinsmen preceded the separation of the
Roman world between Constantius, Constans, and Constantine. Within three
years, civil war eliminated Constantine. The conflict among the emperors
resulted in a doubtful war with Persia, and the almost complete
extinction of the Christian monarchy which had been founded for
fifty-six years in Armenia.

Constantius was left sole emperor in 353. He associated with himself
successively as Caesars the two nephews of the great Constantine, Gallus
and Julian. The first, being suspected, was destroyed in 354; the second
succeeded to the purple in 361.

Trained in the school of the philosophers, and proved as a commander in
a series of successful campaigns against the German hordes, Julian
brought to the throne a genius which, in other times, might have
effected the reformation of the empire. The sufferings of his youth had
associated in a mind susceptible of the most lively impressions the
names of Christ and of Constantius, the ideas of slavery and religion.
At the age of twenty he renounced the Christian faith, and boldly
asserted the doctrines of paganism. His accession to the supreme power
filled the minds of the Christians with horror and indignation. But
instructed by history and reflection, Julian extended to all the
inhabitants of the Roman world the benefits of a free and equal
toleration, and the only hardship which he inflicted on the Christians
was to deprive them of the power of tormenting their fellow subjects,
whom they stigmatised with the odious titles of idolaters and heretics.

While re-establishing and reforming the old pagan system and attempting
to subvert Christianity, he held out a hand of succour to the persecuted
Jews, asked to be permitted to pay his grateful vows in the holy city of
Jerusalem, and was only prevented from rebuilding the Temple by a
supposed preternatural interference. He suppressed the authority of
George, Archbishop of Alexandria, who had infamously persecuted and
betrayed the people under his spiritual care, and that odious priest,
who has been transformed by superstition into the renowned St. George of
England, the patron of arms, of chivalry, and of the Garter, fell a
victim to the just resentment of the Alexandrian multitude.

The Persian system of monarchy, introduced by Diocletian, was
distasteful to the philosophic mind of Julian; he refused the title of
lord and master, and attempted to restore in all its pristine simplicity
the ancient government of the republic. In a campaign against the
Persians he received a mortal wound, and died on June 26, 363.

The election of Jovian, the first of the domestics, by the acclamation
of the soldiers, resulted in a disgraceful peace with the Persians,
which aroused the anger and indignation of the Roman world, and the new
emperor hardly survived this act of weakness for nine months (February
17, 364). The throne of the Roman world remained ten days without a
master. At the end of that period the civil and military powers of the
empire solemnly elected Valentinian as emperor at Nice in Bithynia.

The new Augustus divided the vast empire with his brother Valens, and
this division marked the final separation of the western and eastern
empires. This arrangement continued, until the death of Valentinian in
375, when the western empire was divided between his sons, Gratian and
Valentinian II.

His reign had been notable for the stemming of the invasion of the
Alemanni of Gaul, the incursions of the Burgundians and the Saxons, the
restoration of Britain from the attacks of the Picts and Scots, the
recovery of Africa by the emperor's general, Theodosius, and the
diplomatic settlement with the approaching hordes of the Goths, who
already swarmed upon the frontiers of the empire.

Under the three emperors the Roman world began to feel more severely the
gradual pressure exerted by the hordes of barbarians that moved
westward. In 376 the Goths, pursued by the Huns, who had come from the
steppes of China into Europe, sought the protection of Valens, who
succoured them by transporting them over the Danube into Roman
territory. They repaid his clemency by uniting their arms with those of
the Huns, and defeating and killing him at the battle of Hadrianople in
378.

To save the provinces from the ravages of the barbarians, Gratian
appointed Theodosius, son of his father's general, emperor of the East,
and the wisdom of his choice was justified by the success of one who
added a new lustre to the title of Augustus. By prudent strategy,
Theodosius divided and defeated the Goths, and compelled them to submit.

The sons of Theodosius, Arcadius and Honorius succeeded respectively to
the government of the East and the West in 395. The symptoms of decay,
which not even the wise rule of Theodosius had been able to remove, had
grown more alarming. The luxury of the Romans was more shameless and
dissolute, and as the increasing depredations of the barbarians had
checked industry and diminished wealth, this profuse luxury must have
been the result of that indolent despair which enjoys the present hour
and declines the thoughts of futurity.

The secret and destructive poison of the age had affected the camps of
the legions. The infantry had laid aside their armour, and, discarding
their shields, advanced, trembling, to meet the cavalry of the Goths and
the arrows of the barbarians, who easily overwhelmed the naked soldiers,
no longer deserving the name of Romans. The enervated legionaries
abandoned their own and the public defence, and their pusillanimous
indolence may be considered the immediate cause of the downfall of the
empire.


_III.--Ruin by Goth, Vandal, and Hun_


The genius of Rome expired with Theodosius. His sons within three months
had once more sharply divided the empire. At a time when the only hope
of delaying its ruin depended on the firm union of the two sections, the
subject of Arcadius and Honorius were instructed by their respective
masters to view each other in a hostile light, to rejoice in their
mutual calamity, and to embrace as their faithful allies the barbarians,
whom they incited to invade the territories of their countrymen.

Alarmed at the insecurity of Rome, Honorius about this time fixed the
imperial residence within the naturally fortified city of Ravenna--an
example which was afterwards imitated by his feeble successors, the
Gothic kings and the Exarchs; and till the middle of the eighth century
Ravenna was considered as the seat of government and the capital of
Italy.

The reign of Arcadius in the East marked the complete division of the
Roman world. His subjects assumed the language and manners of Greeks,
and his form of government was a pure and simple monarchy. The name of
the Roman republic, which so long preserved a faint tradition of
freedom, was confined to the Latin provinces. A series of internal
disputes, both civil and religious, marked his career of power, and his
reign may be regarded as notable if only for the election of St. John
Chrysostom to the head of the church of Constantinople. Arcadius died in
May 408, and was succeeded by his supposed son, Theodosius, then a boy
of seven, the reins of power being first held by the prefect Anthemius,
and afterwards by his sister Pulcheria, who governed the eastern
empire--in fact, for nearly forty years.

The wisdom of Honorius, emperor of the West, in removing his capital to
Ravenna, was soon justified by events. Alaric, king of the Goths,
advanced in 408 to the gates of Rome, and completely blockaded the city.
In the course of a long siege, thousands of Romans died of plague and
famine, and only a heavy ransom, amounting to $1,575,000, relieved the
citizens from their terrible situation in the year 409. In the same year
Alaric again besieged Rome, after fruitless negotiations with Honorius,
and his attempt once more proving successful, he created Attilus,
prefect of the city, emperor. But the imprudent measures of his puppet
sovereign exasperated Alaric. Attilus was formally deposed in 410, and
the infuriated Goth besieged and sacked Rome, and ravaged Italy. The
spoil that the barbarians carried away with them comprised nearly all
the movable wealth of the city.

The ancient capital was devastated, the exquisite works of art
destroyed, and nearly all the monuments of a glorious past sacrificed to
the insatiate greed of the conquerors. Fire helped to complete the ruin
wrought by the Goths, and it is not easy to compute the multitude of
citizens who, from an honourable station and a prosperous fortune, were
suddenly reduced to the miserable condition of captives and exiles.

The complete ruin of Italy was prevented by the death of Alaric in 410.

During the reign of Honorius, the Goths, Burgundians, and Franks were
settled in Gaul. The maritime countries, between the Seine and the
Loire, followed the example of Britain in 409, and threw off the yoke of
the empire. Aquitaine, with its capital at Aries, received, under the
title of the seven provinces, the right of convening an annual assembly
for the management of its own affairs.

Honorius died in 423, and was succeeded by Valentinian III. His long
reign was marked by a series of disasters, which foretold the rapidly
approaching dissolution of the western empire.

Genseric, king of the Vandals, in 429 crossed into Africa, conquered the
province, and set up in the depopulated territory, with Carthage as his
capital, a new rule and government. Italy was filled with fugitives from
Africa, and a barbarian race, which had issued from the frozen regions
of the north, established their victorious reign over one of the fairest
provinces of the empire. Two years later, in 441, a new and even more
terrible danger threatened the empire.

The Goths and Vandals, flying before the Huns, had oppressed the western
World. The hordes of these barbarians, now gathering strength in their
union under their king, Attila, threatened an attack upon the eastern
empire. In appearance their chieftain was terrible in the extreme; his
portrait exhibits the genuine deformity of a modern Calmuck: a large
head, a swarthy complexion, small, deep-seated eyes, a flat nose, a few
hairs in the place of a beard, broad shoulders, and a short, square body
of nervous strength, though of a disproportionate form. He had a custom
of fiercely rolling his eyes, as if he wished to enjoy the terror which
he inspired.

This savage hero, who had subdued Germany and Scythia, and almost
exterminated the Burgundians of the Rhine, and had conquered
Scandinavia, was able to bring into the field 700,000 barbarians. An
unsuccessful raid into Persia induced him to turn his attention to the
eastern empire, and the enervated troops of Theodosius the Younger
dissolved before the fury of his onset. He ravaged up to the very gates
of Constantinople, and only a humiliating treaty preserved his dominion
to the "invincible Augustus" of the East.

After the death of Theodosius the Younger, and the accession of Marcian,
the husband of Pulcheria, Attila threatened, in 450, both empires. An
incursion of his hordes into Gaul was rendered abortive by the conduct
of the patrician, AEtius, who, uniting all the various troops of Gaul and
Germany, the Saxons, the Burgundians, the Franks, under their
Merovingian prince, and the Visigoths under their king, Theodoric, after
two important battles, induced the Huns to retreat from the field of
Chalons. Attila, diverted from his purpose, turned into Italy, and the
citizens of the various towns fled before the savage destroyer. Many
families of Aquileia, Padua, and the adjacent towns, found a safe refuge
in the neighbouring islands of the Adriatic, where their place of refuge
evolved, in time, into the famous Republic of Venice.

Valentinian fled from Ravenna to Rome, prepared to desert his people and
his empire. The fortitude of AEtius alone supported and preserved the
tottering state. Leo, Bishop of Rome, in his sacerdotal robes, dared to
demand the clemency of the savage king, and the intervention of St.
Peter and St. Paul is supposed to have induced Attila to retire beyond
the Danube, with the Princess Honoria as his bride. He did not long
survive this last campaign, and in 453 he died, and was buried amidst
all the savage pomp and grief of his subjects. His death resolved the
bonds that had united the various nations of which his subjects were
composed, and in a very few years domestic discord had extinguished the
empire of the Huns.

Genseric, king of the Vandals, sacked and pillaged the ancient capital
in June 455.

The vacant throne was filled by the nomination of Theodoric, king of the
Goths. The senate of Rome bitterly opposed the elevation of this
stranger, and though Avitus might have supported his title against the
votes of an unarmed assembly, he fell immediately he incurred the
resentment of Count Ricimer, one of the chief commanders of the
barbarian troops who formed the military defence of Italy. At a distance
from his Gothic allies, he was compelled to abdicate (October 16, 456),
and Majorian was raised to fill his place.


_IV.--The Last Emperor of the West_


The successor of Avitus was a great and heroic character, such as
sometimes arise in a degenerate age to vindicate the honour of the human
species. In the ruin of the Roman world he loved his people, sympathised
with their distress, and studied by judicial and effectual remedies to
allay their sufferings. He reformed the most intolerable grievances of
the taxes, attempted to restore and maintain the edifices of Rome, and
to establish a new and healthier moral code. His military abilities and
his fortune were not in proportion to his merits. An unsuccessful
attempt against the Vandals to recover the lost provinces of Africa
resulted in the loss of his fleet, and his return from this disastrous
campaign terminated his reign. He was deposed by Ricimer, and five days
later died of a reported dysentery, on August 7, 461.

At the command of Ricimer, the senate bestowed the imperial title on
Libius Severus, who reigned as long as it suited his patron. The
increasing difficulties, however, of the kingdom of Italy, due largely
to the naval depredation of the Vandals, compelled Ricimer to seek the
assistance of the emperor Leo, who had succeeded Marcian in the East in
457. Leo determined to extirpate the tyranny of the Vandals, and
solemnly invested Anthemius with the diadem and purple of the West
(467).

In 472, Ricimer raised the senator Olybrius to the purple, and,
advancing from Milan, entered and sacked Rome and murdered Anthemius
(July 11, 472). Forty days after this calamitous event, the tyrant
Ricimer died of a painful disease, and two months later death also
removed Olybrius.

The emperor Leo nominated Julius Nepos to the vacant throne. After
suppressing a rival in the person of Glycerius, Julius succumbed, in
475, to a furious sedition of the barbarian confederates, who, under the
command of the patrician Orestes, marched from Rome to Ravenna. The
troops would have made Orestes emperor, but when he declined they
consented to acknowledge his son Augustulus as emperor of the West.

The ambition of the patrician might have seemed satisfied, but he soon
discovered, before the end of the first year, that he must either be the
slave or the victim of his barbarian mercenaries. The soldiers demanded
a third part of the land of Italy. Orestes rejected the audacious
demand, and his refusal was favourable to the ambition of Odoacer, a
bold barbarian, who assured his fellow-soldiers that if they dared to
associate under his command they might extort the justice that had been
denied to their dutiful petition. Orestes was executed, and Odoacer,
resolving to abolish the useless and expensive office of the emperor of
the West, compelled the unfortunate Augustulus to resign.

So ended, in the year 476, the empire of the West, and the last Roman
emperor lived out his life in retirement in the Lucullan villa on the
promontory of Misenum.

       *       *       *       *       *




Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire--III


_I.--The Growth of the Christian Church_


The policy of the emperors and the senate, as far as it concerned
religion, was happily seconded by the reflections of the enlightened,
and by the habits of the superstitious part of their subjects. The
various modes of worship which prevailed in the Roman world were all
considered by the people as equally true; by the philosopher as equally
false; by the magistrate as equally useful. Under this spirit of
toleration the Christian church grew with great rapidity. Five main
causes effectually favoured and assisted this development.

1. The inflexible and intolerant zeal of the Christians, purified from
the narrow and unsocial spirit of the Jewish religion.

2. The doctrine of a future life, improved by every additional
circumstance which could give weight and efficacy to that important
theory.

3. The miraculous powers ascribed to the primitive Church.

4. The pure and austere morals of the early Christians.

5. The union and discipline of the Christian republic, which gradually
formed an independent and increasing state in the heart of the Roman
Empire.

The early Christians of the mother church at Jerusalem subscribed to the
Mosaic law, and the first fifteen bishops of Jerusalem were all
circumcised Jews. But the Gentile church rejected the intolerable weight
of Mosaic ceremonies, and at length refused to their more scrupulous
brethren the same toleration which at first they had humbly solicited
for their own practise. After the ruin of the temple of the city, and of
the public religion of the Jews, the Nazarenes, as the Christian Jews of
Jerusalem were called, retired to the little town of Pella, from whence
they could make easy and frequent pilgrimages to the Holy City. When the
Emperor Hadrian forbade the Jewish people from approaching the precincts
of the city, the Nazarenes escaped from the common proscription by
disavowing the Mosaic law. A small remnant, however, still combined the
Mosaic ceremonies with the Christian faith, and existed, until the
fourth century, under the name of Ebeonites.

The immortality of the soul had been held by a few sages of Greece and
Rome, who were unwilling to confound themselves with the beasts of the
field, or to suppose that a being for whose dignity they entertained the
most sincere admiration could be limited to a spot of earth, and to a
few years of duration. But reason could not justify the specious and
noble principles of the disciples of Plato.

To the Christians alone the authority of Christ gave a certainty of a
future life, and when the promise of eternal happiness was proposed to
mankind on condition of adopting the faith, and of observing the
precepts of the Gospel, it is no wonder that so advantageous an offer
should have been accepted by great numbers of every religion, of every
rank, and of every province in the Roman Empire. The immediate
expectation of the second coming of Christ, and the reign of the Son of
God with His saints for a thousand years, strengthened the ancient
Christians against all trials and sufferings.

The supernatural gifts which even in this life were ascribed to the
Christians above the rest of mankind must have conduced to their own
comfort, and very frequently to the conviction of infidels. The gift of
tongues, of vision, and of prophecy, the power of expelling demons, of
healing the sick, and of raising the dead, were prodigies claimed by the
Christian Church at the time of the apostles and their first disciples.

Repentance for their past sins, and the laudable desire of supporting
the reputation of the society in which they were engaged, rendered the
lives of the primitive Christians much purer and more austere than those
of their pagan contemporaries or their degenerate successors. They were
insistent in their condemnation of pleasure and luxury, and, in their
search after purity, were induced to approve reluctantly that
institution of marriage which they were compelled to tolerate. A state
of celibacy was regarded as the nearest approach to the divine
perfection, and there were in the primitive church a great number of
persons devoted to the profession of perpetual chastity.

The government of the primitive church was based on the principles of
freedom and equality. The societies which were instituted in the cities
of the Roman Empire were united only by the ties of faith and charity.
The want of discipline and human learning was supplied by the occasional
assistance of the "prophets "--men or women who, as often as they felt
the divine impulse, poured forth the effusions of the spirit in the
assembly, of the faithful. In the course of time bishops and presbyters
exercised solely the functions of legislation and spiritual guidance. A
hundred years after the death of the apostles, the bishop, acting as the
president of the presbyterial college, administered the sacrament and
discipline of the Church, managed the public funds, and determined all
such differences as the faithful were unwilling to expose before the
tribunal of an idolatrous judge.

Every society formed within itself a separate and independent republic,
and towards the end of the second century, realizing the advantages that
might result from a closer union of their interests and designs, these
little states adopted the useful institution of a provincial synod. The
bishops of the various churches met in the capital of the province at
stated periods, and issued their decrees or canons. The institution of
synods was so well suited to private ambition and to public interest
that it was received throughout the whole empire. A regular
correspondence was established between the provincial councils, which
mutually communicated and approved their respective proceedings, and the
Catholic Church soon assumed the form and acquired the strength of a
great federative republic.

The community of goods which for a short time had been adopted in the
primitive church was gradually abolished, and a system of voluntary
gifts was substituted. In the time of the Emperor Decius it was the
opinion of the magistrates that the Christians of Rome were possessed of
very considerable wealth, and several laws, enacted with the same design
as our statutes of mortmain, forbade real estate being given or
bequeathed to any corporate body, without special sanctions. The bishops
distributed these revenues, exercised the right of exclusion or
excommunication of recalcitrant members of the Church, and maintained
the dignity of their office with ever increasing pomp and circumstance.


_II.--The Days of Persecution_


The persecution of Christians by the Roman emperors must at first sight
seem strange, when one considers their inoffensive mode of faith and
worship. When one remembers the scepticism that prevailed among the
pagans, and the tolerant view of all religions which was characteristic
of the Roman citizen in the early years of the empire, this harshness
seems all the more remarkable. It can be explained partly by the
misapprehension which existed in the mind of the pagan world as to the
principles of the Christian faith, and partly by the organization of the
sect. The Jews were allowed the exercise of their unsocial and exclusive
faith. But the Jews were a nation; the Christians were a sect. Moreover,
the Christians were regarded as apostates from the ancient faith of
Moses, and, worshipping no visible god, were held to be atheists.

The Roman policy also viewed with the utmost jealousy and distrust any
association among its subjects, and the secret and nocturnal meetings of
the Christians appeared peculiarly dangerous in the eyes of the law.

They were oppressed by the Emperor Domitian. Trajan protected their
meetings by requiring definite evidence of these illegal assemblies, and
an informer who failed in his proofs was subject to a severe or capital
penalty. But the edicts of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius protected the
Church from the danger of popular clamour in times of disaster,
declaring that the voice of the multitude should never be admitted as
legal evidence to convict or to punish those unfortunate persons who had
embraced the enthusiasm of the Christians.

The authority of Origen and Dionysius annihilates that formidable army
of martyrs, whose relics, drawn for the most part from the catacombs of
Rome, have replenished so many churches, and whose marvellous
achievements have been the subject of so many volumes of holy romance.

The martyrdom of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, on September 14, 258, was
one of the most notable of that period. Under Marcus Antoninus, the
Christians were treated harshly, but the tyrant Commodus protected them
by his leniency. After a temporary period of persecution during the
reign of Severus, the Christians enjoyed a calm from 211 to 249. The
storms gathered again under Decius, and so vigorous was the persecution
that the bishops of the most considerable cities were removed by exile
or death.


_III.--The Church under Constantine_


From 284 to 303, during the reign of Diocletian, the Christian Church
enjoyed peace and prosperity, but in the latter year Galerius persuaded
the emperor to renew the persecution of the sect. An edict on February
24 enacted that all churches throughout the empire should be demolished,
and the punishment of death was pronounced against all who should
presume to hold any secret assemblies for the purposes of religious
worship. Many suffered martyrdom under this cruel enactment. Churches
everywhere were burnt, and sacred books destroyed. Three more edicts
published before March 304 led to the imprisonment of all persons of the
ecclesiastical order, compelled the magistrates to exercise torture to
subvert the religion of their Christian prisoners, and made it the duty,
as well as the interest, of the imperial officers to discover, to
pursue, and to torment the most obnoxious among the faithful.

But after six years of persecution, the mind of Galerius, softened by
salutary reflection, induced him to attempt some reparation. In the
edict of toleration which he published on April 30, 311, he expresses
the hope "that our indulgence will engage the Christians to offer up
their prayers to the Deity whom they adore for our safety and
prosperity, and for that of the Republic."

The triumph of the great Constantine established the security of the
Christian Church from the attacks of the pagans. Converted in 306,
Constantine, as soon as he had achieved the conquest of Italy, issued
the Edict of Milan (313), declaring that the places of worship which had
been confiscated should be restored to the Church without dispute,
without delay, and without expense. Though himself never received by
baptism into the Church, until his last moments, his powerful patronage
of the Christians, and his edicts of toleration, removed all the
temporal disadvantages which had hitherto retarded the progress of
Christianity.

The faith of Christ became the national religion of the empire. The
soldiers bore upon their helmets and upon their shields the sacred
emblem of the Cross. All the machinery of government was employed to
propagate the faith, not only within the empire, but beyond its borders.
Confirmed in his new religion by the miraculous vision of the Cross,
Constantine, who was the master of the world, consented to recognise the
superiority of the ecclesiastical orders in all spiritual matters, while
retaining himself the temporal power.

The persecution of heresy was carried out by Constantine with all the
ardour of a convert. An edict confiscated the public property of the
heretics to the use either of the revenue or the Catholic Church, and
the penal regulations of Diocletian against the Christians were now
employed against the schismatics. The Donatists, who maintained the
apostolic succession of Donatus, primate of Carthage, as opposed to
Caecilian, were suppressed in Africa, and a general synod attempted to
regulate the faith of the Church.

The subject of the nature of the divine Trinity had early given rise to
discussion. Of the three main heretical views, that of Arius and his
disciples was the most prevalent. He held in effect that the Son, by
whom all things were made, though He had been begotten before all
worlds, yet had not always existed. He shone only with the reflected
light of His Almighty Father, and, like the sons of the Roman emperors,
who were invested with the titles of Caesar or Augustus. He governed the
universe.

The Tritheists advocated a system which seemed to establish three
independent deities, while the Sabellian theory allowed only to the man
Jesus the inspiration of the divine wisdom. The consubstantiality of the
Father and of the Son had been established by the Council of Nicaea in
325, but the East ranged itself for the most part under the banner of
the Arian heresy. At first indifferent, Constantine at last persecuted
the Arians, who later, under Constantius, were received into favour.

Constantinople, which for forty years was the stronghold of Arianism,
was converted to the orthodox faith under Theodosius by Gregory
Nazianzen.


_IV.--The Conversion of the World_


The pagan religion was finally destroyed about the year 390, and the
faintest vestiges of it were not visible thirty years later. Its
influence, however, might be observed in many of the ceremonies which
were introduced into the Church, and the worship of martyrs and relics
seemed to revive a system of polytheism by the worship of a hierarchy of
saints. Among the most famous of the dignitaries of the Church at this
period was the Archbishop of Constantinople, who was distinguished by
the epithet of Chrysostom, or the Golden Mouth. He attempted to purify
the eastern empire, excited the animosity of the Empress Eudoxia, and
died in exile in 407.

The monastic system had been founded by Antony, an illiterate youth, in
the year 305, by the establishment on Mount Cobyim, near the Red Sea, of
a colony of ascetics, who renounced all the business and pleasures in
life as the price of eternal happiness. A long series of hermits, monks,
and anachorets propagated the system and, patronised by Athanasius, it
spread to all parts of the world.

The monastic profession was an act of voluntary devotion, and the
inconstant fanatic was threatened with the eternal vengeance of the God
whom he deserted. The monks had to give a blind submission to the
commands of their abbot, however absurd, and the freedom of the mind,
the source of every generous and rational sentiment, was destroyed by
the habits of credulity and submission. In their dress and diet they
preserved the most rigorous simplicity, and they subsisted entirely by
their own manual exertions. But in the course of time this simplicity
vanished, and, enriched by the offerings of the faithful, they assumed
the pride of wealth, and at last indulged in the luxury of extravagance.

The conversion of the barbarians followed upon their invasion of the
Roman world; but they were involved in the Arian heresy, and from their
advocacy of that cause they were characterised by the name of heretics,
an epithet more odious than that of barbarian. The bitterness engendered
by this reproach confirmed them in their faith, and the Vandals in
Africa persecuted the orthodox Catholic with all the vigour and cruel
arts of religious tyranny.

       *       *       *       *       *




Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire--IV


_I.--Theodoric the Ostrogoth_


After the fall of the Roman Empire in the West, an interval of fifty
years, until the memorable reign of Justinian, is faintly marked by the
obscure names and imperfect annals of Zeno, Anastasius, and Justin, who
successively ascended the throne of Constantinople. During the same
period Italy revived and nourished under the government of a Gothic
king, who might have deserved a statue among the best and bravest of the
ancient Romans.

Theodoric the Ostrogoth, the fourteenth in lineal descent of royal line
of the Amali, was born (455) in the neighbourhood of Vienna two years
after the death of Attila. The murmurs of the Goths, who complained that
they were exposed to intolerable hardships, determined Theodoric to
attempt an adventure worthy of his courage and ambition. He boldly
demanded the privilege of rescuing Italy and Rome from Odoacer, and at
the head of his people forced his way, between the years 488 and 489,
through hostile country into Italy. In three battles he triumphed over
Odoacer, forced that monarch to capitulate on favourable terms at
Ravenna (493), and after pretending to allow him to share his
sovereignty of Italy, assassinated him in the same year.

The long reign of Theodoric (493-526) was marked by a transient return
of peace and prosperity to Italy. His domestic and foreign policy were
dictated alike by wisdom and necessity. His people were settled on the
land, which they held by military tenure. A series of matrimonial
alliances secured him the support of the Franks, the Burgundians, the
Visigoths, the Vandals, and the Thuringians, and his sword preserved his
territory from the incursions of rival barbarians and the two disastrous
attacks (505 and 508) that envy prompted the Emperor Anastasius to
attempt.


_II.--Justinian the Great_


The death of the Emperor Anastasius had raised to the throne a Dardanian
peasant, who by his arts secured the suffrage of the guards, despoiled
and destroyed his more powerful rivals, and reigned under the name of
Justin I. from 518 to 527. He was succeeded by his nephew, the great
Justinian, who for thirty-eight years directed the fortunes of the Roman
Empire.

The Empress Theodora, who before her marriage had been a theatrical
wanton, was seated, by the fondness of the emperor, on the throne as an
equal and independent colleague in the sovereignty. Her rapacity, her
cruelty, and her pride were the subject of contemporary writings, but
her benevolence to her less fortunate sisters, and her courage amidst
the factions and dangers of the court, justly entitle her to a certain
nobility of character.

Constantinople in the age of Justinian was torn by the factions of the
circus. The rival bands of charioteers, who wore respectively liveries
of green and blue, created in the capital of the East, as they had
created in Rome, two factions among the populace. Justinian's support of
the blues led to a serious sedition in the capital. The two factions
were united by a common desire for vengeance, and with the watchword of
"Nika" (vanquish) (January 532), raged in tumult through Constantinople
for five days. At the command of Theodora 3,000 veterans who could be
trusted marched through the burning streets to the Hippodrome, and
there, supported by the repentant blues, massacred the unresisting mob.

The Eastern Empire, after Rome was barbarous, still embraced the nations
whom she had conquered beyond the Adriatic, and as far as the frontiers
of Ethiopia and Persia. Justinian reigned over 64 provinces and 935
cities. The arts and agriculture flourished under his rule, but the
avarice and profusion of Justinian oppressed the people. His expensive
taste for building almost exhausted the resources of the empire. Heavy
custom tolls, taxes on the food and industry of the poor, the exercise
of intolerable monopolies, were not excused or compensated for by the
parsimonious saving in the salaries of court officials, and even in the
pay of the soldiers. His stately edifices were cemented with the blood
and treasures of his people, and the rapacity and luxury of the emperor
were imitated by the civil magistrates and officials.

The schools of Athens, which still kept alight the sacred flame of the
ancient philosophy, were suppressed by Justinian. The academy of the
Platonics, the Lyceum of the Peripatetics, the Portico of the Stoics,
and the Garden of the Epicureans had long survived.

With the death of Simplicius and his six companions, who terminate the
long list of Grecian philosophers, the golden chain, as it was fondly
styled, of the Platonic succession was broken, and the Edict of
Justinian (529) imposed a perpetual silence on the schools of Athens.

The Roman consulship was also abolished by Justinian in 541; but this
office, the title of which admonished the Romans of their ancient
freedom, still lived in the minds of the people. They applauded the
gracious condescension of successive princes by whom it was assumed in
the first year of their reign, and three centuries elapsed after the
death of Justinian before that obsolete office, which had been
suppressed by law, could be abolished by custom.

The usurpation by Gelimer (530) of the Vandalic crown of Africa, which
belonged of right to Hilderic, first encouraged Justinian to undertake
the African war. Hilderic had granted toleration to the Catholics, and
for this reason was held in reproach by his Arian subjects. His
compulsory abdication afforded the emperor of the East an opportunity of
interfering in the cause of orthodoxy. A large army was entrusted to the
command of Belisarius, one of those heroic names which are familiar to
every age and to every nation. Proved in the Persian war, Belisarius was
given unlimited authority. He set sail from Constantinople with a fleet
of six hundred ships in June 533. He landed on the coast of Africa in
September, defeated the degenerate Vandals, reduced Carthage within a
few days, utterly vanquished Gelimer, and completed the conquest of the
ancient Roman province by 534. The Vandals in Africa fled beyond the
power or even the knowledge of the Romans.


_III.--Gothic Italy_


Dissensions in Italy excited the ambition of Justinian. Belisarius was
sent with another army to Sicily in 535, and after subduing that island
and suppressing a revolt in Africa, he invaded Italy in 536. Policy
dictated the retreat of the Goths, and Belisarius entered Rome (December
536). In March, Vitiges, the Gothic ruler, returned with a force of one
hundred and fifty thousand men. The valour of the Roman general
supported a siege of forty-one days and the intrigues of the Pope
Silverius, who was exiled by his orders; and, finally, with the
assistance of a seasonable reinforcement, Belisarius compelled the
barbarians to retire in March of the following year. The conquests of
Ravenna and the suppression of the invasion of the Franks completed the
subjugation of the Gothic kingdom by December 539.

The success of Belisarius and the intrigues of his secret enemies had
excited the jealousy of Justinian. He was recalled, and the eunuch
Narses was sent to Italy, as a powerful rival, to oppose the interests
of the conqueror of Rome and Africa. The infidelity of Antonina, which
excited her husband's just indignation, was excused by the Empress
Theodora, and her powerful support was given to the wife of the last of
the Roman heroes, who, after serving again against the Persians,
returned to the capital, to be received not with honour and triumph, but
with disgrace and contempt and a fine of $600,000.

The incursions of the Lombards, the Slavonians, and the Avars and the
Turks, and the successful raids of the King of Persia were among the
number of the important events of the reign of Justinian. To maintain
his position in Africa and Italy taxed his resources to their utmost
limit. The victories of Justinian were pernicious to mankind; the
desolation of Africa was such that in many parts a stranger might wander
whole days without meeting the face of either a friend or an enemy.

The revolts of the Goths, under their king, Totila (541), once more
demanded the presence of Belisarius, and, a hero on the banks of the
Euphrates, a slave in the palace of Constantinople, he accepted with
reluctance the painful task of supporting his own reputation and
retrieving the faults of his successors. He was too late to save Rome
from the Goths, by whom it was taken in December 546; but he recovered
it in the following February. After his recall by his envious sovereign
in September 548, Rome was once more taken by the Goths. The successful
repulse of the Franks and Alemanni finally restored the kingdom to the
rule of the emperor. Belisarius died on March 13, 565.

The emperor survived his death only eight months, and passed away, in
the eighty-third year of his life and the thirty-eighth of his reign, on
November 14, 565. The most lasting memorial of his reign is to be found
neither in his victories nor his monuments, but in the immortal works of
the Code, the Pandects, and the Institutes, in which the civil
jurisprudence of the Romans was digested, and by means of which the
public reason of the Romans has been silently or studiously transfused
into the domestic institutions of the whole of Europe.


_IV.--Gregory the Great_


Justinian was succeeded by his nephew, Justin II., who lived to see the
conquest of the greater part of Italy by Alboin, king of the Lombards
(568-570), the disaffection of the exarch, Narses, and the ruin of the
revived glories of the Roman world.

During a period of 200 years Italy was unequally divided between the
king of the Lombards and the exarchate of Ravenna. Rome relapsed into a
state of misery. The Campania was reduced to the state of a dreary
wilderness. The stagnation of a deluge caused by the torrential swelling
of the Tiber produced a pestilential disease, and a stranger visiting
Rome might contemplate with horror the solitude of the city. Gregory the
Great, whose pontificate lasted from 590 to 604, reconciled the Arians
of Italy and Spain to the Catholic Church, conquered Britain in the name
of the Cross, and established his right to interfere in the management
of the episcopal provinces of Greece, Spain, and Gaul. The merits of
Gregory were treated by the Byzantine court with reproach and insult,
but in the attachment of a grateful people he found the purest reward of
a citizen and the best right of a sovereign.

The short and virtuous reign of Tiberius (578-582), which succeeded that
of Justin, made way for that of Maurice. For twenty years Maurice ruled
with honesty and honour. But the parsimony of the emperor, and his
attempt to cure the inveterate evil of a military despotism, led to his
undoing, and in 602 he was murdered with his children. A like fate
befell the Emperor Phocas, who succumbed in 610 to the fortunes of
Heraclius, the son of Crispus, exarch of Africa. For thirty-two years
Heraclius ruled the Roman world. In three campaigns he chastised the
rising power of Persia, drove the armies of Chosroes from Syria,
Palestine, and Egypt, rescued Constantinople from the joint siege of the
Avars and Persians (626), and finally reduced the Persian monarch to the
defence of his hereditary kingdom. The deposition and murder of Chosroes
by his son Siroes (628) concluded the successes of the emperor.

A treaty of peace was arranged, and Heraclius returned in triumph to
Constantinople, where, after the exploits of six glorious campaigns, he
peacefully enjoyed the sabbath of his toils. The year after his return
he made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem to restore the true Cross to the
Holy Sepulchre. In the last eight years of his reign Heraclius lost to
the Arabs the same provinces which he had rescued from the Persians.

Heraclius died in 612. His descendants continued to fill the throne in
the persons of Constantine III. (641), Heracleonas (641), Constans II.
(641), Constantine IV. (668), Justinian II. (685), until 711, when an
interval of six years, divided into three reigns, made way for the rise
of the Isaurian dynasty.


_V.--The New Era of Charlemagne_


Leo III. ascended the throne on March 25, 718, and the purple descended
to his family, by the rights of heredity, for three generations. The
Isaurian dynasty is most notable for the part it played in
ecclesiastical history.

The introduction of images into the Christian Church had confused the
simplicity of religious worship. The education of Leo, his reason,
perhaps his intercourse with Jews and Arabs, had inspired him with a
hatred of images. By two edicts he proscribed the existence, as well as
the use, of religious pictures. This heresy of Leo and of his successors
and descendants, Constantine V. (741), Leo IV. (775), and Constantine
VI. (780), whose blinding by his mother Irene is one of the most tragic
stories of Roman history, justified the popes in rebelling against the
authority of the emperor, and in restoring and establishing the
supremacy of Rome.

Gregory II. saved the city from the attacks of the Lombards, who had
seized Ravenna and extinguished the series of Greek exarchs in 751. He
secured the assistance of Pepin, and the real governor of the French
monarchy--Charles Martel, who, by his signal victory over the Saracens,
had saved Europe from the Mohammedan yoke. Twice--in 754 and 756--Pepin
marched to the relief of the city. His son Charlemagne, in 774, seemed
to secure the permanent safety of the ancient capital by the conquest of
Lombardy, and for twenty-six years he ruled the Romans as his subjects.
The people swore allegiance to his person and his family, and the
elections of the popes were examined and authorised by him. The senate
exercised its rights by proclaiming him patrician and of the power of
the emperor; nothing was lacking except the title.

A document, known as the Forged Decretals, which assigned the free and
perpetual sovereignty of Rome, Italy, and the provinces of the West to
the popes by Constantine, was presented by Pope Hadrian I. to
Charlemagne. This document served to absolve the popes from their debt
of gratitude to the French monarch, and excused the revolt of Rome from
the authority of the eastern empire.

Though Constantinople returned, under Irene, to the employment of
images, and the seventh general council of Nicaea, September 24, 787,
pronounced the worship of the Greeks as agreeable to scripture and
reason, the division between the East and the West could not be avoided.
The pope was driven to revive the western empire in order to secure the
gift of the exarchy, to eradicate the claims of the Greeks, and to
restore the majesty of Rome from the debasement of a provincial town.
The emperors of the West would receive their crown from the successor of
St. Peter, and the Roman Church would require a zealous and respectable
advocate.

Inspired by these motives, Pope Leo, who had nearly fallen a victim to a
conspiracy (788), and had been saved and reinstated by Charlemagne, took
the opportunity presented by the French king's visit to Rome to crown
him emperor. On the festival of Christmas (800), in the church of St.
Peter, Leo, after the celebration of the Holy Mysteries, suddenly placed
a precious crown on his head. The dome resounded with the acclamations
of the people, his head and body were consecrated with the royal
unction, and he was saluted, or adored, by the pontiff after the example
of the Caesars.

Europe dates a new era from his restoration of the western empire.

       *       *       *       *       *




THEODOR MOMMSEN


History of Rome


     Theodor Mommsen was born at Garding in Schleswig on November
     30, 1817. He studied at Kiel University for three years,
     examined Roman inscriptions in France and Italy from 1844 to
     1847, and attained his first professorship at Leipzig in 1848,
     and the Berlin Chair of Ancient History in 1858. His greatest
     work was the "History of Rome," published in 1854, and its
     successor, the "Roman Provinces." On this work he brought to
     bear a research and a scholarship of almost unparalleled range
     and completeness. He was a man capable of vehement and
     occasionally unreasonable partisanship, and a strict and
     cold-blooded impartiality would have tempered the enthusiasm
     of some of his portraits and the severity of others. These
     defects, however, are less obvious when his history is
     condensed in small compass. There are cases in which his
     judgments are open to adverse criticism. But at the present
     day it may safely be affirmed that there is no extant history
     of Rome down to the establishment of the empire which can be
     regarded as rivalling that here presented. Upwards of 900
     separate publications remain as a monument of Mommsen's
     industry. He died on November 1, 1903.


Iapygians, Etruscans, and Italians, the last certainly Indo-Europeans,
are the original stocks of Italy proper. Of the Italians there are two
divisions, the Latin and the Umbro-Sabellian. Central Italy was occupied
by the Latins, who were established in cantons formed of village groups;
which cantons at an early age formed themselves into the loose Latin
League, with Alba at its head.

The Roman canton, on both banks of the Tiber, concentrated itself on the
city earlier than others. The citizens consisted of the families which
constituted the larger groups of clans or gentes, formed into those
tribes. The remainder of the population were their dependents or slaves.
At the head of the family was the father, and the whole community had
its king, standing to it in the same relation as the father to the
family. His power, within the law, was absolute; but he could not
override it or change it on his own authority. This required the formal
assent of the assembled citizens. The heads of the clans formed a
separate body--the Senate--which controlled the appointment of the king,
and could veto legislation.

By admission of aliens and absorption of other communities, swelling the
number of dependents, was gradually created a great body of plebeians,
non-citizens, who began to demand political rights; and whom it was
necessary to organise for military purposes which was done by the
"Servian Constitution." Gradually Rome won a supremacy in the Latin
League, a position of superiority over the aggregate of the other
cantons.

In this community arose three political movements: (1) On the part of
the full citizen, patricii, to limit the power not of the state, but of
the kings; (2) of the non-citizens, to acquire political rights; (3) of
antagonism between the great landholders and the land-interests opposed
to them. The first resulted in the expulsion of the monarchs, and the
substitution of a dual kingship held for one year only. But in many
respects their joint power was curtailed as compared with that of the
monarch, while for emergencies they could appoint a temporary dictator.
The change increased the power of the General Assembly, to which it
became necessary to admit the non-citizen freeholders who were liable to
military duties. The life tenure of the members of the Senate greatly
increased the powers of that body, and intensified the antagonism of the
patriarch and the plebeians.

At the same time, a landed nobility was developing; and when fresh land
was acquired by the state, the Patricians claimed to control it. But the
great agricultural population could not submit to this process of land
absorption, and the consequent strife took the form of a demand for
political recognition, which issued in the appointment of Tribunes of
the Plebs, with power of administrative veto.

The struggle over privileges lasted for two hundred years. First the
Canuleian law made marriage valid between patricians and plebeians, and
instituted for a time military tribunes. The Licinian law, eighty years
later, admitted plebeians to the consulship, and also required the
employment of free labour in agriculture. The decisively democratic
measure was the Horticunian law, after another seventy years, giving the
exclusively plebeian assembly full legislative power. The practical
effect of the changes was to create a new aristocracy, semi-plebeian in
origin, and to reduce the personal power of the chief officers of state,
while somewhat increasing that of the remodelled Senate; rendering it a
body selfish indeed in internal matters, but essentially patriotic as
well as powerful.


_I.--The Description of Italy_


During the period of this long constitutional struggle, Rome and her
kinsfolk had first been engaged in a stubborn and ultimately successful
contest with the non-Aryan Etruscan race; and then Italy had been
attacked by the migrating Aryan hordes of the Celts, known as Gauls, who
sacked Rome, but retired to North Italy; events giving birth to many
well-known stories, probably in the main mythical. But the practical
effect was to impose a greater solidarity of the Latin and kindred
races, and a more decisive acceptance of Roman hegemony.

That hegemony, however, had to be established by persistent compulsion,
and there were three stages in its completion. First, the subjection of
the Latins and Campanians; then the struggle of Rome with the
Umbrian-Samnites; finally, the decisive repulse of the Epirote invader
Pyrrhus--in effect a Hellenic movement. The Roman supremacy established
through the exhaustion of the valiant Samnites required to be confirmed
by stern repression of attempts to recover liberty. But the Hellenic
element in Italy, antagonistic to the growing Roman power, in effect
invited the intervention of the Epirote chief. But his scheme was not
that of an imperial statesman, but of a chivalrous and romantic warrior.
His own political blunders and the iron determination of the Romans,
destroyed his chances of conquest. His retirement left Rome undisputed
lord of Italy; which in part shared full citizenship, in part possessed
only the more restricted Latin rights, and in part only rights conceded
under varying treaties.

A sense of common Italian nationality was developing. But if Rome was
queen of Italy, Carthage was queen of the seas. Maritime expansion was
precluded, though Rome's position fitted her for it. Carthage was the
one Phoenician state which developed political as well as commercial
power. The commercial cities of North Africa were in subordination to
her, in the Western Mediterranean she had no rivals, her domestic
government was oligarchical.

Roman intervention in the affairs of Sicily, where Carthage was the
dominant power, produced the rupture between the two great states which
was bound to come sooner or later. Sicily itself was the scene of the
initial struggle, which taught Rome that her victories on land were
liable to be nullified by the Carthaginian sea power. She resolved to
build a navy, on the plan of adopting boarding tactics which would
assimilate a naval engagement to a battle on land. These tactics were
successful enough to equalise the fighting value of the respective
fleets. The Romans were enabled to land an invading army under Regulus
in Africa.

Though superior on land, the general's blundering led to a disaster, and
for some time misfortune by sea and failure by land dogged the Romans.
But Carthage failed to use her opportunity; she did not attempt to
strike a crushing blow when she could have done so. But the private
energy of Roman patriots at last placed on the seas a fleet which once
more turned the scale, whereas it was on land that the brilliant
Carthaginian Hamilcar had displayed his genius and daring. The first
Punic War gave Rome predominance in Sicily, and a position of maritime
equality. Sardinia was added to the Roman dominion, and her provincial
administration came into being.

She was carrying her expansion farther over Celtic regions, when
Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar, hurled himself against her, and came near
to destroying her. Hamilcar had conceived the idea of imperial
expansion, and given it shape by creating a dominion in Spain; he had
looked forward to the life-and-death struggle with Rome that was
destined to his son; for which Spain was to be the base. Hannibal, left
in control in Spain, deliberately challenged Rome to war.

The challenge was accepted, war was declared, and Hannibal accomplished
the amazing feat of leading an army of 60,000 men from Spain and
effecting the passage of the Alps, while the Romans were landing an army
in Spain. In a brilliant campaign, he defeated the stubborn Roman
legions at Vercellae and the Trebia.

But success depended not on the winning of victories by an isolated
force, but on the disruption of Italy. His superiority in the field was
again demonstrated at Trasimenus, but no Italian allies came in. He
outwitted Fabius, and then utterly shattered at Cannae a Roman force of
double his own numbers. For a moment it seemed that Italian cohesion was
weakening; but the Roman Senate and people were stirred only to a more
dogged resolution.

Cannae failed to break up the Roman confederation. Generalship unaided
could accomplish no more. In Spain, where young Scipio was soon winning
renown, the Roman arms were in the ascendant, and in Sicily. No
effective aid was coming from Macedon, though war was declared between
her and Rome. Hannibal's activities began to be paralysed; by slow
degrees he was forced into the south. Hannibal succeeded in crossing
the Alps with fresh forces, but by a brilliant operation was annihilated
on the Metaurus. The time had come when Scipio could disregard Hannibal
and strike at Carthage herself. Even Hannibal's return could not save
her. The victory of Zama decided the issue. Carthage became virtually a
tributary and subject state. Spain was a Roman province, and North
Africa a sort of protectorate.

The threatening extension of Macedonian power now demanded the
protecting intervention of Rome; an honest act of liberation for the
Greeks, but entailing presently the war with Antiochus of Syria.
Antiochus had left Phillip and Macedon in the lurch; now he sought to
impose his own yoke in place of theirs. The practical outcome was his
decisive overthrow at the battle of Magnesia, and the cession to Rome of
Asia Minor. Pergamus, under the house of Actalus, was established as a
protected kingdom, as Numidia under Masinissa had been. The Greek
states, however, were becoming conscious that their freedom was hardly
more than a name; Perseus of Macedon once more challenged Rome, not
without Greek support. Macedon was finally crushed by Aemilius Paullus
at Pydna. From that moment, Rome dropped the policy of maintaining free
states beyond the seas, which had manifestly failed. Virtually, the
known world was divided into subjects and dependencies of Rome, so vast
was the change in the forty years between the battles of the Metaurus
and Pydna.

Rapid extension of dominion by conquest had demoralising results; the
ruling race was exposed to strong temptations in the provinces, and the
city remained the seat of government, while the best of the burgesses
were distributed elsewhere. Hence, the popular assembly became virtually
the city mob, while the ruling families tended more and more to form a
close and greedy and plutocratic oligarchy. The demoralisation was very
inadequately checked by the austerity of the censorship as exercised by
Cato.

In the provinces, the Spanish natives revolted, and were only repressed
after severe fighting. In Greece, Asia and Africa, the Roman rule gave
neither freedom nor strong government. In Africa, the disturbances led
to the wiping out of Carthage; in Greece to the complete subjection of
the dependent states; in the Far East, a new Parthian power arose under
Mithridates. The Mediterranean was allowed to be infested by pirates.
Revolution was at hand. Politics had become reduced to a process of
intrigue for office emoluments, involving a pandering to the city mob
for its suffrages.


_II.--The Revolution_


Socially, the most patent evil was the total disappearance of the free
agricultural class, the absorption of all the land into huge estates
under slave labour. The remedy proposed by Tiberius Gracchus was the
partial state resumption of land and its re-allotment. He adopted
unconstitutional methods for carrying his proposals, and was murdered in
a riot led by the oligarchs. Appeals to the Roman populace were not,
unfortunately, appeals to the Roman nation.

His brother, Gaius, deliberately designed a revolution. He proposed to
work through the antagonism of the aristocrats and the wealthy
non-senatorial equestrian order; and by concentrating power in the hands
of the tribunate, hitherto checked by the restrictions on re-election.
In effect, he meant to destroy the oligarchy by making the Tribune a
perpetual dictator, and thus to carry through social reforms; to
establish also legal equality first for the Italians, then for the
provinces also. But these reforms were not particularly attractive to
the city mob, and the other side could play the demagogue. The condition
of Caesarism is the control of physical force; Gaius Gracchus fell
because he had not that essential control. The oligarchy remained
supreme. The plans of Gracchus for planting colonies and distributing
allotments were nullified.

The evils of slave labour multiplied, and issued in servile
insurrections. In Numidia, the able Masimissa had been succeeded by
Micipsa. On Micipsa's death, the rule was usurped by his illegitimate
nephew Jugurtha, whose story has been told by Sallust. The war was at
least terminated less by the low-born general in command, Marius, than
his brilliant lieutenant Sulla. But Marius re-organised the army on the
basis which was to make a military despotism practicable, as it made a
professional instead of a citizen army.

But now a new foe appears; the first Teutonic (not Celtic) hordes of the
Cimbri and Teutones; to meet with an overwhelming check at the hands of
Marius at Aquae Sextiae and Vercellae. The successful soldier allied
himself with the popular leader Saturninus; the programme of Gaius
Gracchus was resuscitated. But Marius, a political incapable, separated
from the demagogues, and by helping to crush them, effaced himself.
Livius Drusus attempted to carry out the Gracchan social reform, with
the senate instead of the tribunate as the controlling power; the
senatorial party themselves wrecked his schemes, and the antagonistic
power of the equestrian order was advanced.

But the immediate outcome was the revolt of the Italians, the _socii_
(whence the name social war). They were not citizens, not on an equal
footing with the citizens before the law. The revolt was suppressed, but
the legions were completely out of hand. The attempt of Sulpicius to
head the reform movement was answered by Sulla, who for the first time
led a Roman army against Rome, crushed Sulpicius, prescribed some of his
adherents, and placed the power of the senate on a stronger footing by
legal enactment. Then he went to the East, to conduct the war against
Mithridates.

While Sulla was conducting his operations, military and diplomatic, with
skill and success in the East, his arrangements at Rome had left
discontent and disappointment seething. There was another revolution,
led by Cinna, Marius and Sertorius; it mastered Rome. Marius spilt seas
of blood, but soon died. For three years Cinna was supreme, but he had
no constructive policy.

But now Sulla had finished his work in the East. He was returning at the
head of a body of veterans devoted to him; and his diplomacy won over
half Italy to his side. The struggle with the revolutionary government
was not greatly prolonged, and it was decisive.

In plain terms, the Roman constitution had gone utterly to wreck; Sulla
was in something of the same position as Oliver Cromwell. He had to
reconstruct under conditions which made a constitutional restoration
impracticable; but his control of the efficient military force gave him
the necessary power. That any system introduced must be arbitrary and
find its main sanction in physical force--that it should partake of
terrorism--was inevitable.

Sulla obtained the formal conferment on himself of absolute power. He
began by applying this rule of terror not vindictively, but with
impersonal mercilessness, against the lives and property of the
opposition. In the constitution which he promulgated the senatorial body
was alone recognised as a privileged class; the senate itself was
increased, it recovered full control of the judiciary and of
legislation; no power was left of cancelling membership. The tribunician
power was curtailed.

The civil and military functions of consuls and praetors were separated.
They were to hold civil power in Italy proper during their year of
office; they were then to have a second year in military control of a
province. The planting of military colonies provided numerous garrisons
whose interests were associated with the new constitution. When Sulla
had done his work, he resigned his extraordinary powers with entire
indifference. In a little more than a year he died.

The Sullan constitution saved the Roman empire from imminent collapse;
but it was impossible that it should be more than a makeshift, like
Cromwell's protectorate. There were huge classes with perpetual
grievances; the removal of the military forces to the provinces left the
city of Rome without adequate governors of the provinces themselves. And
there was no man of the hour of supreme ability to carry on work
demanding a master.


_III.--Pompey and Caesar_


The young Graccus Pompeius was the most distinguished of the Sullan
party; Crassus was the wealthiest and most powerful of the Equestrian
group; Lepidus was the popular leader. A popular insurrection which he
headed was suppressed, and he disappeared, but Sertorius, once an
associate of Marius, had obtained a remarkable personal ascendancy in
Spain, and, in league with the Mediterranean pirates, threatened to be a
formidable foe of the new constitution. For some years he maintained a
gradually waning resistance against the arms of Pompeius, but finally
was assassinated.

Meanwhile Tigranes, King of Armenia, had been developing a powerful
monarchy; and mutual distrust had brought on another war with
Mithridates, successfully conducted by Lucullus. Out of this war arose a
struggle with Tigranes, on whom an overwhelming defeat was inflicted at
Tigranocerta. But the brilliant achievements of Lucullus were nullified
by the mutinous conduct of the troops, and the factious conduct of the
home government. The gross inefficiency of that government was shown by
the immense extension of organised piracy, and by the famous slave
revolt under Spartacus, which seriously endangered the state.

Pompeius on his return from Spain was barred on technical grounds from
the triumph and the consulship which he demanded. He was thus driven
into an alliance with the democratic party, and with Crassus. The result
was the fall of the Sullan constitution, and the restoration of checks
on the power of the senate. Pompeius might have grasped a military
despotism; he did not, but he did receive extraordinary powers for
dealing with the whole Eastern question, and when that work was settled
successfully, he would be able to dictate his own terms.

Pompeius began his task by a swift and crushing blow against the pirate
cities and fleets, which broke up the organisation. He crushed
Mithridates in one campaign, and received the submission of Tigranes;
Mithridates soon after fell by his own hand, the victim of an
insurrection. Anarchy in Syria warranted Pompeius in annexing the
Seleucid dominion. The whole of the nearer East was now a part of the
Roman empire; and was thenceforth ruled not as protectorates, but as a
group of provinces. Egypt alone was not incorporated.

Meanwhile, the democratic party at Rome were dominant, though their
policy was inconsistent and opportunist. Probably the leading men, such
as Crassus and the rising Gaius, Julius Caesar, stood aside from the
wilder schemes, such as the Catilinarian conspiracies, but secretly
fostered them. Catiline's projects were betrayed, and the illegal
execution of the captured conspirators by the consul Cicero was hailed
by Cato and the senatorial party as a triumph of patriotic
statesmanship. Catiline himself was crushed in the field.

The definite fact emerged, that neither the senatorial nor the
democratic party could establish a strong government; that would be
possible only for a military monarchy--a statesman with a policy and an
irresistible, force at his back. But Pompeius lacked the courage and
skill. Caesar, as yet, lacked the military force. Pompeius, on his return
from the East, again allied himself with Crassus and Caesar, whose object
was to acquire for himself the opportunity which Pompeius would not
grasp. The alliance gave Pompeius the land allotments he required for
his soldiers, and to Caesar the consulship followed by a prolonged
governorship of Gaul.

The conquest and organisation of Gaul was an end in itself, a necessary
defence against barbarian pressure. Caesar's operations there were
invaluable to the empire; incidentally, they enabled him to become
master of it. Caesar has left his own record. Gaul was transformed into a
barrier against the Teutonic migration. But Pompeius, nominally holding
a far greater position, proved incapable of controlling the situation in
Rome; he could not even suppress the demagogue Clodius, while the
prestige of his military exploits was waning. Fear of the power of the
Triumvirate was driving moderate men to the senatorial part; that party,
without an efficient leader, began to find in Pompeius rather in ally
against the more dangerous Caesar than an enemy.

But they would not concede him the powers he required; which might yet
be turned to the uses of his colleagues in the Triumvirate; he could not
afford to challenge Caesar; and Caesar adroitly used the situation to
secure for himself a prolongation of his Gallic command. The completion
of his work there was to have precedence of his personal ambitions.
Crassus was sent to the Eastern command; and Pompeius remained in Italy,
while nominally appointed to Spain.

Pompeius, indeed, attained a predominance in Rome which enabled him to
secure temporarily dictatorial powers which were employed to counteract
the electoral machinery of the republican party; but he had not the
qualifications or the inclination to play the demagogue, and could not
unite his aspirations as a restorer of law and order with effective
party leadership. Crassus disappeared; his armies in the East met with a
complete disaster at Carrhae, and he took his own life. Caesar and
Pompeius were left; Pompeius was not content that Caesar should stand on
a real equality with him, and the inevitable rupture came.

In effect Pompeius used his dictatorship to extend his own military
command and to curtail Caesar's. The position resolved itself into a
rivalry between the two; Caesar declaring as always for the democracy,
Pompeius now assuming the championship of the aristocracy, and the
guardianship of the constitution.

For Caesar the vital point now was that his own command should not
terminate till he exchanged it for a fresh consulship. As the law now
stood, he could not obtain his election without resigning his command
beforehand. But he succeeded in forcing Pompeius to break the law; and
in making the official government responsible for declaring war. He
offered a compromise, perhaps, in the certainty that it would be
rejected--as it was. He was virtually declared a public enemy; and he
struck at once.

At the head of his devotedly loyal veterans he crossed the Rubicon. His
rapid and successful advance caused Pompeius to abandon Italy and fall
back on the Eastern Provinces. The discipline preserved, and the
moderation displayed by Caesar won him unexpected favour. Having secured
Italy, he turned next on Spain, and secured that. Swift and decisive
action was pitted against inertness. When Caesar entered Epirus the odds
against him on paper were enormous; but the triumphant victory of
Phansalus shattered the Pompeian coalition. Pompeius hurried to Egypt,
but was assassinated while landing. The struggle, however, was not over
till after the battle of Thapsus nearly two years after Phansalus.

Caesar was now beyond question master of the whole Roman world. He had
made himself one of the mightiest of all masters of the art of war; but
he was even more emphatically unsurpassed as a statesman. In the brief
time that was left him he laid the foundation of the new monarchy which
replaced the ancient Republic of Rome.

       *       *       *       *       *




Mediaeval History


EDWARD GIBBON


The Holy Roman Empire


     The third of Gibbon's divisions of his great history was
     devoted to that period which is comprised between the
     establishment of the Holy Roman Empire in 800 and the final
     extinction of the Eastern Empire with the conquest of
     Constantinople by Mahomet II. in 1453. Although this was the
     longest period, Gibbon devoted much less space to it than to
     the preceding parts of his history. This fact was partly due
     to the gradual diminution of Roman interests, for the
     dominions of the empire became contracted to the limits of a
     single city, and also to the fact that the material which the
     most painstaking search placed at his disposal was distinctly
     limited. But though the conquest of the Normans, to instance
     one section, has been dealt with inadequately in the light of
     modern research, the wonderful panorama that Gibbon's genius
     was able to present never fails in its effect or general
     accuracy. The Holy Roman Empire is, of course, properly
     classified under Mediaeval History, which accounts for its
     separation from the rest of Gibbon's work.


_I.--Birth and Sway of the Empire_


The Western Empire, or Holy Roman Empire, as it has been called, which
was re-established by Charlemagne (and lasted in shadow until the
abdication of Francis II. under the pressure of Napoleon in 1806), was
not unworthy of its title.

The personal and political importance of Charlemagne was magnified by
the distress and division of the rest of Europe. The Greek emperor was
addressed by him as brother instead of father; and as long as the
imperial dignity of the West was usurped by a hero, the Greeks
respectfully saluted the _august_ Charlemagne with the acclamations of
"Basileus" and "Emperor of the Romans." Lewis the Pious (814-840)
possessed the virtue of his father but not the power. When both power
and virtue were extinct, the Greeks despoiled Lewis II. of his
hereditary title, and with the barbarous appellation of _Rex_ degraded
him amongst the crowd of Latin princes.

The imperial title of the West remained in the family of Charlemagne
until the deposition of Charles the Fat in 884. His insanity dissolved
the empire into factions, and it was not until Otho, King of Germany,
laid claim to the title, with fire and sword, that the western empire
was restored (962). His conquest of Italy and delivery of the pope for
ever fixed the imperial crown in the name and nation of Germany. From
that memorable era two maxims of public jurisprudence were introduced by
force and ratified by time: (1) That the prince who was elected in the
German Diet acquired from that instant the subject kingdoms of Italy and
Rome; (2) but that he might not legally assume the titles of Emperor and
Augustus till he had received the crown from the hands of the Roman
pontiff.

The nominal power of the Western emperors was considerable. No pontiff
could be legally consecrated till the emperor, the advocate of the
Church, had graciously signified his approbation and consent. Gregory
VII., in 1073, usurped this power, and fixed for ever in the college of
cardinals the freedom and independence of election. Nominally, also, the
emperors held sway in Rome, but this supremacy was annihilated in the
thirteenth century. In the fourteenth century the power derived from his
title was still recognised in Europe; the hereditary monarchs confessed
the pre-eminence of his rank and dignity.

The persecution of images and their votaries in the East had
separated-Rome and Italy from the Byzantine throne, and prepared the way
for the conquests of the Franks. The rise and triumph of the Mahometans
still further diminished the empire of the East. The successful inroads
of the Bulgarians, Hungarians, and Russians, who assaulted by sea or by
land the provinces and the capital, seemed to advance the approach of
its final dissolution. The Norman adventurers, who founded a powerful
kingdom in Apulia and Sicily, shook the throne of Constantinople (1146),
and their hostile enterprises did not cease until the year 1185.


_II.--Latin Rulers of Constantinople_


Under the name of the Latins, the subjects of the pope, the nations of
the West, enlisted under the banner of the Cross for the recovery or the
release of the Holy Sepulchre. The Greek emperors were terrified and
preserved by the myriads of pilgrims who marched to Jerusalem with
Godfrey of Bouillon (1095-99) and the peers of Christendom. The second
(1147) and the third (1189) crusades trod in the footsteps of the first.
Asia and Europe were mingled in a sacred war of two hundred years; and
the Christian powers were bravely resisted and finally expelled (1291)
by Saladin (1171-93) and the Mamelukes of Egypt.

In these memorable crusades a fleet and army of French and Venetians
were diverted from Syria to the Thracian Bosphorus; they assaulted the
capital (1203), they subverted the Greek monarchy; and a dynasty of
Latin princes was seated near three-score years on the throne of
Constantine.

During this period of captivity and exile, which lasted from 1204 to
1261, the purple was preserved by a succession of four monarchs, who
maintained their title as the heirs of Augustus, though outcasts from
their capital. The _de facto_ sovereigns of Constantinople during this
period, the Latin emperors of the houses of Flanders and Courtenay,
provided five sovereigns for the usurped throne. By an agreement between
the allied conquerors, the emperor of the East was nominated by the vote
of twelve electors, chosen equally from the French and Venetians. To
him, with all the titles and prerogatives of the Byzantine throne, a
fourth part of the Greek monarchy was assigned; the remaining portions
were equally snared between the republic of Venice and the barons of
France.

Under this agreement, Baldwin, Count of Flanders and Hainault, was
created emperor (1204-05). The idea of the Roman system, which, despite
the passage of centuries devoted to the triumphs of the barbarians, had
impressed itself on Europe, was seen in the emperor's letter to the
Roman pontiff, in which he congratulated him on the restoration of his
authority in the East.

The defeat and captivity of Baldwin in a war against the Bulgarians, and
his subsequent death, placed the crown on the head of his brother Henry
(1205-16). With him the imperial house of Flanders became extinct, and
Peter of Courtenay, Count of Auxerre (1217-19), assumed the empire of
the East. Peter was taken captive by Theodore, the legitimate sovereign
of Constantinople, and his sons Robert (1221-28) and Baldwin II.
(1228-37) reigned in succession. The gradual recovery of their empire by
the legitimate sovereigns of the East culminated in the capture of
Constantinople by the Greeks (1261). The line of Latin sovereigns was
extinct. Baldwin lived the remainder of his life a royal fugitive,
soliciting the Catholic powers to join in his restoration. He died in
1272.

From the days of the Emperor Heraclius the Byzantine Empire had been
most tranquil and prosperous when it could acquiesce in hereditary
succession. Five dynasties--the Heraclian, Isaurian, Amorian, Basilian,
and Comnenian families--enjoyed and transmitted the royal patrimony
during their respective series of five, four, three, six, and four
generations. The imperial house of Comnenius, though its direct line in
male descent had expired with Andronicus I. (1185), had been perpetuated
by marriage in the female line, and had survived the exile from
Constantinople, in the persons of the descendants of Theodore Lascaris.

Michael Palaeologus, who, through his mother, might claim perhaps a
prior right to the throne of the Comnenii, usurped the imperial dignity
on the recovery of Constantinople, cruelly blinded the young Emperor
John, the legitimate heir of Theodore Lascaris, and reigned until 1282.
His career of authority was notable for an attempt to unite the Greek
and Roman churches--a union which was dissolved in 1283--and his
instigation of the revolt in Sicily, which ended in the famous Sicilian
Vespers (March 30, 1282), when 8,000 French were exterminated in a
promiscuous massacre.

He saved his empire by involving the kingdoms of the West in rebellion
and blood. From these seeds of discord uprose a generation of iron men,
who assaulted and endangered the empire of his son, Andronicus the Elder
(1282-1332). Thousands of Genoese and Catalans, released from the wars
that Michael had aroused in the West, took service under his successor
against the Turks. Other mercenaries flocked to their standard, and,
under the name of the Great Company, they subverted the authority of the
emperor, defeated his troops, laid waste his territory, united
themselves with his enemies, and, finally, abandoning the banks of the
Hellespont, marched into Greece. Here they overthrew the remnant of the
Latin power, and for fourteen years (1311-1326) the Great Company was
the terror of the Grecian states.

Their factions drove them to acknowledge the sovereignity of the house
of Arragon; and, during the remainder of the fourteenth century, Athens
as a government or an appanage was successfully bestowed by the kings of
Sicily. Conquered in turn by the French and Catalans, Athens at length
became the capital of a state that extended over Thebes, Argos, Corinth,
Delphi, and a part of Thessaly, and was ruled by the family of Accaioli,
plebeians of Florence (1384-1456). The last duke of this dynasty was
strangled by Mahomet II., who educated his sons in the discipline of the
seraglio.

During the reign of John Palaeologus, son of Andronicus the Younger,
which began in 1355, the eastern empire was nearly subverted by the
Genoese. On the return of the legitimate sovereign to Constantinople,
the Genoese, who had established their factories and industries in the
suburb of Galata, or Pera, were allowed to remain. During the civil wars
the Genoese forces took advantage of the disunion of the Greeks, and by
the skilful use of their power exacted a treaty by which they were
granted a monopoly of trade, and almost a right of dominions. The Roman
Empire (I smile in transcribing the name) might soon have sunk into a
province of Genoa if the ambition of the republic had not been checked
by the ruin of her freedom and naval power. Yet the spirit of commerce
survived that of conquest; and the colony of Pera still awed the capital
and navigated the Euxine till it was involved by the Turks in the final
servitude of Constantinople itself.


_III.--End of the Roman World_


Only three more sovereigns ruled the remnants of the Roman world after
the reign of John Palaeologus, but the final downfall of the empire was
delayed above fifty years by a series of events that had sapped the
strength of the Mahometan empire. The rise and triumph of the Moguls and
Tartars under their emperors, descendants of Zingis Khan, had shaken the
globe from China to Poland and Greece (1206-1304). The sultans were
overthrown, and in the general disorder of the Mahometan world a veteran
and adventurous army, which included many Turkoman hordes, was dissolved
into factions who, under various chiefs, lived a life of rapine and
plunder. Some of these engaged in the service of Aladin (1219-1236),
Sultan of Iconium, and among these were the obscure fathers of the
Ottoman line.

Orchan ruled from 1326 to 1360, achieved the conquest of Bithynia, and
first led the Turks into Europe, and in 1353 established himself in the
Chersonesus, and occupied Gallipoli, the key of the Hellespont. Orchan
was succeeded by Amurath I. (1389-1403). Bajazet carried his victorious
arms from the Danube to the Euphrates, and the Roman world became
contracted to a corner of Thrace, between the Propontis and the Black
Sea, about fifty miles in length and thirty in breadth, a space of
ground not more extensive than the lesser principalities of Germany or
Italy, if the remains of Constantinople had not still represented the
wealth and populousness of a kingdom.

Under Manuel (1391-1425), the son and successor of John Palteologus,
Constantinople would have fallen before the might of the Sultan Bajazet
had not the Turkish Empire been oppressed by the revival of the Mogul
power under the victorious Timour, or Tamerlane. After achieving a
conquest of Persia (1380-1393), of Tartary (1370-1383), and Hindustan
(1398-1399), Timour, who aspired to the monarchy of the world, found
himself at length face to face with the Sultan Bajazet. Bajazet was
taken prisoner in the war that followed. Kept, probably only as a
precaution, in an iron cage, Bajazet attended the marches of his
conqueror, and died on March 9, 1403. Two years later, Timour also
passed away on the road to China. Of his empire to-day nothing remains.
Since the reign of his descendant Aurungzebe, his empire has been
dissolved (1659-1707); the treasures of Delhi have been rifled by a
Persian robber; and the riches of their kingdom is now possessed by the
Christians of a remote island in the northern ocean.

Far different was the fate of the Ottoman monarchy. The massive trunk
was bent to the ground, but no sooner did the hurricane pass away than
it again rose with fresh vigour and more lively vegetation. After a
period of civil war between the sons of Bajazet (1403-1421), the Ottoman
Empire was once more firmly established by his grandson, Amurath II.
(1421-1451).

One of the first expeditions undertaken by the new sultan was the siege
of Constantinople (1422), but the fortune rather than the genius of the
Emperor Manuel prevented the attempt. Amurath was recalled to Asia by a
domestic revolt, and the siege was raised.

While the sultan led his Janizaries to new conquests, the Byzantine
Empire was indulged in a servile and precarious respite of thirty years.
Manuel sank into the grave, and John Palaeologus II. (1425-1448) was
permitted to reign for an annual tribute of 300,000 aspers and the
dereliction of almost all that he held beyond the suburbs of
Constantinople.

On November 1, 1448, Constantine, the last of the Roman emperors,
assumed the purple of the Caesars. For three years he was allowed to
indulge himself in various private and public designs, the completion of
which were interrupted by a Turkish war, and finally buried in the ruins
of the empire.


_IV.--The Great Siege of Constantinople_


Mahomet II. succeeded his father Amurath on February 9, 1451. His
hostile designs against the capital were immediately seen in the
building of a fortress on the Bosphorus, which commanded the source
whence the city drew her supplies. In the following year a quarrel
between some Greeks and Turks gave him the excuse of declaring war. His
cannon--for the use of gunpowder, for some time the monopoly of the
Christian world, had been betrayed to Amurath by the Genoese--commanded
the port, and a tribute was exacted from all ships that entered the
harbour. But the actual siege was delayed until the ensuing spring of
1453.

Mahomet, in person, surveyed the city, encouraged his soldiers, and
discussed with his generals and engineers the best means of making the
assault. By his orders a huge cannon was built in Hadrianople. It fired
a ball one mile, and to convey it to its position before the walls, a
team of sixty oxen and the assistance of 200 men were employed. The
Emperor Constantine, unable to excite the sympathy of Europe, attempted
the best defence of which he was capable, with a force of 4,970 Romans
and 2,000 Genoese. A chain was drawn across the mouth of the harbour,
and whatever supplies arrived from Candia and the Black Sea were
detained for the public service.

The siege of Constantinople, in which scarcely 7,000 soldiers had to
defend a city sixteen miles in extent against the powers of the Ottoman
Empire, commenced on April 6, 1453. The last Constantine deserves the
name of a hero; his noble band of volunteers was inspired with Roman
virtue, and the foreign auxiliaries supported the honour of the Western
chivalry. But their inadequate stock of gunpowder was wasted in the
operations of each day. Their ordnance was not powerful either in size
or number; and if they possessed some heavy cannon, they feared to plant
them on the walls, lest the aged structure should be shaken and
overthrown by the explosion.

The great cannon of Mahomet could only be fired seven times in one day,
but the weight and repetition of the shots made some impression on the
walls. The Turks rushed to the edge of the ditch, attempted to fill the
enormous chasm and to build a road to the assault. In the attack, as
well as in the defence, ancient and modern artillery was employed.
Cannon and mechanical engines, the bullet and the battering-ram,
gunpowder and Greek fire, were engaged on both sides.

Christendom watched the struggle with coldness and apathy. Four ships,
which successfully forced an entrance into the harbour, were the limit
of their assistance. None the less, Mahomet meditated a retreat. Unless
the city could be attacked from the harbour, its reduction appeared to
be hopeless. In this perplexity the genius of Mahomet executed a plan of
a bold and marvellous cast. He transported his fleet over land for ten
miles. In the course of one night four-score light galleys and
brigantines painfully climbed the hill, steered over the plain, and were
launched from the declivity into the shallow waters of the harbour, far
above the molestation of the deeper vessels of the Greeks. A bridge, or
mole, hastily built, formed a base for one of his largest cannon. The
galleys, with troops and scaling ladders, approached the most accessible
side of the walls, and, after a siege of forty days, the diminutive
garrison, exhausted by a double attack, could hope no longer to avert
the fate of the capital.

On Monday, May 28, preparations were made for the final assault. Mahomet
had inspired his soldiers with the hope of rewards in this world and the
next. His camp re-echoed with the shouts of "God is God; there is but
one God, and Mahomet is the apostle of God"; and the sea and land, from
Galata to the Seven Towers, were illuminated with the blaze of the
Moslem fires.

Far different was the state of the Christians. On that last night of the
Roman Empire, Constantine Palaeologus, in his palace, addressed the
noblest of the Greeks and the bravest of the allies on the duties and
dangers that lay before them. It was the funeral oration of the Roman
Empire. That same night the emperor and some faithful companions entered
the Dome of St. Sofia, which, within a few hours, was to be converted
into a mosque, and devoutly received, with tears and prayers, the
sacrament of the Holy Communion. He reposed some moments in the palace,
which resounded with cries and lamentations, solicited the pardon of all
whom he might have injured, and mounted on horseback to visit the guards
and explore the motions of the enemy. The distress and fall of the last
Constantine are more glorious than the long prosperity of the Byzantine
Caesars.

At daybreak on May 29 the Turks assaulted the city by sea and land. For
two hours the Greeks maintained the defence with advantage, and the
voice of the emperor was heard encouraging the soldiers to achieve by a
last effort the deliverance of their country. The new and fresh forces
of the Turks supplied the places of their wearied associates. From all
sides the attack was pressed.

The number of the Ottomans was fifty, perhaps one hundred, times
superior to that of the Christians, the double walls were reduced by the
cannons to a heap of ruins, and at last one point was found which the
besiegers could penetrate. Hasan, the Janizary, of gigantic stature and
strength, ascended the outward fortification. The walls and towers were
instantly covered with a swarm of Turks, and the Greeks, now driven from
the vantage ground, were overwhelmed by increasing multitudes.

Amidst these multitudes, the emperor, who accomplished all the duties of
a general and a soldier, was long seen and finally lost. His mournful
exclamation was heard, "Cannot there be found a Christian to cut off my
head?" and his last fear was that of falling alive into the hands of the
infidels. The prudent despair of Constantine cast away the purple.
Amidst the tumult he fell by an unknown hand, and his body was buried
under a mountain of the slain.

After his death, resistance and order were no more. Two thousand Greeks
were put to the sword, and more would have perished had not avarice soon
prevailed over cruelty.

It was thus, after a siege of fifty-three days, that Constantinople,
which had defied the power of Chosroes and the caliphs, was
irretrievably subdued by the arms of Mahomet II. Sixty thousand Greeks
were driven through the streets like cattle and sold as slaves. The nuns
were torn from the monasteries and compelled to enter the harems of
their conquerors. The churches were plundered, and the gold and silver,
the pearls and jewels, the vases and sacerdotal ornaments of St. Sofia
were most wickedly converted to the service of mankind.

The cathedral itself, despoiled of its images and ornaments, was
converted into a mosque, and Mahomet II. performed the _namaz_ of prayer
and thanksgiving at the great altar, where the Christian mysteries had
so lately been celebrated before the last of the Caesars. The body of
Constantine was discovered under a heap of slain, by the golden eagles
embroidered on his shoes, and after exposing the bloody trophy, Mahomet
bestowed on his rival the honours of a decent funeral. Constantinople,
desolated by bloodshed, was re-peopled and re-adorned by Mahomet. Its
churches were shared between the two religions, and the Greeks were
attracted back to their ancient capital by the assurance of their lives
and the free exercise of their religion.

The grief and terror of Europe when the fall of Constantinople became
known revived, or seemed to revive, the old enthusiasm of the crusades.
Pius II. attempted to lead Christendom against the Turks, but on the
very day on which he embarked his forces drew back, and he was compelled
to abandon the attempt. The siege and sack of Otranto by the Turks put
an end to all thoughts of a crusade, and the general consternation was
only allayed by the death of Mahomet II. in the fifty-first year of his
age.

His lofty genius aspired to the conquest of Italy; he was possessed of a
strong city and a capacious harbour, and the same reign might have been
decorated with the trophies of the New and the Ancient Rome.

       *       *       *       *       *




FRANCOIS GUIZOT


History of Civilisation in Europe


     Francois Pierre Guillaume Guizot, French historian and
     statesman, was born of Huguenot parents at Nimes on October 4,
     1787. The liberal opinions of his family did not save his
     father from the guillotine in 1794, and the mother fled to
     Geneva, where Guizot was educated. He went to Paris in the
     later days of the Empire, and engaged himself at once in
     literature and politics. His lectures on the History of
     Civilisation delivered in 1828, 1829, and 1830, during his
     professorship at the University of Paris, revealed him as a
     historian with a rare capacity for mastering the broad
     essential truths of history, co-ordinating them, and
     expounding them with vigour and impressiveness. His first
     series of lectures was on "The History of Civilisation in
     Europe," a masterly abstract of a colossal subject; the second
     on "The History of Civilisation in France." From 1830 to 1848
     Guizot occupied high offices of State, ultimately becoming
     prime minister; in 1848, like his master Louis Philippe, he
     had to fly the country. He died on September 12, 1874.


_I.--The Nature of Civilisation_


The subject I propose to consider is the civilisation of Europe--its
origins, its progress, its aims, its character. The fact of civilisation
belongs to what is called the philosophic portion of history; it is a
vague, obscure, complex fact, very difficult, I admit, to explain and
describe, but none the less requiring explanation and description. It
is, indeed, the greatest historical fact, to which all others
contribute; it is a kind of ocean which makes the wealth of a people,
and in the bosom of which all the elements of the people's life, all the
forces of its existence, are joined in unity.

What, then, is civilisation--this grave, far-reaching precious reality
that seems the expression of the entire life of a people? It seems to me
that the first and fundamental fact conveyed by the word civilisation is
the fact of progress, of development. But what is this progress? What is
this development? Here is the greatest difficulty of all.

The etymology of the word civilisation seems to provide an easy answer.
It tells us that civilisation is the perfecting of civil life, the
development of society properly so called, of the relations of men to
men. But is this all? Have we exhausted the natural and usual sense of
the word? France, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was
acknowledged to be the most civilised country in Europe; yet in respect
of purely civil progress France was then greatly inferior to some other
European countries, Holland and England, for example. Another
development, then, reveals itself--the development of individual life,
of the man himself, of his faculties, sentiments, and ideas.

These two notions that are comprehended in the broad notion of
civilisation--that of the development of social activity and that of the
development of individual activity--are intimately related to each
other. Their relationship is upheld by the instinctive conviction of
men; it is proved by the course of the world's history--all the great
moral and intellectual advances of man have profited society, all the
great social advances have profited the individual mind.

So much for civilisation in general. It is now necessary to point out
the essential difference between modern European and other
civilisations. The characteristic of other civilisations has been unity;
they seem to have emanated from a single fact, a single idea. In Egypt
and India, for example, the theocratic principle was dominant; in the
Greek and Phoenician republics, the democratic principle. The
civilisation of modern Europe, on the contrary, is diverse, confused,
stormy; all the forms and principles of social organisation theocratic,
monarchical, aristocratic, democratic, co-exist in it; there are
infinite gradations of liberty, wealth, influence. All the various
forces are in a state of constant struggle; yet all of them have a
certain family resemblance, as it were, that we cannot but recognise.

These diverse elements, for all their conflict, cannot any one of them
extinguish any other; each has to dwell with the rest, make a compromise
with the rest. The outcome, then, of this diversity and struggle is
liberty; and here is the grand and true superiority of the European over
the other civilisations. European civilisation, if I may say so, has
entered into eternal truth; it advances in the ways of God.


_II.--Feudalism_


It would be an important confirmation of my assertion as to the diverse
character of our civilisation if we should find in its very cradle the
causes and the elements of that diversity. And indeed, at the fall of
the Roman empire, we do so find it. Three forms of society, each
entirely different from the other, are visible at this time of chaos.
The municipalities survived, the last remnant of the Imperial system.
The Christian Church survived. And in the third place there were the
Barbarians, who brought with them a military organisation, and a hardy
individual independence, that were wholly new to the peoples who had
dwelt under the shelter of the empire. The Barbarian epoch was the chaos
of all the elements, the infancy of all the systems, a universal hubbub
in which even conflict itself had no definite or permanent effects.

Europe laboured to escape from this confusion; at some times, and in
some places, it was temporarily checked--in particular by the great
Charlemagne in his revival of the imperial power; but the confusion did
not cease until its causes no longer acted. These causes were two--one
material, one moral. The material cause was the irruption of fresh
Barbarian hordes. The moral cause was the lack of any ideas in common
among men as to the structure of society. The old imperial fabric had
disappeared; Charlemagne's restoration of it depended wholly on his own
personality, and did not survive him; men had no ideas of any new
structure--their intellectual horizon was limited to their own affairs.
By the beginning of the tenth century the Barbarian invasions ended, and
as the populations settled down a new system appeared, based partly on
the Barbarians' love of independence, partly on their plans of military
gradation--the system of feudalism.

A sound proof that in the tenth century the feudal system was necessary,
and the only social state possible, lies in the universality of its
establishment. Everywhere society was dismembered; everywhere there was
formed a multitude of small, obscure, isolated societies, consisting of
the chief, his family, his retainers, and the wretched serfs over whom
he ruled without restraint, and who had no appeal against his whim. The
power he exercised was the power of individual over individual, the
domination of personal will and caprice; and this is perhaps the only
kind of tyranny that man, to his eternal honour, is never willing to
endure. Hence the prodigious and invincible hatred that the people have
at all times entertained for feudal rule, for the memories of it, for
its very name.

The narrow concentrated life of the feudal lord lent, undoubtedly, a
great preponderance to domesticity in his affairs. The lord had his wife
and children for his permanent society; they continually shared his
interests, his destiny. It was in the bosom of the feudal family that
woman gained her importance in civilisation. The system excited
development of private character and passion that were, all things
considered, noble. Chivalry was the daughter of feudalism.

But from the social point of view feudalism failed to provide either
legal order or political security. It contained elaborate obligations
between the higher and the lower orders of the feudal hierarchy, duties
of protection on the one side and of service on the other. But these
obligations could never be established as institutions. There was no
superior force to which all had to submit; there was public opinion to
make itself respected. Hence the feudal system was without political
guarantee to sustain it. Might alone was right. Feudalism was as much
opposed to the establishment of general order as to the extension of
general liberty. It was indispensable for the reconstruction of European
society, but politically it was in itself a radically bad system.


_III.--The Church_


Meanwhile the Church, adhering to its own principles, had steadily
advanced along the route that it had marked out for itself in the early
days of its organisation. It was during the feudal epoch the only power
that made for civilised development. All education was ecclesiastical;
all the arts were in the service of the Church. It had, during the Dark
Ages, won the Barbarians to its fold by the gorgeous solemnity of its
ritual; and, to protect itself against secular interference, it had
declared the spiritual power to be independent of the temporal--the
first great assertion, in the history of European civilisation, of the
liberty of thought.

In one set of respects the Church during the feudal epoch satisfied the
conditions of good government; in another, it did not. Its power was
uniformly distributed, it drew its recruits from all classes, and
entrusted the rule to the most capable. It was in close touch with every
grade of mankind; every colony of serfs, even, had its priest. It was
the most popular and most accessible society of the time, the most open
to all talents and all noble ambitions. But, on the other hand, it
failed in that all-important requisite of good government, respect for
liberty. It denied the rights of individual reason in spiritual matters,
and it claimed the right to compel belief--a claim that placed it in
some dependence upon the temporal powers, since as a purely spiritual
body, governing by influence and not by force, it could not persecute
without the aid of the secular arm.

To sum up, the Church exerted an immense and on the whole a beneficent
influence on ideas, sentiments, and conduct; but from the political
point of view the Church was nearly always the interpreter and defender
of the theocratic system and the Roman Imperial system--that is, of
religious and civil despotism.


_IV.--The Towns_


Like the Church, the municipalities survived the downfall of the Roman
empire. Their history varied greatly in different parts of Europe, but
none the less some observations can be made that are broadly accurate
with respect to most of them.

From the fifth to the tenth century, the state of the towns was a state
neither of servitude nor of liberty. They suffered all the woes that are
the fate of the weak; they were the prey of continual violence and
depredation; yet, in spite of the fearful disorders of the time, they
preserved a certain importance. When feudalism was established, the
towns lost such independence as they had possessed; they found
themselves under the heel of feudal chiefs. But feudalism did bring
about a sort of peace, a sort of order; and with the slightest gleam of
peace and order a man's hope revives, and on the revival of hope he
takes to work. So it was with the towns. New wants were created;
commerce and industry arose to satisfy them; wealth and population
slowly returned.

But industry and commerce were absolutely without security; the townsmen
were exposed to merciless extortion and plundering at the hands of their
feudal overlords. Nothing irritates a man more than to be harassed in
his toil, thus deprived of its promised fruits. The only way in which
the towns could defend themselves from the violence of their masters was
by using violence themselves. So in the eleventh century we find town
after town rising in revolt against its despot, and winning from him a
charter of liberty.

Although the insurrection was in a sense general, it was in no way
concerted--it was not a rising of the combined citizens against the
combined feudal aristocracy. All the towns found themselves exposed to
much the same evils, and rescued themselves in much the same manner. But
each town acted for itself--did not go to the help of any other town.
Hence these detached communities had no ambitions, no aspirations to
national importance; their outlook was limited to themselves. But at the
same time the emancipation of the towns created a new class, a class of
citizens engaged in the same pursuits, with the same interests and the
same modes of life; a class that would in time unite and assert itself,
and prevent the domination of a single order of society that has been
the curse of Asia.

Although it may be broadly asserted that the emancipation did not alter
the relations of the citizens with the general government, that
assertion must be modified in one respect. A link was established
between the citizens and the king. Sometimes they appealed for his aid
against their lord, sometimes the lord invoked him as judge; in one way
or another a relation was established between the king and the towns,
and the citizens thus came into touch with the centre of the State.


_V.--The Crusades_


From the fifth to the twelfth century, society, as we have seen,
contained kings, a lay aristocracy, a clergy, citizens, peasantry, the
germs, in fact, of all that goes to make a nation and a government;
yet--no government, no nation. We have come across a multitude of
particular forces, of local institutions, but nothing general, nothing
public, nothing properly speaking political.

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, on the contrary, all the
classes and the particular forces have taken a secondary place, are
shadowy and almost effaced; the stage of the world is occupied by two
great figures, government and people.

Here, if I am not mistaken, is the essential distinction between
primitive Europe and modern Europe. Here is the change that was
accomplished in the period extending from the thirteenth to the
sixteenth century. Viewed by itself, that period seems a characterless
one of confusion without cause, of movement without direction, of
agitation without result. Yet, in relation to the period that followed,
this period had a tendency and a progress of its own; it slowly
accomplished a vast work. It was the second period of European
civilisation--the period of attempt and experiment, succeeding that of
origins and formation, and preparing the way for that of development
properly so called.

The first great event of this period was the Crusades--a universal
movement of all classes and all countries in moral unity--the truly
heroic event of Europe. Besides the religious impulse that led to the
Crusades, there was another impulse. They gave to me an opportunity of
widening their horizons, of indulging the taste for movement and
adventure. The opportunity, thus freely taken, changed the face of
society. Men's minds were opened, their ideas were extended, by contact
with other races; European society was dragged out of the groove along
which it had been travelling. Religious ideas remained unchanged, but
religious beliefs were no longer the only sphere in which the human
intellect exercised itself. The moral state of Europe was profoundly
modified.

The social state underwent a similar change. Many of the smaller feudal
lords sold their fiefs, or impoverished themselves by crusading, or lost
much of their power during their absence. Property and power came into
fewer hands; society was more centralised, no longer dispersed as it
formerly was. The citizens, on their part, were no longer content with
local industry and trade; they entered upon commerce on a grander scale
with countries oversea. Petty influence yielded place to larger
influences; the small existences grouped themselves round the great. By
the end of the Crusades, the march of society towards centralisation was
in steady progress.


_VI.--The Age of Centralisation_


Already, in the twelfth century, a new idea of kingship had begun, very
faintly, to make its appearance. In most European countries the king,
under the feudal system, had been a head who could not enforce his
headship. But there was, all the while, such a thing as kingship, and
somebody bore the title of king; and society, striving to escape from
feudal violence and to get hold of real order and unity, had recourse to
the king in an experimental way, to see, as one might say, what he could
do. Gradually there developed the idea of the king as the protector of
public order and justice and of the common interest as the paramount
magistrate--the idea that changed Europe society from a series of
classes into a group of centralised States.

But the old order did not perish without efforts to perpetuate itself.
These efforts were of two kinds; a particular class sought predominance,
or it was proposed that the classes should agree to act in concert. To
the first kind belonged the design of the Church to gain mastery over
Europe that culminated with Pope Gregory VII. It failed for three
reasons--because Christianity is a purely moral force and not a temporal
administrative force; because the ambitions of the Church were opposed
by the feudal aristocracy; and because the celibacy of the clergy
prevented the formation of a caste capable of theocratic organisation.
Attempts at democracy were made, for a time with apparent means, by the
Italian civic republics; but they were a prey to internal disorder,
their government tended to become oligarchical, and their incapacity for
uniting among themselves made them the victims of foreign invaders. The
Swiss Republican organisation was more successful, but became
aristocratic and immobile. The House Towns and the towns of Flanders and
the Rhine organised for pure defence; they preserved their privileges,
but remained confined within their walls.

The effort at concerted action by the classes was manifested in the
States General of France, Spain, and Portugal, the Diet in Germany, and
the Parliament in England. All these, except the Parliament, were
ineffective and as it were accidental in their action; all they did was
to preserve in a manner the notion of liberty. The circumstances of
England were exceptional. The Parliament did not govern; but it became a
mode of government adopted in principle, and often indispensable in
practice.

Nothing, however, could arrest the march of centralisation. In France
the war of independence against England brought a sense of national
unity and purpose, and feudalism was finally overthrown, and the central
power made dominant, by the policy of Louis XI. Similar effects were
brought about in Spain by the war against the Moors and the rule of
Ferdinand. In England feudalism was destroyed by the Wars of the Roses,
and was succeeded by the Tudor despotism. In Germany, the House of
Austria began its long ascendancy. Thus in the fifteenth century the new
principles prevailed; the old forms, the old liberties were swept aside
to make way for centralised government under absolute rulers.

At the same time another new fact entered into European history. The
kings began to enter into relations with each other, to form alliances;
diplomacy was created. Since it is in the nature of diplomacy to be
conducted more or less secretly by a few persons, and since the peoples
did not and would not greatly concern themselves in it, this development
was favourable to the strengthening of royalty.


_VII.--The Spiritual Revolt_


Although the Church until the sixteenth century had successfully
suppressed all attempts at spiritual independence, yet the broadening of
men's minds that began with the Crusades, and received a vigorous
impetus from the Renaissance, made its mark even in the fifteenth
century upon ecclesiastical affairs. Three main facts of the moral order
are presented during this period: the ineffectual attempts of the
councils of Constance and Bale to reform the Church from within; the
most notable of which was that of Huss in Bohemia; and the intellectual
revolution that accompanied the Renaissance. The way was thus prepared
for the event that was inaugurated when Luther burnt the Pope's Bull at
Wittenberg in 1520.

The Reformation was not, as its opponents contend, the result of
accident or intrigue; nor was it, as its upholders contend, the outcome
of a simple desire for the reform of abuses. It was, in reality, a
revolt of the human spirit against absolute power in spiritual affairs.
The minds of men were during the sixteenth century in energetic
movement, consumed by desire for progress; the Church had become inert
and stationary, yet it maintained all its pretensions and external
importance. The Church, indeed, was less tyrannical than it had formerly
been, and not more corrupt. But it had not advanced; it had lost touch
with human thought.

The Reformation, in all the lands that it reached, in all the lands
where it played a great part, whether as conqueror, or as conquered,
resulted in general, constant, and immense progress in liberty and
activity of thought, and tended towards the emancipation of the human
spirit. It accomplished more than it knew; more, perhaps, than it would
have desired. It did not attack temporal absolutism; but the collision
between temporal absolutism and spiritual freedom was bound to come, and
did come.

Spiritual movement in European history has always been ahead of temporal
movement. The Church began as a very loose society, without a
properly-constituted government. Then it placed itself under an
aristocratic control of bishops and councils. Then it came under the
monarchical rule of the Popes; and finally a revolution broke out
against absolutism in spiritual affairs. The ecclesiastical and civil
societies have undergone the same vicissitudes; but the ecclesiastical
society has always been the first to be changed.

We are now in possession of one of the great facts of modern society,
the liberty of the human spirit. At the same time we see political
centralisation prevailing nearly everywhere. In the seventeenth century
the two principles were for the first time to be opposed.


_VIII.--The Political Revolt_


Their first shock was in England, for England was a country of
exceptional conditions both civil and religious. The Reformation there
had in part been the work of the kings themselves, and was incomplete;
the Reformers remained militant, and denounced the bishops as they had
formerly denounced the Pope. Moreover, the aspirations after civil
liberty that were stirred up by the emancipation of thought had means of
action in the old institution of the country--the charter, the
Parliament, the laws, the precedents. Similar aspirations in Continental
countries had no such means of action, and led to nothing.

Two national desires coincided in England at this epoch--the desire for
religious revolution and liberty, and the desire for political liberty
and the overthrow of despotism. The two sets of reformers joined forces.
For the political party, civil freedom was the end; for the religious
party, it was only a means; but throughout the conflict the political
party took the lead, and the others followed. It was not until 1688 that
the reformers finally attained their aim in the abolition of absolute
power spiritual and temporal; and the accession of William of Orange in
that year brought England into the great struggle that was raging on the
Continent between the principle of despotism and the principle of
freedom.

England differed from other European countries in that the essential
diversity of European civilisation was more pronounced there than
anywhere else. Elsewhere, one element prevailed over the others until it
was overthrown; in England, even if one element was dominant, the others
were strong and important. Elizabeth had to be far more wary with her
nobles and commons than Louis XIV. with his. For this reason, Europe
lagged behind England in civil freedom. But there was another
reason--the influence of France.

During the seventeenth century, the French Government was the strongest
in Europe, and it was a despotic government. During the eighteenth
century, French thought was the most active and potent in Europe, and it
was unboundedly free thought. Louis XIV. did not, as is sometimes
supposed, adopt as his principles the propagation of absolutism; his aim
was the strength and greatness of France, and to this end he fought and
planned--just as William of Orange fought and planned, not against
despotism, but against France. France presented herself at that age as
the most redoubtable, skilful, and imposing Power in Europe.

Yet, after the death of Louis XIV., the government immediately
degenerated. This was inevitable. No system of government can be
maintained without institutions, and a despot dislikes institutions. The
rule of Louis XIV. was great, powerful, and brilliant, but it had no
roots. The decrepit remains of it were in the eighteenth century brought
face to face with a society in which free examination and free
speculation had been carried to lengths never imagined before. Freedom
of thought once came to grips with absolute power.

Of the stupendous consequence of that collision it is not for me to
speak here; I have reached the end. But let me, before concluding, dwell
upon the gravest and most instructive part that is revealed to us by
this grand spectacle of civilisation. It is the danger, the
insurmountable evil of absolute power in any form--whether in a form of
a despot like Louis XIV. or in that of the untrammelled human spirit
that prevailed at the Revolution. Each human power has in itself a
natural vice, a principle of weakness, to which there has to be assigned
a limit. It is only by general liberty of all rights, interests and
opinions that each power can be restrained within its legitimate bounds,
and intellectual freedom enabled to exist genuinely and to the advantage
of the whole community.

       *       *       *       *       *




HENRY HALLAM


View of the State of Europe During the Middle Ages


     Henry Hallam, the English historian, was born on July 9, 1777,
     at Windsor, his father being Canon of Windsor, and Dean of
     Bristol. Educated at Eton and at Christ Church, Oxford, he was
     called to the English bar, but devoted himself to the study
     and writing of history. He received an appointment in the
     Civil Service, which, with his private means, placed him in
     comfortable leisure for his wide researches. His son, Arthur
     Henry, who died at the age of 22, is the subject of Tennyson's
     "In Memoriam." Hallam died on January 21, 1859, and was buried
     at Clevedon, Somersetshire. The "View of the State of Europe
     during the Middle Ages," commonly known as Hallam's "Middle
     Ages," was published by the author in 1818. Hallam was already
     well known among the literary men of the day, but this was his
     first important work. It is a study of the period from the
     appearance of Clovis, the creator of the dominion of the
     Franks, to the close of the Middle Ages, the arbitrary
     dividing line being drawn at the invasion of Italy by Charles
     VIII. of France.


_I.--France_


The Frankish dominion was established over the Roman province of Gaul by
Clovis at the opening of the sixth century. The Merovingian dynasty
degenerated rapidly; and the power passed into the hands of the Mayors
of the Palace--an office which became hereditary with Pepin Heristal and
Charles Martel. With the sanction of the Pope the Merovingian king was
deposed by Pepin, the son of Charles Martel, who was crowned king and
overthrew the Lombard power in Italy.

Pepin was succeeded by Charlemagne, who completed the conquest of the
Lombards, carried his arms into Spain as far as the Ebro, and extended
his power eastwards over the Saxons as far as the Elbe. In his person
the Roman empire was revived, and he was crowned emperor at Rome on
Christmas Day A.D. 800. The great empire he had built up fell to pieces
under his successors, who adopted the disastrous plan of partition
amongst brothers.

France fell to the share of one branch of the Carlovingians. The
Northmen were allowed to establish themselves in Normandy, and Germany
was completely separated from France. The Carlovingians were displaced
by Hugh Capet. The actual royal domain was small, and the kings of the
House of Capet exercised little control over their great feudatories
until the reign of Philip Augustus. That crafty monarch drew into his
own hands the greater part of the immense territories held by the kings
of England as French feudatories. After a brief interval the craft of
Philip Augustus was succeeded by the idealism of St. Louis, whose
admirable character enabled him to achieve an extraordinary ascendancy
over the imagination of his people. In spite of the disastrous failure
of his crusading expeditions, the aggrandisement of the crown continued,
especially under Philip the Fair; but the failure of the direct heirs
after the successive reigns of his three sons placed Philip of Valois on
the throne according to the "Salic" law of succession in 1328.

On the pretext of claiming the succession for himself, Edward III. began
the great French war which lasted, interrupted by only one regular
pacification, for a hundred and twenty years. The brilliant personal
qualities of Edward and the Black Prince, the great resources of
England, and the quality of the soldiery, account for the English
successes. After the peace of Bretigny these triumphs were reversed, and
the English lost their possessions; but when Charles VI. ascended the
throne disaster followed. France was rent by the rival factions of
Burgundy and Orleans, the latter taking its more familiar name from the
Court of Armagnac. The troubled reigns of Richard II. and Henry IV.
prevented England from taking advantage of these dissensions; but Henry
V. renewed the war, winning the battle of Agincourt in his first
campaign and securing the Treaty of Troyes on his second invasion. After
his death came that most marvellous revolution wrought by Joan of Arc,
and the expulsion of the English from the country.

In France the effect of the war was to strengthen the Crown as against
the Nobility, a process developed by the subtlety of Louis XI. Out of
the long contest in which the diplomatic skill of the king was pitted
against the fiery ambitions of Charles of Burgundy, Louis extracted for
himself sundry Burgundian provinces. The supremacy of the Crown was
secured when his son Charles VIII. acquired Brittany by marrying the
Duchess Anne.

The essential distinction of ranks in France was found in the possession
of land. Besides the National lands, there were lands reserved to the
Crown, which, under the name of benefices, were bestowed upon personal
followers of the king, held more or less on military tenure; and the
king's vassals acquired vassals for themselves by a similar process of
subinfeudation. On the other hand freeholders inclined, for the sake of
protection, to commend themselves, as the phrase was, to their stronger
neighbours and so to assume the relation of vassal to liege lord. The
essential principle was a mutual contract of support and fidelity,
confirmed by the ceremonies of homage, fealty, and investiture, which
conferred upon the lord the right to various reliefs, fines, and rights
capable of conversion into money payments.

Gentility, now hereditary, was derived from the tenure of land; the idea
of it was emphasised by the adoption of surnames and armorial bearings.
A close aristocracy was created, somewhat modified by the right claimed
by the king of creating nobles. Prelates and abbots were in the same
position as feudal nobles, though the duty of personal service was in
many cases commuted for an equivalent. Below the gentle class were
freemen, and the remainder of the population were serfs or villeins. It
was not impossible for villeins to purchase freedom. In France the
privileges possessed by the vassals of the Crown were scarcely
consistent with the sovereignty. Such were the rights of coining money,
of private war, and of immunity from taxation.

Such legislation as there was appears to have been effected by the king,
supported by a Royal Council or a more general assembly of the barons.
It was only by degrees that the Royal ordinances came to be current in
the fiefs of the greater vassals. It was Philip the Fair who introduced
the general assembly of the Three Estates. This assembly very soon
claimed the right of granting and refusing money as well as of bringing
forward grievances. The kings of France, however, sought to avoid
convocation of the States General by obtaining grants from provincial
assemblies of the Three Estates.

The old system of jurisdiction by elected officers was superseded by
feudal jurisdiction, having three degrees of power, and acting according
to recognised local customs, varied by the right to ordeal by combat.
The Crown began to encroach on these feudal jurisdictions by the
establishment of Royal courts of appeal; but there also subsisted a
supreme Court of Peers to whom were added the king's household officers.
The peers ceased by degrees to attend this court, while the Crown
multiplied the councillors of inferior rank; and this body became known
as the Parliament of Paris--in effect an assembly of lawyers.

The decline of the feudal system was due mainly to the increasing power
of the Crown on the one hand, and of the lower ranks on the other; more
especially from the extension of the privileges of towns. But the feudal
principle itself was weakened by the tendency to commute military
service for money, enabling the Crown to employ paid troops.


_II.--Italy and Spain_


After the disruption of Charlemagne's empire the imperial title was
revived from the German, Otto the Great of Saxony. His imperial
supremacy was recognised in Italy; the German king was the Roman
emperor. Italian unity had gone to pieces, but the German supremacy
offended Italy. Still from the time of Conrad of Franconia the election
of the King of Germany was assumed, at least my him, to convey the
sovereignty of Italy. In the eleventh century Norman adventurers made
themselves masters of Sicily and Southern Italy. In Northern Italy on
the other hand the emperors favoured the development of free cities,
owning only the imperial sovereignty and tending to self-government on
Republican lines. The appearance on the scene in the twelfth century of
the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa introduced a period characterised by a
three-fold change: the victorious struggle of the northern cities for
independence; the establishment of the temporal sovereignty of the
Papacy in the middle provinces; and the union of the kingdom of Naples
to the dominions of the Imperial House. The first quarrels with Milan
led to the formation of the Lombard league, and a long war in which the
battle of Legnano gave the confederates a decisive victory. The mutual
rivalries of the States, however, prevented them from turning this to
good account. Barbarossa's grandson, Frederick II., was a child of four
when he succeeded to the Swabian inheritance, and through his mother to
that of Sicily.

It was now that the powerful Pope Innocent III. so greatly extended the
temporal power of the Papacy, and that the rival parties of Guelfs and
Ghibelins, adherents the one of the Papacy, the other of the Empire,
were established as factions in practically every Italian city. When the
young Frederick grew up he was drawn into a long struggle with the
Papacy which ended in the overthrow of the Imperial authority. From this
time the quarrel of Guelfs and Ghibelins for the most part became mere
family feuds resting on no principles. Charles of Anjou was adopted as
Papal champion; the republics of the North were in effect controlled by
despots for a brief moment. Rome revived her republicanism under the
leadership of Rienzi. In the general chaos the principle interest
attaches to the peculiar but highly complicated form of democracy
developed in Florence, where the old Patrician families were virtually
disfranchised. Wild and disorderly as was the state of Florence, the
records certainly point to the conditions having been far worse in the
cities ruled by the Visconti and their like.

Of Genoa's wars with Pisa and with Venice a detailed account cannot be
given. Of all the northern cities Venice achieved the highest political
position; isolated to a great extent from the political problems of the
cities of Lombardy and Tuscany, she developed her wealth and her
commerce by the sea. Her splendour may, however, be dated from the
taking of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204, when she became
effectively Queen of the Adriatic and Mistress of the Eastern
Mediterranean. In effect her government was a close oligarchy; possessed
of complete control over elections which in theory were originally
popular. The oligarchy reached its highest and narrowest development
with the institution of the famous Council of Ten.

Naples and Sicily came under the dominion of Charles of Anjou when he
was adopted as Papal champion. The French supremacy, however, was
overthrown when the Sicilians rose and carried out the massacre known as
the Sicilian Vespers. They offered the Crown to the King of Aragon. It
was not till 1409, however, that Sicily was definitely united to the
Crown of Aragon and a few years later the same king was able to assert
successfully a claim to Naples.

When the Roman empire was tottering the Visigoths established their
dominion in Spain. In 712 Saracen invaders made themselves masters of
the greater part of the peninsula. The Christians were driven into the
more northern parts and formed a number of small States out of which
were developed the kingdoms of Navarre, Leon and Castille, and Aragon.
Frontier towns acquired large liberties while they were practically
responsible for defence against the Moors. During the thirteenth century
great territories were recovered from the Moors; but the advance ceased
as the Moors were reduced to the compact kingdom of Granada. In the
fourteenth century the struggle for Castille between Pedro the Cruel and
his brother established the house of Trastamare on the throne. The
Crowns of Castille and Aragon were united by the marriage of Isabella
and Ferdinand.

The government of the old Gothic monarchy was through the Crown and a
Council of Prelates and Nobles. At a comparatively early date, however,
the "Cortes" was attended by deputies from the town, though the number
of these was afterwards closely limited. The principle of taxation
through representatives was recognised; and laws could neither be made
nor annulled except in the Cortes. This form of constitutionalism was
varied by the claim of the nobles to assume forcible control when
matters were conducted in a fashion of which they disapproved.

The union of Castille and Aragon led immediately to the conquest of
Granada completed in 1492; an event which in some respects
counterbalanced the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks.


_III.--The German Empire and the Papacy_


When the German branch of the Carlovingian dynasty became extinct the
five German nations--Franconia, Swabia, Bavaria, Saxony, and
Lorraine--resolved to make the German kingship elective. For some
generations the Crown was bestowed on the Saxon Ottos. On the extinction
of their house in 1024, it was succeeded by a Franconian dynasty which
came into collision with the Papacy under Pope Gregory VII. On the
extinction of this line in 1025 Germany became divided between the
partisans of the Houses of Swabia and Saxony, the Wibelungs and
Welfs,--the origin of the Hibelines and Guelfs. The Swabian House,
the Hohenstauffen, gained the ascendancy in the person of Frederick
Barbarossa. The lineal representatives of the Saxon Guelfs are found
to-day in the House of Brunswick.

The rule of the Swabian House is most intimately connected with Italian
history. In the thirteenth century the principle that the right of
election of the emperor lay with seven electors was apparently becoming
established. There were the Archbishops of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne,
the Duke of Saxony, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the King of
Bohemia, and the Margrave of Brandenburg. In all other respects,
however, several other dukes and princes were at least on an equality
with the electors.

In 1272 the election fell on the capable Rudolph of Hapsburg; and for
some time after this the emperors were chosen from the Houses of
Austria, Bavaria, or Luxemburg.

Disintegration was greatly increased by the practice of the partition of
territories among brothers in place of primogeniture. A preponderating
authority was given to the electors by the Golden Bull of Charles IV. in
1355. The power of the emperor as against the princes was increased, as
that of the latter was counterbalanced by the development of free
cities. Considerable reforms were introduced at the close of our period
mainly by Maximilian.

The depravity of the Greek empire would have brought it to utter ruin at
a much earlier date but for the degeneration which overtook
Mohammedanism. Incidentally the Crusades helped the Byzantine power at
first to strengthen its hold on some of its threatened possessions; but
the so-called fourth crusade replaced the Greek Empire by a Latin one
with no elements of permanency. When a Greek dynasty was re-established,
and the crusading spirit of Western Europe was already dead, the
Byzantine Princes were left to cope with the Turks single handed, and
the last of the Caesars died heroically when the Ottomans captured
Constantinople in 1453.

Throughout the early middle ages the Church acquired enormous wealth and
Church lands were free from taxation. It was not till a comparatively
late period that the payment of tithes was enforced by law. Not
infrequently the Church was despoiled by violence, but the balance was
more than recovered by fraud. By the time of Charlemagne the clergy were
almost exempt from civil jurisdiction and held practically an exclusive
authority in matters of religion. The state, however, maintained its
temporal supremacy. When the strong hand of Charlemagne was removed
ecclesiastical influence increased.

It was under Gregory the Great that the Papacy acquired its great
supremacy over the Provincial Churches. As the power of the Church grew
after the death of Charlemagne, partly from the inclination of weak
kings to lean on ecclesiastical support, the Papal claims to authority
developed and began to be maintained by the penalties of excommunication
and interdict.

A period of extreme laxity in the tenth century was to be brought to a
close in the eleventh partly by the pressure brought to bear on the
Papacy by the Saxon emperors, but still bore by the ambitious resolution
of Gregory VII. This remarkable man was determined to assert the
complete supremacy of the Holy See over all secular powers. He refused
to recognise the right of secular princes to make ecclesiastical
appointments within their own dominions; and he emphasised the
distinction between the priesthood, as a cast having divine authority,
and the laity, by enforcing with the utmost strictness the
ecclesiastical law of celibacy, which completely separates the churchman
from the normal interests and ambitions which actuate the layman.

In the contest between Gregory and the emperor, it seemed for the moment
as if the secular power had won the victory; but, in fact, throughout
the twelfth century; the claims which Gregory had put forward were
becoming practically effective partly from the great influence exercised
through the Crusades. These Papal pretensions reached their climax in
the great Pope Innocent III., who asserted with practical success the
right to pronounce absolutely on all disputes between princes or between
princes and their subjects, and to depose those who rejected his
authority. Throughout the thirteenth century Rome was once more mistress
of the world.

The Church derived great influence from the institution of mendicant
orders, especially those of St. Dominic and St. Francis which recovered
much of the esteem forfeited by the old Monastic orders. Another
instrument of Papal influence was the power of granting dispensations
both with regard to marriages and as to the keeping of oaths. If the
clergy were free for the most part from civil taxation, they were
nevertheless severely mulcted by the Papacy. The ecclesiastical
jurisdiction encroached upon the secular tribunals; the classes of
persons with respect to whom it claimed exclusive authority were
persistently extended, in spite of the opposition of such Princes as
Henry II. and Edward I.

At last, however, the Papal aggressor met his match in Philip the Fair.
When Boniface VIII. died, his successors first submitted to the French
monarchy and then became its nominees; while they resided at Avignon,
virtually under French control. The restoration of the pontificate to
Rome in 1375 was shortly followed by the Great Schism. For some years
there were two rival Popes, each of whom was recognised by one or the
other half of Western Christendom. This was terminated by the Council of
Constance, which incidentally affirmed the supremacy of general councils
over the Pope. The following council at Basle was distinctly anti-papal;
but the Papacy had the better of the contest.


_IV.--England_


The Anglo-Saxon polity limited the succession of the Crown to a
particular house but allowed a latitude of choice within that house. The
community was divided into Thames or gentry, Ceorls or freemen, and
serfs. The ceorls tended to sink to the position known later as
villeinage. The composition of the king's great council called the
Witenagemot is doubtful. The country was divided into shires, the shire
into districts called hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. There
appears to be no adequate authority for the idea that trial by jury was
practised; the prevailing characteristic of justice was the system of
penalty by fine, and the responsibility of the tithing for the misdeeds
of any of its members. There is no direct evidence as to the extent to
which feudal tenures were beginning to be established before the Norman
conquest.

The Norman conquest involved a vast confiscation of property and the
exclusion of the native English from political privileges. The feudal
system of land tenure was established; but its political aspect here and
in France was quite different. There were no barons with territories
comparable to those of the great French feudataries. That the government
was extremely tyrannical is certain. The Crown derived its revenues from
feudal dues, customs duties, tallages--that is, special charges on
particular towns,--and the war tax called the Danegelt; all except the
first being arbitrary taxes. The violence of King John led to the demand
of the barons for the Great Charter, the keystone of English liberty,
securing the persons and property of all freemen from arbitrary
imprisonment or spoliation. Thenceforth no right of general taxation is
claimed. The barons held themselves warranted in refusing supplies.

The King's Court was gradually separated into three branches, King's
Bench, Exchequer, and Common Pleas. The advance in the study of law had
the definite effect of establishing a fixed rule of succession to the
Crown. One point must still be noticed which distinguishes England from
other European countries; that the law recognises no distinction of
class among freemen who stand between the peers and villeins.

The reign of Edward I. forms an epoch. The Confirmation of the Charters
put an end to all arbitrary taxation; and the type of the English
Parliament was fixed. In the Great Councils the prelates and greater
barons had assembled, and the lesser barons were also summoned; the term
baron being equivalent to tenant in chief. A system of representation is
definitely formulated in Montfort's Parliament of 1265. Whether the
knights were elected by the freemen of the shire or only by the tenants
in chief, is not clear. Many towns were self governing--independent,
that is, of local magnates--under charters from the Crown. Montfort's
Parliament is the first to which towns sent representatives. Edward
established the practice in his Model Parliament; probably in order to
ensure that his demands for money from the towns might in appearance at
least receive their formal assent.

Parliament was not definitely divided into two houses until the reign of
Edward III. In this reign the Commons succeeded in establishing the
illegality of raising money without consent; the necessity that the two
houses should concur for any alterations in the law; and the right of
the Commons to enquire into public abuses and to impeach public
counsellors. Under the second heading is introduced a distinction
between statutes and ordinances; the latter being of a temporary
character, and requiring to be confirmed by Parliament before they
acquire permanent authority. In the next reign the Commons assert the
right of examining the public expenditure. Moreover the Parliaments more
openly and boldly expressed resentment at the acts of the king's
ministers and claimed rights of control. For a time, however, the king
secured supremacy by a coup d'etat; which in turn brought about his
deposition, and the accession of Henry IV., despite the absurd weakness
of his title to the inheritance of the Crown.

The rights thus acquired developed until the War of the Roses. Notably
redress of grievances became the condition of supply; and the
inclination of the Crown to claim a dispensing power is resolutely
combated. It is also to be remarked that the king's foreign policy of
war or peace is freely submitted to the approval of Parliament.

This continues during the minority of Henry VI.; but the revival of
dissatisfaction with the government leads to a renewed activity in the
practice of impeachments; and Parliament begins to display a marked
sensitiveness on the question of its privileges. The Commons further
definitely express their exclusive right of originating money bills.

At this time it is clear that at least all freeholders were entitled to
vote in the election of the knights of the shire. The selection of the
towns which sent up members, and the franchise under which their members
were elected, seems to have been to a considerable extent arbitrary. Nor
can we be perfectly certain of the principles on which writs were issued
for attendance in the upper house. We find that for some time the lower
clergy as well as the higher were summoned to attend Parliament; but
presently, sitting in a separate chamber, they ceased to take part in
Parliamentary business.

We have seen the King's Court divided into three courts of justice. The
court itself, however, as the king's Council, continued to exercise a
juridical as well as a deliberative and administrative function. In
spite of the charter, it possessed an effective if illegal power of
arbitrary imprisonment.

So far the essential character of our constitution appears to be a
monarchy greatly limited by law but swerving continually into irregular
courses which there was no constraint adequate to correct. There is
absolutely no warrant for the theory that the king was merely a
hereditary executive magistrate, the first officer of the State. The
special advantage enjoyed by England lay in the absence of an
aristocracy with interests antagonistic to those of the people. It would
be truer to say that the liberties of England were bought by money than
by the blood of our forefathers.

The process by which the villein became a hired labourer is obscure and
an attempt was made to check it by the Statute of Labourers at the time
of the Black Death. This was followed by the peasant's revolt of 1382,
which corresponded to the far worse horrors of the French Jacquerie.
Sharply though this was suppressed, the real object of the rising seemed
to have been accomplished. Of the period of the Wars of the Roses it is
here sufficient to say that it established the principle embodied in a
statute of Henry VII. that obedience to the _de facto_ government is not
to be punished on the ground that government is not also _de jure_.


_V.--Europe_


In spite of the Teutonic incursion, Latin remained the basis of language
as it survived in Italy, France, and Spain. But the pursuit of letters
was practically confined to the clergy and was by them employed almost
exclusively in the interests of clerical authority. To this end a
multitude of superstitions were encouraged; superstitions which were the
cause of not a few strange and irrational outbursts of fanaticism. The
monasteries served indeed a useful purpose as sanctuaries in days of
general lawlessness and rapine; but the huge weight of evidence is
conclusive as to the general corruption of morals among the clergy as
among the laity. The common diversion of the upper classes, lay and
clerical, when not engaged in actual war, was hunting. An extended
commerce was impossible when robbery was a normal occupation of the
great.

Gradually, however, a more orderly society emerged. Maritime commerce
developed in two separate areas, the northern and western, and the
Mediterranean. The first great commerce in the north arises from the
manufacture in Flanders of the wool exported from England. And in the
fourteenth century England herself began to compete in the woollen
manufacture. The German free manufacturing towns established the Great
Hanseatic League; but maritime commerce between the Northern and
Southern areas was practically non-existent till the fifteenth century,
by which time English ships were carrying on a fairly extensive traffic
in the Mediterranean. In that area the great seaports of Italy, and in a
less degree, of Catalonia and the French Mediterranean seaboard,
developed a large commerce. Naturally, however, the law which it was
sufficiently difficult to enforce by land was even more easily defied on
the sea, and piracy was extremely prevalent.

Governments as well as private persons were under a frequent necessity
of borrowing, and for a long time the great money lenders were the Jews.
They, however, were later to a great extent displaced by the merchants
of Lombardy, and the fifteenth century witnesses the rise of the great
bankers, Italian and German.

The structure and furniture of all buildings for private purposes made
exceedingly little provision for comfort, offering an extreme contrast
to the dignity of the public buildings and the sublimity of
ecclesiastical architecture.

During the last three hundred years of our period it is clear that there
was a great diminution of the status of servitude and a great increase
in the privileges extended to corporate towns. Private warfare was
checked and lawless robbery to a considerable extent restrained. It is
tolerably clear that the rise of heretical sects were both the cause and
the result of moral dissatisfaction, tending to the adoption of higher
moral standards. Some of these sects were cruelly crushed by merciless
persecution, as in the case of the Albigenses. The doctrines of
Wickliffe, however, were never stamped out in England; and the form
which they took in Bohemia among the followers of the martyred John Huss
had little about them that was beneficial.

The great moral school of the Middle Ages was the institution of
chivalry, which existed to animate and cherish the principle of honour.
To this a strong religious flavor was superadded, perhaps by the
Crusades. To valour and devotion was added the law of service to
womanhood, and chivalry may fairly claim to have developed generally the
three virtues essential to it, of loyalty, courtesy, and liberality.
Resting, however, as it did on the personal prowess and skill of the
individual in single combat, the whole system of chivalry was destroyed
by the introduction on an extensive scale of the use of firearms.

We turn lastly to the intellectual improvement which may be referred to
four points: the study of civil laws the institution of universities;
the application of modern languages to literature, and especially to
poetry; and the revival of ancient learning. Education may almost be
said to have begun with the establishment of the great schools by
Charlemagne out of which sprang the European universities. For a long
time of course all studies were dominated by that of theology, and the
scholastic philosophy which pertained to it. Barren as these pursuits
were, they kept alive an intellectual activity which ultimately found
fresh channels. The Romance languages developed a new literature first
on the tongues of the troubadours and then in Italy--the Italy which
gave birth to Dante and Petrarch. It was about the fourteenth century
that a new enthusiasm was born for the study of classical authors,
though Greek was still unknown. And the final and decisive impulse was
given when the invention of printing made the great multiplication of
books possible.

       *       *       *       *       *




STANLEY LANE-POOLE


Egypt in the Middle Ages


     Stanley Lane-Poole, born on December 18, 1845, studied Arabic
     under his great-uncle, Lane, the Orientalist, and, before
     going up to Oxford for his degree, began his "Catalogue of
     Oriental Coins in the British Museum," which appeared in
     fourteen volumes between 1875 and 1892, and founded his
     reputation as the first living authority on Arabic
     numismatics. In 1883, 1896, and 1897 he was at Cairo
     officially employed by the British Government upon the
     Mohammedan antiquities, and published his treatise on "The Art
     of the Saracens in Egypt" in 1886, in which year he visited
     Stockholm, Helsingfors, St. Petersburg, Moscow, and
     Constantinople to examine their Oriental collections. He has
     written histories of the "Moors in Spain," "Turkey," "The
     Barbary Corsairs," and "Mediaeval India," which have run to
     many editions; and biographies of Saladin, Babar, Aurangzib;
     of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and Sir Harry Parkes. He has
     also published a miniature Koran in the "Golden Treasury"
     series, and written "Studies in a Mosque," besides editing
     three volumes of Lane's "Arabic Lexicon." For five years he
     held the post of Professor of Arabic at Trinity College,
     Dublin, of which he is Litt.D. Mohammedan Egypt, his special
     subject, he has treated in several books on Cairo, the latest
     being "The Story of Cairo." But his most complete work on this
     subject is "The History of Egypt in the Middle Ages," here
     epitomised by the author.


_I.--A Province of the Caliphate_


Ever since the Arab conquest in 641 Egypt has been ruled by Mohammedans,
and for more than half the time by men of Turkish race. Though now and
again a strong man has gathered all the reins of control into his own
hands and been for a time a personal monarch, as a rule the government
has been, till recent years, a military bureaucracy.

The people, of course, had no voice in the government. The Egyptians
have never been a self-governing race, and such a dream as
constitutional democracy was never heard of until a few years ago. By
the Arab conquest in the seventh century the people merely changed
masters. They were probably not indisposed to welcome the Moslems as
their deliverers from the tyranny of the Orthodox Church of the East
Roman or Byzantine Empire, invincibly intolerant of the native
monophysite heresy; and when the conquest was complete they found
themselves, on the whole, better off than before. They paid their taxes
to officials with Arabic instead of Greek titles, but the taxes were
lighter and the amount was strictly laid down by law.

The land-tax of about a pound per acre was not excessive on so fertile a
soil, and the poll-tax on nonconformity, of the same amount, was a
moderate price to pay for entire liberty of conscience and freedom in
public worship guaranteed by solemn treaty. The other taxes were
comparatively insignificant, and the total revenue in the eighth century
was about L7,000,000. The surplus went to the caliph, the head of the
vast Mohammedan empire, which then stretched from Seville to Samarkand,
whose capital was first Damascus and afterwards Baghdad.

For over 200 years (till 868) Egypt was a mere province of this huge
caliphate, and was governed, like other provinces, with a sole view to
revenue. "Milk till the udder be dry and let blood to the last drop" was
a caliph's instructions to a governor of Egypt. As these governors were
constantly changed--there were sixty-seven in 118 years under the
Abbasid caliphs of Baghdad--and as a governor's main object was to "make
hay while the sun shines," the process of milking the Egyptian cow was
often accelerated by illegal extortion, and the governor's harvest was
reaped before it was due. Illegality was, however, checked to some
extent by the generally wise and just influence of the chief justice, or
kadi, whose probity often formed the best feature of the Arab government
in Egypt.

Nor did the caliphs extort taxes without giving something in return. The
development of irrigation works was always a main consideration with the
early Mohammedan rules, from Spain to India, and in Egypt, where
irrigation is the country's very life, it was specially cared for, with
a corresponding increase in the yield. Moreover, the governors usually
held to the agreement that the Christians should have liberty of
conscience, and protected them from the Moslem soldiery. As time went
on, this toleration abated, partly because the Moslems had gradually
become the predominant population. At the beginning the caliphs had
taken anxious precautions against the colonising of Egypt; they held it
by an army, but they were insistent that the army should not take root,
but be always free to join the caliph's standard. But it was inevitable
that the Arabs should settle in so fertile and pleasant a land. Each
governor brought a small army as his escort, and these Arab troops
naturally intermarried with Egyptian women, who were constitutionally
inclined to such alliances. A few Arab tribes also settled in Egypt.

This gradual and undesigned Arabising of the country would lead to
oppression of the Christians, to the "squeezing" of wealthy natives, and
occasionally to the institution of humiliating distinctions of dress and
other vexations, and even to the spoiling of Coptic churches. Then
sometimes the Copts, as the Egyptian Christians are called, would rebel.
Their last and greatest rebellion, which occurred in the Delta in
830-832, was ruthlessly trampled out by Turkish troops under Mamun, the
only Abbasid caliph who made a visit to Egypt. Many Copts now
apostatised, and from this time dates the predominance of the Moslem
population and the settling of Arabs in the villages and on the land,
instead of as heretofore only in the two or three large towns.

The coming of the Turkish troops with the caliph Mamun was an ominous
event for the country. Up to 846 all the successive governors had been
Arabs, and many of them were related to the caliphs themselves. With
some unfortunate exceptions, they seem to have been men of simple
habits--the Arabs were never luxurious--and usually of strict Mohammedan
principles. They made money, honestly if possible, during their brief
tenure; but they did not harass the people much by their personal
interference, and left the local officials to manage matters in their
own way, as had always been the custom. They lived at the new capital,
Fustat, which grew up on the site of the conqueror's camp, and very near
the modern Cairo; for Alexandria, the symbol of Roman domination, was
dismantled in 645 after the Emperor Manuel's attempt at reconquest. If
they did not do much active good, they did little harm, and Egypt
pursued her immemorial ways.

The last Arab governor, Anbasa, was a man of fine character, and his
term of office was distinguished by the building of the fort of
Damietta, as a protection against Roman raids, and by a defeat of the
tributary Sudanis near Dongola.


_II.--Turkish Governors_


The Arabs have neither the ferocity nor the luxuriousness, nor, it
should be added, the courage and the genius for administration of the
Turkish race. In the arrival of Turkish troops in 830 we see a symptom
of what was going on all over the eastern caliphate. Turks were taking
the place of Arabs in the army and the provincial governments, just as
the Persians were filling up the civil appointments. The caliph's
Turkish bodyguard was the beginning of the dismemberment of the
caliphate. It became the habit of the caliphs to grant the government of
Egypt, as a sort of fief, to a leading Turkish officer, who usually
appointed a deputy to do his work and to pay him the surplus revenue.
Such a deputy was Ahmad-ibn-Tulun (868-884), the first of the many
Turkish despots of Egypt. Ibn-Tulun was the first ruler to raise Egypt
from a mere tax-paying appendage of the caliphate to a kingdom,
independent save for the recognition of the caliph on the coinage, and
he was the first to found a Moslem dynasty there. A man of fair
Mohammedan education, iron will, and ubiquitous personal attention to
affairs, he added Syria to his dominions, defeated the East Romans with
vast slaughter near Tarsus (883), kept an army of 30,000 Turkish slaves
and a fleet of a hundred fighting ships.

He beautified his capital by building a sumptuous palace and his
well-known mosque, which still stands in his new royal suburb of Katai;
he encouraged the small farmers and reduced the taxation, yet he left
five millions in the treasury when he died in 884. His son maintained
his power, and more than his luxury and artistic extravagance; but there
were no elements of stability in the dynasty, which depended solely upon
the character of the ruler. The next generation saw Egypt once more
(905) a mere province of the caliphate, but with this difference, that
its governors were now Turks, generally under the control of their own
soldiery, and much less dependent upon the ever-weakening power of the
Caliph of Baghdad. One of them, the Ikhshid, in 935 emulated Ibn-Tulun
and united part of Syria to Egypt; but the sons he left were almost
children, and the power fell into the hands of the regent Kafur, a black
eunuch from the Sudan, bought for L25, who combined a luxurious and
cultivated court with some military successes and real administrative
capacity.


_III.--The Fatimid Caliphs_


The Mohammedan world is roughly divided into Sunnis and Shia. The Shia
are the idealists, the mystics of Islam; the Sunnis are the formalists,
the schoolmen. The Shia trace an apostolic succession from Ali, the
husband of the prophet Mohammed's daughter Fatima, hold doctrines of
immanence and illumination, adopt an allegorical interpretation of
scripture, and believe in the coming of a Mahdi or Messiah. The Sunnis
adhere to the elective historical caliphate descended from Mohammed's
uncle, maintain the eternal uncreated sufficiency of the Koran,
literally interpreted, and believe in no Messiah save Mohammed.

The Shia, whatever their racial origin, form the Persian, the Aryan,
adaptation of Islam, which is an essentially Semitic creed. In the tenth
century they had established a caliph among the Berbers at Kayrawan
(908). They had thence invaded Egypt with temporary success in 914 and
919. When the death of Kafur in 968 left the country a prey to rival
military factions, the fourth of the caliphs of Kayrawan--called the
Fatimid caliphs, because they claimed a very doubtful descent from
Fatima--sent his army into Egypt. The people, who had too long been the
sport of Turkish mercenaries, received the invaders as deliverers, just
as the Copts had welcomed the Arabs three centuries before. Gauhar, the
Fatimid general, entered Fustat (or Misr, as it was usually called, a
name still applied both to Egypt and to its capital) amid acclamations
in 969, and immediately laid the foundations of the fortified palace
which he named, astrologically, after the planet Mars (Kahir),
El-Kahira, "the Martial," or "the Victorious," which gradually expanded
to the city of Cairo. He also founded the great historic university
mosque of the Azhar, which, begun by the heretical Shia, became the
bulwark of rigid scholasticism and the theological centre of orthodox
Islam.

The theological change was abrupt. It was as though Presbyterian
Scotland had suddenly been put under the rule of the Jesuits. But, like
the Society of Jesus, the Shia were pre-eminently intellectual and
recognised the necessity of adapting their teaching to the capacities of
their hearers, and the conditions of the time. They did not force
extreme Shia doctrine upon the Egyptians. Their esoteric system, with
its graduated stages of initiation, permitted a large latitude, and they
were content to add their distinctive formulas to the ordinary
Mohammedan ritual, and to set them conspicuously on their coinage,
without entering upon a propaganda. The bulk of the Egyptian Moslems
apparently preserved their orthodoxy and suffered an heretical caliphate
for two centuries with traditional composure. The Christian Copts found
the new _regime_ a marked improvement. Mysticism finds kindred elements
in many faiths, and the Fatimid caliphs soon struck up relations with
the local heads of the Christian religion.

The second Egyptian caliph, Aziz (975-996), was greatly influenced by a
Christian wife, who encouraged his natural clemency. Bishop Severus
attended his court, and Coptic churches were rebuilt. Throughout the
Fatimid period we constantly find Christians and Jews, and especially
Armenians, advanced to the highest offices of state. This was partly
due, of course, to their special qualifications as scribes and
accountants, for Arabs and Turks were no hands at "sums." The land had
rest under this wise and tolerant caliph. If he set a dangerous example
in his luxury and love of display, he unquestionably maintained law,
enforced equity, punished corruption, and valiantly defended his
kingdom. He fitted out a fleet of 600 sail at Maks (then the port of
Cairo, on the Nile), which kept the Emperor Basil at a distance and
assured the caliph's ascendancy from end to end of the Mediterranean
Sea.

After these two great rulers the Fatimid caliphate subsisted for nearly
two centuries by no virtue or energy of its own. The caliphs lived
secluded, like veiled prophets, in their huge palace at Cairo, given
over to sensual delights (Saladin found 12,000 women in the Great Palace
when he entered it in 1171), and wholly regardless of their kingdom,
which they left to the care of vezirs, who were chiefly bent on making
their own fortunes, though there were many able, and a few honest men
amongst them. The real power rested with the army, and the only check
upon the tyranny and debauchery of the army lay in its own jealous
divisions. The fanatical Berber regiments imported from Tunis, the
bloody blacks recruited in the Sudan, and the mutinous Turkish troops
long established in the country, were always at daggers drawn, and their
rivalry was the vezirs' opportunity. In such anarchy the country fell
from bad to worse.

The reign of Hakim, the frantic son of Aziz and his Christian wife, was
a personal despotism of the most eccentric kind, marked by apparently
unreasonable regulations, such as keeping the shops open by night
instead of by day, and confining all women to the house for seven years,
as well as by intermittent persecution of Christians and Jews; and also
by enlightened acts, such as the founding of the Hall of Science and the
building of mosques, for all the Fatimides were friends to the arts; and
ending in the proclamation of Hakim as the incarnation of the Divine
Reason, in which capacity he is still adored by the Druses of the
Lebanon. This assumption led to popular tumults and an orgy of carnage,
in the midst of which Hakim mysteriously disappeared (1021).

His successors, Zahir (1021-1036), and Mustansir (1036-1096) did nothing
to retrieve the anarchic situation, of which the soldiers were the
unruly masters. Palace cliques, disastrous famines (one of which lasted
seven years, 1066-1072, and even led to the public selling of human
joints as butcher's meat), slave, or rather freedmen's, revolts,
military tumults, and the occasional temporary ascendancy of a talented
vezir, sum up the history of Egypt during most of the eleventh century.
The wisdom and firmness of two great Armenian vezirs, Bedr-el-Gemali
(1073-1094) and his son Afdal (1094-1121), brought a large degree of
order, but the last years of the Fatimid caliphate were blotted by
savage murders both of caliphs and vezirs, and by the loss of their
Syrian dominions to Seljuks and Crusaders.


_IV.--The House of Saladin_


It was a question whether Egypt would fall to the Christian king of
Jerusalem or the Moslem king of Damascus; but, after several invasions
by both, Nur-ed-din settled the problem by sending his Syrian army to
Cairo in 1169, when the Crusaders withdrew without offering battle, and
the Fatimid caliphate came to an end in 1171.

On the Syrian general's death, two months after the conquest, his
nephew, Salah-ed-din ibn-Ayyub (Saladin), succeeded to the vezirate, and
after Nur-ed-din's death, in 1174, he made himself independent sultan,
not only of Egypt but of Syria and Mesopotamia. Saladin was a Kurd from
the Tigris districts; but his training and his following were purely
Turkish, moulded on the Seljuk model, and recruited largely from the
Seljuk lands. His fame was won outside Egypt, and only eight of the
twenty-four years of his reign were spent in Cairo; the rest was passed
in waging wars in Syria, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, culminating in the
catastrophic defeat of the Crusaders near Tiberias in 1187, and the
conquest of Jerusalem and all of the Holy Land.

The famous crusade of Richard I., though it resulted only in recovering
a strip of coast from Acre to Jaffa, and did not rescue Jerusalem, wore
out Saladin's strength, and in 1193 the chivalrous and magnanimous
"Soldan" died. In Egypt his chief work, after repressing revolts of
black troops and Shia conspiracies, and repelling successive naval
attacks on Damietta and Alexandria by the Eastern emperor and the kings
of Jerusalem and Sicily, was the building of the Citadel of Cairo after
the model of Norman fortresses in Syria, and the encouragement of Sunni
orthodoxy by the founding and endowment of medresas, or theological
colleges. The people, who had never been really converted to the Fatimid
creed, accepted the latest reformation with their habitual nonchalance.
This was really the greatest achievement of Saladin and his house. Cairo
succeeded to Baghdad and Cordova as the true metropolis of Islam, and
Egypt has remained true to the most narrow school of orthodoxy ever
since.

Saladin's kinsmen, known as the Ayyubid dynasty, ruled Egypt for over
half a century after the death of their great leader. First his politic
brother, Adil Seyf-ed-din ("Saphadin") carried on his fine tradition for
a quarter of a century, and then from 1218 to 1238 Seyf-ed-din's able
son Kamil, who had long been the ruler of Egypt during his father's
frequent absences, followed in his steps. The futile efforts of the
discredited Crusaders disturbed their peace. John of Brienne's seizure
of Damietta was a serious menace, and it took all Kamil's energy to
defeat the "Franks" at Mansura (1219) and drive them out of the country.

On the other hand, he cultivated very friendly relations with the
Emperor Frederic II., who concluded a singular defensive alliance with
him in 1229, to the indignation of the Pope. He was tolerant to
Christians, and listened to the preaching of St. Francis of Assisi; he
granted trading concessions to the Venetians and Pisans, who established
a consulate at Alexandria. At the same time he notably encouraged Moslem
learning, built colleges, and developed the resources of the kingdom in
every way. What had happened to the dynasties of Tulun, Ikhshid, and the
Fatimides, was repeated on the death of Kamil. Two sons kept the throne
successively till 1249, and then, in the midst of Louis IX's crusade,
the salvation of Egypt devolved on the famous Mamluks, or white slaves,
who had formed the _corps d'elite_ of Saladin's army.


_V.--The Mamluks_


Political women have played a great role in Egypt from Hatshepsut and
Cleopatra to the Christian wife of Aziz, the princess royal who
engineered the downfall of Hakim, and the black mother who dominated
Mustansir; and it was a woman who was the first queen of the Mamluks.
Sheger-ed-durr ("Tree of Pearls"), widow of Salih, the last reigning
Ayyubid of Egypt, was the brain of the army which broke the chivalry of
France.

At the second battle of Mansura in 1249, she took Louis prisoner. Then
she married a leading Mamluk emir, to conciliate Moslem prejudice
against a woman's rule, and thenceforth for more than two centuries and
a half one Mamluk after another seized the throne, held it as long as he
could, and sometimes transmitted it to his son. When it is noted that
forty-eight sultans (twenty-five Bahri Mamluks, or "white slaves of the
river," so called from the barracks on an island in the Nile, and
twenty-three Burgis, named after the burg, or citadel, where their
quarters originally were), succeeded one another from 1250 to 1517, it
will be seen that their average reign was but three and a half years.
The throne, in fact, belonged to the man with the longest sword.

The bravest and richest generals and court officials surrounded
themselves with bands of warrior slaves, and reached a power almost
equal to the reigning sultan, who was, in fact, only _primus inter
pares_, and on his death--usually by assassination--they fought for his
title. All were alike slaves by origin, but this term implied no
degradation. Any slave with courage and address had the chance of
becoming a freedman, rising to influence, and climbing into his master's
seat. Every man was every other man's equal--if he could prove it; but
the process of proving it often turned Cairo into a shambles.

The Mamluks were physically superb, a race of born soldiers, dashing
horsemen, skilled leaders, brilliant alike in battle and in all manly
sports. They were at the same time the most luxurious of men, heavy
drinkers, debauched sensualists, magnificent in their profusion, in
their splendid prodigality in works of art and luxury, and in the
munificence with which they filled their capital with noble monuments of
the most exquisite Saracenic architecture. Most of the beautiful mosques
of Cairo were built by these truculent soldiers, all foreigners, chiefly
Turks, a caste apart, with no thought for the native Egyptians whose
lands they received as fiefs from the sultan; with no mercy when
ambition called for secret assassination or wholesale massacre; yet
fastidious in dress, equipment, and manners, given to superb pageants,
laborious in business, and fond of music and poetry. Their orthodoxy is
attested not only by their innumerable religious foundations and
endowments, but by their importing into Cairo a line of Abbasid
caliphs--_faineants_ indeed, but in a manner representative of the great
caliphs of Baghdad, extinguished by the Mongols in 1258--and in
maintaining them till the Ottoman sultan usurped their very nominal
authority as Commanders of the Faithful.

The greatest of all the Mamluks was Beybars (1260-1277). He it was who
had charged St. Louis's knights at Mansura in 1249, and afterwards
helped to rout the Mongol hordes at the critical battle of Goliath's
Spring in 1260; and he was the real founder of the Mamluk empire, and
organised and consolidated his wide dominions so skilfully and firmly
that all the follies and jealousies and crimes of his successors could
not destroy the fabric. He made his army perfect in discipline, built a
navy, made canals, roads, and bridges, annexed Nubia, organised a
regular postal service, built fortifications, mosques, colleges, halls
of justice, and managed everything, from the fourth cataract of the Nile
and the Holy Cities of Arabia to the Pyramus and the Euphrates, by his
immense capacity for work and amazing rapidity of movements.

Egypt prospered exceedingly under his just, firm, and capable rule; he
was severe to immorality and strictly prohibited wine, beer, and
hashish. He entered into diplomatic relations with European powers to
the great advantage of his country's trade; and his bravery,
munificence, and justice have made him a popular hero in Arabic romances
down to the present day.

None of his successors approached his high example Khalil indeed
recovered Acre and all that remained of the Crusader's possessions in
Palestine, and the Mamluks, who never lost their soldierly qualities
whoever happened to be their nominal ruler, handsomely defeated the
Mongols again in 1299 and 1303, and for ever saved Egypt from the
unspeakable curse of a Mongol conquest Nasir, whose reign covers most of
the first half of the fourteenth century, was a great builder, and so
were many of the nobles of his court. It was the golden age of Saracenic
architecture, and Cairo is still full of the monuments of Nasir's emirs.
He encouraged agriculture, stockbreeding, farming, falconry, as well as
literature and art, everything, in short, except vice, wine, and
Christians.

The Burgi, or Circassian Mamluks (1382-1517), were little more than
chief among the emirs. Widespread corruption, the open sale of high
offices and of "justice," and general debauchery characterised their
rule. Yet they built many of the loveliest mosques in Cairo, and the
conquest of Cyprus, long a nest of Mediterranean piracy, by Bars Bey in
1426 may be added to their credit. Kait Bey (1468-1496) was a great
builder, and in every way a wise, brave, and energetic, public-spirited
sovereign, and was an exception to the general baseness.

Egypt was rich in his day. The European trade had swelled enormously,
and the duties brought in a prodigious revenue. The Italian Republics
had their consulates or their marts in Alexandria, and Marseilles,
Narbonne, and Catalonia sent their representatives. The Indian trade was
also very considerable; we read of L36,000 paid at one time in customs
dues at Gidda, then an Egyptian port on the Red Sea. The Mamluk sultan
took toll on every bale of goods that passed between Europe and India in
the palmy days that preceded Vasco de Gama's discovery of the Cape route
in 1497. It was an immense monopoly, extortionately used, and it was not
resigned without a struggle. The Mamluk fleet engaged the Portuguese off
Chaul in the Bay of Bengal in 1508 and defeated them; but Almeida
avenged the honour of his country by a victory over the Mamluk admiral
Hoseyn off Diu in the following year, and the prolific transit trade of
Egypt was to a great extent lost.

This final effort was made by the last great sultan of the Circassian
dynasty, Kansuh Ghuri (1501-1516), who also exerted himself manfully in
defending his country from the impending disaster of Ottoman invasion.
But the Othmanli Turks, greatly heartened by the conquest of
Constantinople in 1453, had been steadily encroaching in Asia, and,
after defeating the shah of Persia, their advance upon Syria and Egypt
was only a matter of time. The victory was made easier by jealousies and
treachery among the Mamluks. Kansuh fell at the head of his gallant
troops in a battle near Aleppo in August 1516; a last desperate stand of
the Mamluks under the Mukattam Hill at Cairo in January 1517, was
overcome, and Sultan Selim made Egypt a province of the Turkish empire.
Such it remains, formally, to this day.

       *       *       *       *       *




RAPHAEL HOLINSHED


Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland


     Raphael Holinshed, who was born about 1520, is one of the most
     celebrated of English chroniclers. The "Chronicles of England,
     Scotland, and Ireland," known by his name, cover a long period
     of English history, beginning with a "Description" of Britain
     from the earliest times, and carried on until the reign of
     Elizabeth, in the course of which, between 1580 and 1584,
     Holinshed died. The work did good service to Shakespeare, who
     drew from it much of the material for his historical plays.
     The first edition, published in 1577, was succeeded in 1587 by
     another, in which the "Chronicles" were continued by John
     Hooker and others. An edition appeared in 1807, in the
     foreword to which the "Chronicles" are described as containing
     "the most curious and authentic account of the manners and
     customs of our island in the reign of Henry VIII. and
     Elizabeth "; and being the work of a contemporary observer
     this is not too much to claim for it. Owing to the great scope
     of this work, it is impossible to convey an impression of the
     whole, which is best represented by means of selected examples
     of the chronicler's method. Being the work of so many
     different authors, the literary quality of the "Chronicles"
     naturally varies; but the learning and research they show make
     them an invaluable aid to the study of the manners and customs
     of early England.


_I.--Master Holinshed to his Good Lord and Master, Sir William Brooke,
Knight_


Being earnestlie required, Right Honorable, of divers my freends, to set
down some breefe discourse of some of those things which I had observed
in the reading of manifold antiquities, I was at first verie loth to
yeeld to their desires. But, they pressing their irksome sute, I
condescended to it, and went in hand with the work, with hopes of good,
although no gaie success. In the process of this Booke, if your Honor
regard the substance of that which is here declared, I must needs
confess that it is none of mine owne; but if your lordship have
consideration of the barbarous composition shewed herein, that I may
boldlie claim and challenge for mine owne. Certes, I protest before God
and your Honor, that I never made any choise of stile, or words, neither
regarded to handle this Treatise in such precise order and method as
manie other would have done, thinking it sufficient, truelie and
plainelie to set forth such things as I minded to intreat of, rather
than with vain affectation of eloquence to paint out a rotten sepulchre,
a thing neither commendable in a writer, nor profitable to the reader.
But howsoever it be done, I have had an especial eye unto the truth of
things, and for the rest, I hope that this foule frizeled Treatise of
mine will prove a spur to others better learned to handle the self-same
argument, if in my life-time I doo not peruse it again.


_II.--Some Account of the Historie of Britaine_


As few or no nations can justlie boast themselves to have continued
sithence their countrie was first replenished, without anie mixture,
more or lesse, of forreine inhabitant mixture, more or lesse, of
forreine inhabitants; no more can this our Iland, whose manifold
commodities have oft allured sundrie princes and famous capteines of the
world to conquer and subdue the same unto their owne subjection. Manie
sorts of people therefore have come in hither and settled themselves
here in this Ile, and first of all other, a parcell of the lineage and
posteritie of Japhet, brought in by Samothes, in the 1910 after the
creation of Adam. Howbeit in process of time, and after they had
indifferentlie replenished and furnished this Iland with people, Albion,
the giant, repaired hither with a companie of his owne race proceeding
from Cham, and not onelie annexed the same to his owne dominion, but
brought all such as he found here of the line of Japhet, into miserable
servitude and most extreame thraldome. After him also, and within lesse
than six hundred and two yeares, came Brute, the son of Sylvius, with a
great train of the posteritie of the dispersed Trojans in 324 ships; who
rendering the like courtesie unto Chemminits as they had done before
unto the seed of Japhet, brought them also wholie under his rule and
governance, and dispossessing them he divided the countrie among such
princes and capteines as he had led out of Grecia with him.

Then after some further space of time the Roman Emperours subdued the
land to their dominion; and after the coming of the Romans, it is hard
to say with how manie sorts of people we were dailie pestered. For their
armies did commonlie consist of manie sorts of people, and were (as I
may call them) a confused mixture of all other countries and nations
then living in the world. Howbeit I thinke it best, because they did all
beare the title of Romans, to retaine onelie that name for them all,
albeit they were wofull guests to this our Iland: sith that with them
came all kinds of vice, all riot and excess of behaviour into our
countrie, which their legions brought with them from each corner of
their dominions.

Then did follow the Saxons, and the Danes, and at last the Normans, of
whom it is worthilie doubted whether they were more hard and cruell to
our countrymen than the Danes, or more heavie and intollerable to our
Iland than the Saxons or the Romans. For they were so cruellie bent to
our utter subversion and overthrow, that in the beginning it was lesse
reproach to be accounted a slave than an Englishman, or a drudge in anie
filthie businesse than a Britaine: insomuch that everie French page was
superiour to the greatest Peere; and the losse of an Englishman's life
but a pastime to such of them as contended in their braverie who should
give the greatest strokes or wounds unto their bodies when their toiling
and drudgerie could not please them or satisfie their greedie humours.
Yet such was our lot in those daies by the divine appointed order, that
we must needs obey such as the Lord did set pyer us, and this all
because we refused grace offered in time, and would not heare when God
by his preachers did call us so favourablie unto him.

By all this then we perceive, how from time to time this Hand hath not
onelie been a prey, but as it were a common receptacle for strangers,
the naturall homelings or Britons being still cut shorter and shorter,
till in the end they came not onelie to be driven into a corner of this
region, but in time also verie like utterlie to have been extinguished.
Thus we see how England hath been manie times subject to the reproach of
conquest. And whereas the Scots seeme to challenge manie famous
victories also over us, it shall suffice for answer, that they deale in
this as in the most part of their historie, which is to seeke great
honour by lying, and great renown by prating and craking. Indeed they
have done great mischief in this Hand, and with extreime crueltie; but
as for anie conquest the first is yet to heare of.

But beside those conquests aforementioned, Huntingdon, the old
historiographer, speaketh of another, likelie (as he saith) to come one
daie out of the North, which is a wind that bloweth no man to good, sith
nothing is to be had in those parts, but hunger and much cold.


_III.--Of King Richard, the First, and his Journie to the Holie Land_


Richard the First of that name, and second sonne of Henrie the Second,
began his reign over England the sixt day of Julie, in the yere of our
Lord 1189. He received the crowne with all due and accustomed
sollemnitie, at the hands of Baldwin, the archbishop of Canterburie, the
third daie of September.

Upon this daie of King Richard's coronation, the Jewes that dwelt in
London and in other parts of the realme, being there assembled, had but
sorie hap, as it chanced. For they meaning to honour the same coronation
with their presence, and to present to the king some honourable gift,
whereby they might declare themselves glad for his advancement, and
procure his freendship towards them, for the confirming of their
privileges and liberties; he of a zealous mind to Christes religion,
abhorring their nation (and doubting some sorcerie by them to be
practised) commanded that they should not come within the church when he
should receive the crowne, nor within the palace whilest he was at
dinner.

But at dinner-time, among other that pressed in at the palace gate,
diverse of the Jews were about to thrust in, till one of them was
striken by a Christian, who alledging the king's commandment, kept them
backe from comming within the palace. Which some of the unrulie people,
perceiving, and supposing it had been done by the king's commandement,
tooke lightlie occasion thereof, and falling upon the Jewes with staves,
bats, and stones, beat them and chased them home to their houses and
lodgings. Then did they set fire on the houses, and the Jewes within
were either smoldred and burned to death within, or else at their
comming forth most cruellie received upon the points of speares, billes,
and swords of their adversaries that watched for them verie diligentlie.
This great riot well deserved sere and grievous punishment, but yet it
passed over without correction, because of the hatred generallie
conceived against the obstinate frowardnesse of the Jewes. Finallie,
after the tumult was ceased, the king commanded that no man should hurt
or harm any of the Jewes, and so they were restored to peace after they
had susteined infinit damage.

No great while after this his coronation, the king sought to prepare
himself to journey to the holie land, and to this end he had great need
of money. Therefore he made such sale of things appertaining to him, as
well in right of the crowne, as otherwise, that it seemed to divers that
he made his reckoning never to return agan, in so much that some of his
councillors told him plainelie, that he did not well in making things
awaie so freelie; unto whom he answered "that in time of need it was no
evill policie for a man to help himself with his owne." and further,
"that if London at that time of need would be bought, he would surelie
sell it, if he might meet with a convenient merchant that were able to
give him monie enough for it."

Then all things being readie, King Richard set forth, and, after great
hindrance by tempests, and at the hands of the men of Cyprus, who warred
against him and were overcome, he came to the citie of Acres, which then
was besieged by the Christian armie. Such was the valiancie of King
Richard shown in manfull constraining of the citie, that his praise was
greatly bruted both amongst the Christians and also the Saracens.

At last, on the twelfth date of Julie, in the yeare of grace 1192, the
citie of Acres was surrendered into the Christian men's hands. These
things being concluded, the French King Philip, upon envie and malice
conceived against King Richard (although he pretended sickness for
excuse) departed homewards. Now touching this departure, divers
occasions are remembered by writers of the emulation and secret spite
which he should bear towards King Richard. But, howsoever, it came to
passe, partlie through envie (as hath beene thought) conceived at the
great deeds of King Richard, whose mightie power and valiantnesse he
could not well abide, and partlie for other respects him moving, he took
the sea with three gallies of the Genevois, and returned into Italie,
and so home into France, having promised first unto King Richard in the
holie land, and after to pope Celestine at Rome, that he would not
attempt any hurtfull enterprise against the English dominions, till King
Richard should be returned out of the holie land. But this promise was
not kept, for he sought to procure Earle John, King Richard's brother,
to rebell against him, though he then sought it in vaine.

Yet were matters nowise peacefull within the realme of England, and
because of this, and likewise because the froward humours of the French
so greatlie hindered him in warring against the Saracens, King Richard
determined fullie to depart homewards, and at last there was a peace
concluded with Saladin. But on his journie homewards the King had but
sorie hap, for he made shipwracke on the coast of Istria, and then fell
into captivitie; and this was the manner that it came to passe.


_IV.--Of King Richard's Captivitie_


King Richard, doubting to fall into the hands of those who might bear
him ill-will, made the best shift he could to passe through quietlie,
yet were many of his servants made captive, and he himself came with but
three men to Vienna. There causing his servants to provide meat for him
more sumptuous and fine than was thought requisite for so meane a person
as he counterfeited then, he was straightway remarked, and some gave
knowledge to the Duke of Austrich named Leopold, who loved him not for
some matter that had passed in the holie land. Moreover, his page, going
about the towne to change gold, and buy vittels, bewraied him, having by
chance the King's gloves under his girdle: whereupon, being examined,
for fear of tortures he confessed the truth.

The Duke sent men to apprehend him, but he, being warie that he was
descried, got him to his weapon; but they alledging the Duke's
commandement, he boldly answered, "that sith he must be taken, he being
a King, would yeeld himselfe to none of the companie but to the Duke
alone." The Duke hearing of this, speedilie came unto him, whom he
meeting, delivered up his sword, and committed him unto his custodie.
Then was he brought before the princes and lords of the empire, in whose
presence the emperour charged him with diverse unlawfull doings. King
Richard notwithstanding the vaine and frivolous objections laid to his
charge, made his answers always so pithilie and directlie to all that
could be laid against him, and excused himself e in everie point so
thoroughlie, that the emperour much marvelled at his high wisdom and
prudence, and not onelie greatlie commended him for the same, but from
thenceforth used him more courteously. Yet did King Richard perceive
that no excuses would serve, but that he must paie to his covetous host
some great summe of monie for his hard entertainment. Therefore he sent
the bishop of Salisburie into England to provide for the paiment of his
ransome.

Finallie the King, after he had beene prisoner one yeare, six weekes,
and three daies, was set at libertie on Candle-mass day, and then with
long and hastie journies, not keeping the high waies, he hasted forth
towards England. It is reported that if he had lingered by the way, he
had beene eftsoones apprehended. For the emperour being incensed against
him by ambassadors that came from the French king, immediatlie after he
was set forward, began to repent himselfe in that he had suffered him so
soon to depart from him, and hereupon sent men after him with all speed
to bring him backe if they could by any means overtake him, meaning as
then to have kept him in perpetual prison. But these his knavish tricks
being in the good providence of God defeated, King Richard at length in
good safetie landed at Sandwich, and the morrow after came to
Canterburie, where he was received with procession. From thence he came
unto London, where he was received with great joy and gladnesse of the
people, giving heartie thanks to almightie God for his safe return and
deliverance.

The same yeare that King Richard was taken by the Duke of Austrich, one
night in the month of Januarie about the first watch of the night, the
northwest side of the element appeared of such a ruddie colour as though
it had burned, without any clouds or other darknesse to cover it, so
that the stars showed through that redness and might be verie well
discerned. Diverse bright strakes appeared to flash upwards now and
then, dividing the rednesse, through the which the stars seemed to be of
a bright sanguine colour.

In Februarie next insuing, one night after midnight the like wonder was
seene and shortlie after newes came that the king was taken in Almaigne.
And the same daie and selfe houre that the king arrived at Sandwich,
whitest the sunne shone verie bright and cleare, there appeared a most
brightsome and unaccustomed clearnesse, not farre distant from the
sunne, as it were to the length and breadth of a man's personage, having
a red shining brightnesse withall, like to the rainbow, which strange
sight when manie beheld, there were that prognosticated the king
alreadie to be arrived.


_V.--Of Good Queen Elisabeth, and How She Came into Her Kingdom_


After all the stormie, tempestuous, and blustering windie weather of
Queene Marie was overblowne, the darksome clouds of discomfort
dispersed, the palpable fogs and mists of most intollerable miserie
consumed, and the dashing showers of persecution overpast, it pleased
God to send England a calm and quiet season, a cleare and lovelie
sunshine, and a world of blessings by good Queene Elisabeth, into whose
gracious reign we are now to make an happie entrance as followeth.

On her entering the citie of London, she was received of the people with
prayers, wishes, welcomings, cries, and tender words, all which argued a
wonderfull earnest love of most obedient subjects towards their
sovereign. And on the other side, her grace, by holding up her hands,
and merrie countenance to such as stood farre off, and most tender and
gentle language to those that stood nigh unto her grace, did declare
herselfe no lesse thankfullie to receive her people's good will, than
they lovinglie offered it to her. And it was not onelie to those her
subjects who were of noble birth that she showed herself thus verie
gracious, but also to the poorest sort. How manie nose gaies did her
grace receive at poore women's hands? How oftentimes staid she her
chariot, when she saw anie simple bodie offer to speake to her grace? A
branch of rosemarie given her grace with a supplication about
Fleetbridge, was seene in her chariot till her grace came to
Westminster, not without the marvellous wondering of such as knew the
presenter, and noted the queene's most gracious receiving and keeping
the same. Therefore may the poore and needie looke for great hope at her
grace's hand, who hath shown so loving a carefulnesse for them.

Moreover, because princes be set in their seat by God's appointing, and
they must therefore first and chieflie tender the glorie of Him from
whom their glorie issueth; it is to be noted in her grace that for so
much as God hath so wonderfullie placed her in the seat of government of
this realme, she in all her doings doth show herselfe most mindful of
His goodness and mercie shewed unto her. And one notable signe thereof
her grace gave at the verie time of her passage through London, for in
the Tower, before she entered her chariot, she lifted up her eies to
Heaven and saith as followeth:

"O Lord Almightie and everlasting God, I give Thee most heartie thanks
that Thou hast beene so mercifull unto me as to spare me to behold this
joy full daie. And I acknowledge that Thou hast dealt as wonderfullie
and as mercifullie with me as Thou diddest with Thy true and faithfull
servant Daniell Thy prophet, whom Thou deliveredst out of the den from
the crueltie of the greedie and raging lions; even so was I overwhelmed,
and onlie by Thee delivered. To Thee, therefore, onlie be thankes,
honor, and praise, for ever. Amen."

On Sundaie, the five and twentieth daie of Januarie, her majestie was
with great solemnitie crowned at Westminster, in the Abbey church there,
by doctor Oglethorpe bishop of Carlisle. She dined in Westminster hall,
which was richlie hung, and everything ordered in such royall manner, as
to such a regall and most solemn feast appertained. In the meane time,
whilst her grace sat at dinner, Sir Edward Dimmocke, knight, her
champion by office, came riding into the hall in faire complete armour,
mounted upon a beautifull courser, richlie trapped in cloth of gold, and
in the midst of the hall cast downe his gauntlet, with offer to fight
in her quarell with anie man that should denie her to be the righteous
and lawfull queene of this realme. The queene, taking a cup of gold full
of wine, dranke to him thereof, and sent it to him for his fee.
Finallie, this feast being celebrated with all due and fitting royall
ceremonies, tooke end with great joy and contentation to all the
beholders.

Yet, though there was thus an end of the ceremonies befitting the
queene's coronation, her majesty was everywhere received with brave
shows, and with pageants, all for the love and respect that her subjects
bare her. Thus on Whitsundaie, in the first year of her reign, the
citizens of London set forth a muster before the queene's majestie at
Greenwich in the parke there, of the number of 1,400 men, whereof 800
were pikes, armed in fine corselets, 400 shot in shirts of mail, and 200
halberdiers armed in Almaine rivets; these were furnished forth by the
crafts and companies of the citie. To everie hundred two wifflers were
assigned, richlie appointed and apparelled for the purpose. There were
also twelve wardens of the best companies mounted on horsebacke in
coates of blacke velvet, to conduct them, with drums and fifes, and sixe
ensigne all in lerkins of white sattin of Bridges, cut and lined with
black sarsenet, and caps, hosen, and scarfs according. The
sergeant-majors, captaine Constable, and captaine Sanders, brought them
in order before the queene's presence, placing them in battell arraie,
even as they should have fought; so the shew was verie faire, the
emperour's and the French king's ammbassadors being present.

Verilie the queene hath ever shown herself forward and most willing that
her faithfull subjects should be readie and skilfull in war as in peace.
Thus in the fourteenth yeare of her reign, by order of her council, the
citizens of London, assembling in their several halles, the masters
chose out the most likelie and active persons of their companies to be
pikemen and shot. To these were appointed diverse valiant captaines, who
to train them up in warlike feats, mustered them thrice everie weeke,
sometimes in the artillerie yard, teaching the gunners to handle their
pieces, sometimes at the Miles end, and in saint George's field,
teaching them to skirmish.

In the arts of peace likewise, she is greatlie pleased with them who are
good craftsmen, and shews them favour. In government we have peace and
securitie, and do not greatlie fear those who may stir up wicked
rebellion within our land, or may come against us from beyond the sea.

In brief, they of Norwich did say well, when the queene's majestie came
thither, and in a pageant in her honour, one spake these words:

    "Dost them not see the joie of all this flocke?
      Vouchsafe to view their passing gladsome cheere,
    Be still (good queene) their refuge and their rocke,
      As they are thine to serve in love and feare;
    So fraud, nor force, nor forreine foe may stand
      Against the strength of thy most puissant hand."

       *       *       *       *       *




EDWARD A. FREEMAN


The Norman Conquest of England


     Edward Augustus Freeman was born at Harborne, Staffordshire,
     England, Aug. 2, 1823. His precocity as a child was
     remarkable; at seven he read English and Roman history, and at
     eleven he had acquired a knowledge of Greek and Latin, and had
     taught himself the rudiments of Hebrew. An increase in fortune
     in 1848 enabled him to settle down and devote himself to
     historical research, and from that time until his death on
     March 17, 1892, his life was one spell of literary
     strenuousness. His first published work, other than a share in
     two volumes of verse, was "A History of Architecture," which
     appeared in 1849. Freeman's reputation as historian rests
     principally on his monumental "History of the Norman
     Conquest." It was published in fifteen volumes between 1867
     and 1876, and, in common with all his works, is distinguished
     by critical ability, exhaustiveness of research, and an
     extraordinary degree of insight. His historical scenes are
     remarkably clear and vivid, as though, according to one critic
     "he had actually lived in the times."


_Preliminary Events_


The Norman Conquest is important, not as the beginning of English
history, but as its chief turning point. Its whole importance is that
which belongs to a turning point. This conquest is an event which stands
by itself in the history of Europe. It took place at a transitional
period in the world's development. A kingdom which had hitherto been
only Teutonic, was brought within the sphere of the laws, manners, and
speech of the Romance nations.

At the very moment when Pope and Caesar held each other in the death
grasp, a church which had hitherto maintained a sort of insular and
barbaric independence was brought into a far more intimate connection
with the Roman See. The conquest of England by William wrought less
immediate change than when the first English conquerors slew, expelled,
or enslaved the whole nation of the vanquished Britons or than when
Africa was subdued by Genseric. But it wrought a greater immediate
change than the conquest of Sicily by Charles of Anjou. It brought with
it not only a new dynasty, but a new nobility. It did not expel or
transplant the English nation or any part of it; but it gradually
deprived the leading men and families of England of their land and
offices, and thrust them down into a secondary position under the alien
intruders.

It must not be forgotten that the old English constitution survived the
Norman Conquest. What the constitution had been under the Saxon Eadgar,
that it remained under William. The laws, with a few changes in detail,
and also the language of the public documents, remained the same. The
powers vested in King William and his Witan remained constitutionally
the same as those which had been vested in King Eadgar and his Witan a
hundred years before. Immense changes ensued in social condition and
administration, and in the relation of the kingdom to foreign lands.
There was also a vast increase of royal power, and new relations were
introduced between the king and every class of his subjects; but formal
constitutional changes there were none.

I cannot too often repeat, for the saying is the very summing up of the
whole history, that the Norman Conquest was not the wiping out of the
constitution, the laws, the language, the national life of Englishmen.
The English kingship gradually changed from the old Teutonic to the
later mediaeval type; but the change began before the Norman Conquest. It
was hastened by that event; it was not completed till long after it, and
the gradual transition, was brought to perfection by Henry II.

Certain events indicate the remoter causes of the Norman Conquest. The
accession of Eadward at once brings us among the events that led
immediately to that conquest, or rather we may look on the accession of
this Saxon king as the first stage of the conquest itself. Swend and
Cnut, the Danes, had shown that it was possible for a foreign power to
overcome England by force of arms.

The misgovernment of the sons of Cnut hindered the formation of a
lasting Danish dynasty in England. The throne of Cerdic was again filled
by a son of Woden; but there can be no doubt that the shock given to the
country by the Danish Conquest, especially the way in which the ancient
nobility was cut off in the long struggle with Swend and Cnut, directly
opened the way for the coming of the Norman. Eadward did his best,
wittingly or unwillingly, to make his path still easier. This he did by
accustoming Englishmen to the sight of strangers--not national kinsmen
like Cnut's Danes, but Frenchmen, men of utterly alien speech and
manners--enjoying every available place of honour or profit in the
country.

The great national reaction under Godwine and Harold made England once
more England for a few years. But this change, happy as it was, could
not altogether do away with the effects of the French predilections of
Eadward. With Eadward, then, the Norman Conquest really begins. The men
of the generation before the Conquest, the men whose eyes were not to
behold the event itself, but who were to do all that they could do to
advance or retard it, are now in the full maturity of life, in the full
possession of power.

Eadward is on the throne of England; Godwine, Leofric, and Siward divide
among them the administration of the realm. The next generation, the
warriors of Stamfordbridge and Senlac, of York and Ely, are fast growing
into maturity. Harold Hadrada is already pursuing his wild career of
night-errantry in distant lands, and is astonishing the world by his
exploits in Russia and Sicily, at Constantinople and at Jerusalem.

The younger warriors of the Conquest, Eadwine and Morcere and Waltheof
and Hereward, were probably born, but they must still have been in their
cradles or in their mothers' arms. But, among the leaders of Church and
State, Ealdred, who lived to place the crown on the head both of Harold
and of William, is already a great prelate, abbot of the great house of
Tewkesbury, soon to succeed Lyfing in the chair of Worcester.

Tostig must have been on the verge of manhood; Swegen and Harold were
already men, bold and vigorous, ready to march at their father's
bidding, and before long to affect the destiny of their country for evil
and for good. Beyond the sea, William, still a boy in years but a man in
conduct and counsel, is holding his own among the storms of a troubled
minority, and learning those arts of the statesman and the warrior which
fitted him to become the wisest ruler of Normandy, the last and greatest
conqueror of England.

The actors in the great drama are ready for their parts; the ground is
gradually preparing for the scene of their performance. The great
struggle of nations and tongues and principles in which each of them had
his share, the struggle in which William of Normandy and Harold of
England stand forth as worthy rivals of the noblest of prizes, will form
the subject of the next, the chief and central portion of my history.

The struggle between Normans and Englishmen began with the accession of
Eadward in 1042, although the actual subjugation of England by force of
arms was still twenty-four years distant. The thought of another Danish
king was now hateful. "All folk chose Eadward to King." As the son of
AEthelred and Emma, the brother of the murdered and half-canonised
Alfred, he had long been-familiar to English imaginations. Eadward, and
Eadward alone, stood forth as the heir of English royalty, the
representative of English nationality. In his behalf the popular voice
spoke out at once, and unmistakably. His popular election took place in
June, immediately on the death of Harthacnut, and even before his
burial. Eadward, then, was king, and he reigned as every English king
before him had reigned, by that union of popular election and royal
descent which formed the essence of all ancient Teutonic kingship. He
was crowned at Winchester, April 3, 1043. But by virtue of his peculiar
character, his natural place was not on the throne of England, but at
the head of a Norman abbey, for all his best qualities were those of a
monk. Like him father, he was constantly under the dominion of
favourites.

It was to the evil choice of his favourites during the early part of his
reign that most of the misfortunes of his time were owing, and that a
still more direct path was opened for the ambition of his Norman
kinsman. In the latter part of his reign, either by happy accident or
returning good sense, led him to a better choice. Without a guide he
could not reign, but the good fortune of his later years gave him the
wisest and noblest of all guides.

We have now reached the first appearance of the illustrious man round
whom the main interest of this history will henceforth centre. The
second son of Godwine lived to be the last of our kings, the hero and
martyr of our native freedom. The few recorded actions of Harold, Earl
of the East Angles, could hardly have enabled me to look forward to the
glorious career of Harold, Earl of the West Saxons, King of the English.

Tall in stature, beautiful in countenance, of a bodily strength whose
memory still lives in the rude pictorial art of his time, he was
foremost alike in the active courage and in the passive endurance of the
warrior. It is plain that in him, no less than in his more successful,
and, therefore, more famous, rival, we have to admire not only the mere
animal courage, but that true skill of the leader of armies which would
have placed both Harold and William high among the captains of any age.

Great as Harold was in war, his character as a civil ruler is still more
remarkable, still more worthy of admiration. The most prominent feature
in his character is his singular gentleness and mercy. Never, either in
warfare or in civil strife, do we find Harold bearing hardly upon an
enemy. From the time of his advancement to the practical government of
the kingdom there is not a single harsh or cruel action with which he
can be charged.

Such was the man who, seemingly in the fourth year of Eadward, in the
twenty-fourth of his own age, was invested with the rule of one of the
great divisions of England, who, seven years later, became the virtual
ruler of the kingdom; who, at last, twenty-one years from his first
elevation, received, alone among English kings, the crown of England as
the free gift of her people, and, alone among English kings, died axe in
hand on her soil in the defence of England against foreign invaders.

William of Normandy bears a name which must for ever stand forth among
the foremost of mankind. No man that ever trod this earth was endowed
with greater natural gifts; to no man was it ever granted to accomplish
greater things. No man ever did his work more effectually at the moment;
no man ever left his work behind him as more truly an abiding possession
for all time. In his character one feature stands out pre-eminently
above all others. Throughout his career we admire in him the embodiment
in the highest degree that human nature will allow of the fixed purpose
and the unbending will.

We are too apt to look upon William as simply the conqueror of England.
But so to do is to look at him only in his most splendid, but at the
same time his least honourable, aspect. William learned to become the
conqueror of England only by first becoming the conqueror of Normandy
and the conqueror of France. He found means to conquer Normandy by the
help of France, and to conquer France by the help of Normandy. He came
to his duchy under every disadvantage. At once bastard and minor, with
competitors for his coronet arising at every moment, he was throughout
the whole of his early life beset by troubles, none of which were of his
own making, and he came honourably out of all.

In 1052, William paid his memorable visit to England. At that time both
Normandy and England were at rest, enjoying peace. Visits of mere
friendship and courtesy among sovereign princes were rare in those days.
Such visits as those which William and Eustace of Boulogne paid at this
time to this country were altogether novelties, and unlikely to be
acceptable to the English mind. We may be sure that every patriotic
Englishman looked with an evil eye on any French-speaking prince who
made his way to the English court.

William came with a great following; he tarried awhile in his cousin's
company; he went away loaded with gifts and honours. And he can hardly
doubt that he went away encouraged by some kind of promise of succeeding
to the kingdom which he now visited as a stranger. Direct heirs were
lacking to the royal house, and William was Eadward's kinsman. The
moment was in every way favourable for suggesting to William on the one
hand, to Eadward on the other, the idea of an arrangement by which
William should succeed to the English crown on Eadward's death. The
Norman writers are full of Eadward's promise to William, and also of
some kind of oath that Harold swore to him. Had either the promise or
the oath been a pure Norman invention, William could never have paraded
both in the way that he did in the eyes of Europe. I admit, then, some
promise of Eadward, some oath of Harold. But when the time came for
Eadward the Confessor to make his final recommendation of a successor,
he certainly changed his purpose; for his last will, so far as such an
expression can be used, was undoubtedly in favour of Harold.

There is not the slightest sign of any intention on the part of Eadward
during his later years to nominate William to the Witan as future king.
The two streams of English and Norman history were joined together in
the year when the two sovereigns met for the only time in their reigns.
Those streams again diverged. England shook off the Norman influence to
all outward appearance, and became once more the England of AEthelstan
and Eadgar. But the effects of Eadgar's Norman tendencies were by no
means wholly wiped away. Normans still remained in the land, and
circumstances constituted secondary causes of the expedition of William.

It was in the year 1051 that the influence of strangers reached its
height. During the first nine years of Eadward's reign we find no signs
of any open warfare between the national and the Normanising parties.
The course of events shows that Godwine's power was being practically
undermined, but the great earl was still Jutwardly in the enjoyment of
royal favour, and his fast possessions were still being added to by
royal grants. But soon England began to feel how great is the evil when
a king and those immediately around him are estranged from the mass of
his people in feeling.

To the French favourites who gradually crowded the court of Eadward the
name, the speech, and the laws of England were things on which their
ignorant pride looked with utter contempt.

Count Eustace of Boulogne, now brother-in-law of the king of the
English, presently came, like the rest of the world, to the English
Court. The king was spending the autumn at Gloucester. Thither came
Count Eustace, and, after his satisfactory interview with the king, he
turned his face homewards. When a few miles from Dover he felt himself,
in a region specially devoted to Godwine, to be still more thoroughly in
an enemy's country than in other parts of England, and he and all his
company took the precaution of putting on their coats of mail.

The proud Frenchmen expected to find free quarters at Dover, and they
attempted to lodge themselves at their pleasure in the houses of the
burghers. One Englishman resisted, and was struck dead on the spot. The
count's party then rode through the town, cutting and slaying at
pleasure. In a skirmish which quickly ensued twenty Englishmen and
nineteen Frenchmen were slain.

Count Eustace and the remnant of the party hastened back to Gloucester,
and told the story after their own fashion. On the mere accusation of a
stranger, the English king condemned his own subjects without a hearing.
He sent for Godwine, as earl of the district in which lay the offending
town, and commanded him to inflict chastisement on Dover. The English
champion was then in the midst of a domestic rejoicing. He had, like the
king, been strengthening himself by a foreign alliance, and had just
connected his house with that of a foreign prince. Tostig, the third son
of Godwine, had just married Judith, the daughter of Baldwin of
Flanders.

Godwine, however, bidden without the least legal proof of offence, to
visit with all the horrors of fire and sword, was not long in choosing
his course. Official duty and public policy, no less than abstract
justice and humanity, dictated a distinct refusal. Now or never a stand
was to be made against strangers, and the earl demanded a legal trial
for the burghers of Dover.

But there were influences about Eadward which cut off all hope of a
peaceful settlement of the matter. Eustace probably still lingered about
the king, and there was another voice ever at the royal ear, ever ready
to poison the royal mind against the people of England and their leader.
It was the voice of a foreign monk, Archbishop Robert. Godwine and three
other earls summoned their followers and demanded the surrender of
Eustace, but the frightened king sent for the Northern Earls Siward,
Leofric, and Ralph, bidding them bring a force strong enough to keep
Godwine in check. Thus the northern and southern sections were arrayed
against each other.

There were, however, on the king's side, men who were not willing to see
the country involved in civil war. Leofric, the good Earl of Mercia,
stood forth as the champion of compromise and peace, and it was agreed
that hostilities should be avoided and that the witenagemot should
assemble at Michaelmas in London.

Of this truce King Eadward and his foreign advisers took advantage to
collect an army, at the head of which they appeared in London. Godwine
and his son Harold were summoned to the gemot, but refused to appear
without a security for a safe conduct. The hostages and safe-conduct
were refused. The refusal was announced by Bishop Stigand to the earl as
he sat at his evening meal. The bishop wept; the earl sprang to his
feet, overthrew the table, leaped on his horse, and, with his sons, rode
for his life all that night. In the morning the king held his
witenagemot, and by a vote of the king and his whole army, Godwine and
his sons were declared outlaws, but five days were allowed them to get
out of the land. Godwine, Swegen, Tostig, and Gyrth, together with Gytha
and Judith, the newly-married wife of Tostig, set sail for Bruges in a
ship laden with as much treasure as it would hold. They reached the
court of Flanders in safety, were honourably received by the count, and
passed the whole winter with him.

Two of Godwine's sons, however, sought another refuge. Harold and his
younger brother Leofwine determined on resistance, and resolved to seek
shelter among the Danish settlers in Ireland, where they were cordially
received by King Diarmid. For the moment the overthrow of the patriotic
leaders in England was complete, and the dominion of the foreigners over
the feeble mind of the king was complete. It was while Godwine dwelt as
an exile at Bruges, and Harold was planning schemes of vengeance in the
friendly court of Dublin, that William the Bastard, afterwards known as
William the Conqueror, paid his memorable visit to England, that visit
which has already been referred to as a stage, and a most important one,
among the immediate causes of the Norman Conquest.

Stirring events followed in quick succession. General regret was felt
among all patriotic Englishmen at the absence of Godwine. The common
voice of England soon began to call for the return of the banished earl,
who was looked to by all men as the father of his country. England now
knew that in his fall a fatal blow had been dealt to her own welfare and
freedom. And Godwine, after sending many petitions to the king, vainly
petitioning for a reconciliation, determined to return by force,
satisfied that the great majority of Englishmen would be less likely to
resist him than to join his banners.

Harold sailed from Ireland to meet his father by way of the English
Channel. Godwine sailed up the Thames, and London declared for him.
Panic reigned among the favourites of King Eadward. The foreigners took
to flight, among the fugitives being Archbishop Robert and Bishop Ulf.
The gemot met and decreed the restoration of the earl and the outlawry
of many Normans. The king yielded, and accorded to Godwine the kiss of
peace, and a revolution was accomplished of which England may well be
proud.

But a tragedy soon followed, in the death of the most renowned
Englishman of that generation. During a meal at the Easter festival
Godwine fell from his seat, and died after lying insensible for three
days. Great was the grief of the nation. Harold, in the years that
followed, became so increasingly popular that he was virtually chief
ruler of England, even before the death of Eadward, which happened on
January 5, 1066. His burial was followed by the coronation of Harold.
But the moment of struggle was now come. The English throne had become
vacant, and the Norman duke knew how to represent himself as its lawful
heir, and to brand the king of the nation's choice as an usurper. The
days of debate were past, and the sword alone could decide between
England and her enemy.

William found one Englishman willing to help him in all his schemes, in
the person of Tostig, Harold's brother, who had been outlawed at the
demand of the nation, owing to his unfitness to rule his province as
Earl of Northumberland. He had sunk from bad to worse. Harold had done
all he could for his fallen brother, but to restore him was impossible.
Tostig was at the Norman court, urging William to the invasion of
England. At his own risk, he was allowed to make an incursion on the
English coast. Entering the Humber, he burned several towns and slew
many men. But after these ravages Tostig repaired to ask help of Harold
Hardrada, whom he induced to prepare a great expedition.

Harold Hardrada and Tostig landed and marched towards York. A battle was
fought between the Mercians and Norwegians at Fulford, in which the
former were worsted, but Harold was marching northward. In the fearful
battle of Stamford Bridge both Harold Hardrada and Tostig were slain,
and the Viking host was shattered. The victorious English king was
banqueting in celebration of the great victory, when a messenger
appeared who had come at fleetest pace from the distant coast of Sussex.

One blow had been warded off, but another still more terrible had
fallen. Three days after the fight at Stamford Bridge, William, Duke of
the Normans, once the peaceful guest of Edward, had again, but in quite
another guise, made good his landing on the shores of England. It was in
August 1066 that the Norman fleet had set sail on its great enterprise.
For several weeks a south wind had been waited for at the mouth of the
River Dive, prayers and sacred rites of every kind being employed to
move Heaven to send the propitious breeze. On September 28 the landing
was effected at Pevensey, the ancient Anderida. There were neither,
ships nor men to resist the landing. The first armed man who set foot on
English ground was Duke William himself, whose foot slipped, so that he
fell with both hands on the ground.

A loud cry of grief was raised at the evil omen. But the ready wit of
William failed him not. "By the splendour of God," he cried, "I have
taken seizin of my kingdom; the earth of England is in my hands." The
whole army landed in order, but only one day was spent at Pevensey. On
the next day the army marched on eastward and came to Hastings, which
was fixed on as the centre of the operations of the whole campaign.

It was a hard lot for the English king to be compelled to hasten
southward to dislodge the new enemy, after scarcely a moment's rest from
the toils and glories of Stamford Bridge. But the heart of Harold failed
him not, and the heart of England beat in unison with the heart of her
king. As soon as the news came, King Harold held a council of the
leaders of Stamford Bridge, or perhaps an armed gemot. He told them of
the landing of the enemy; he set before them the horrors which would
come upon the land if the invader succeeded in his enterprise. A loud
shout of assent rose from the whole assembly. Every man pledged his
faith rather to die in arms than to acknowledge any king but Harold.

The king thanked his loyal followers, and at once ordered an immediate
march to the south, an immediate muster of the forces of his kingdom.
London was the trysting-place. He himself pressed on at once with his
immediate following. And throughout the land awoke a spirit in every
English heart which has never died out to this day. The men from various
shires flocked eagerly to the standard of their glorious king. Harold
seems to have reached London on October 5, about ten days after the
fight at Stamford Bridge, and a week after the Norman landing at
Pevensey. Though his royal home was now at Westminster, he went, in
order to seek divine help and succour, to pray at Waltham, the home of
his earlier days, devoting one day to a pilgrimage to the Holy Cross
which gave England her war-cry.

Harold and William were now both eager for the battle. The king set out
from London on October 12. His consummate generalship is nowhere more
plainly shown than in this memorable campaign. He formed his own plan,
and he carried it out. He determined to give battle, but only on his own
ground, and after his own fashion. The nature of the post shows that his
real plan was to occupy a position where the Normans would have to
attack him at a great disadvantage.

William constrained Harold to fight, but Harold, in his turn,
constrained William to fight on ground of Harold's own choosing. The
latter halted at a point distant about seven miles from the headquarters
of the invaders, and pitched his camp upon the ever-memorable heights of
Senlac. It was his policy not to attack. He occupied and fortified a
post of great natural strength, which he speedily made into what is
distinctly spoken of as a castle.

The hill of Senlac, now occupied by the abbey and town of Battle,
commemorates in its later name the great event of which it was the
scene.

The morning of the decisive day, Saturday, October 14, at last had come.
The duke of the Normans heard mass, and received the communion in both
kinds, and drew forth his troops for their march against the English
post. Then in full armour, and seated on his noble Spanish war-horse,
William led his host forth in three divisions. The Normans from the hill
of Telham first caught sight of the English encamped on the opposite
height of Senlac.

First in each of the three Norman divisions marched the archers,
slingers, and cross-bow men, then the more heavily-armed infantry,
lastly the horsemen. The reason of this arrangement is clear. The
light-armed were to do what they could with their missiles to annoy the
English; the heavy infantry were to strive to break down the palisades
of the English camp, and so to make ready the way for the charge of the
horse.

Like the Normans, the English had risen early. The king, after exhorting
his troops to stand firm, rode to the royal post; he there dismounted,
took his place on foot, and prayed to God for help. The battle began at
nine in the morning--one of the sacred hours of the church. The trumpet
sounded, and a flight of arrows from all three Norman divisions--right,
centre, and left,--was the prelude to the onslaught of the heavy-armed
foot. The real struggle now began. The French infantry had to toil up
the hill, and to break down the palisade, while a shower of stones and
javelins disordered their approach, and while club, sword and axe
greeted all who came within the reach of hand-strokes.

Both sides fought with unyielding valour. The war-cries rose on either
side. The Normans shouted "God help us!" the English called on the "Holy
Cross." The Norman infantry had soon done its best, but that best had
been in vain. The choicest chivalry of Europe now pressed on to the
attack. The knights of Normandy and of all lands from which men had
flocked to William's standard, now pressed on, striving to make what
impression they could with the whole strength of themselves and their
horses on the impenetrable fortress of timber, shields, and living
warriors.

But all was in vain. The English had thus far stood their ground well
and wisely, and the tactics of Harold had so far completely answered.
Not only had every attack failed, but the great mass of the French army
altogether lost heart. The Bretons and the other auxiliaries on the left
were the first to give way. Horse and foot alike, they turned and fled.
The whole of William's left wing was thrown into utter confusion.

The strong heart of William, however, failed him not, and by his single
prowess and presence of mind he recalled the fleeing troops. Order was
soon restored, and the Norman host pressed on to a second and more
terrible attack. The duke himself, his relics round his neck, sought out
Harold. A few moments more, and the two might have come face to face,
but Gyrth, the noble brother of the English king, hurled a spear at
William. The missile narrowly missed the duke, but slew the Spanish
steed, the first of three that died under him that day. But William
could not fight on foot as well as on horseback. He rose to his feet,
pressed straight to seek the man who had so nearly slain him, and the
earl fell, crushed beneath the blow of William's mace. Nor did he fall
alone, for his brother, Earl Leofwine, was smitten to the earth by an
unknown assailant.

The second attack, however, failed, for the English lines were as
unyielding as ever. Direct attack was unavailing. In the Norman
character fox and lion were equally blended, as William now showed. He
ventured on the daring stratagem of ordering a pretended flight, and the
unwary English rushed down the slope, pursuing the fugitive with shouts
of delight. The error was fatal to England. The tide was turned; the
duke's object was now gained; and the main end of Harold's skilful
tactics was frustrated. The English were no longer entrenched, and the
battle fell into a series of single combats. As twilight was coming on
an arrow, falling like a bolt from heaven, pierced Harold's right eye,
and he sank in agony at the foot of the standard. Round that standard
the fight still raged, till the highest nobility, the most valiant
soldiery of England were slaughtered to a man.

Had Harold lived, had another like him been ready to take his place, we
may well doubt whether, even after Senlac, England would have been
conquered at all. As it was, from this moment her complete conquest was
only a matter of time. From that day forward the Normans began to work
the will of God upon the folk of England, till there were left in
England no chiefs of the land of English blood, till all were brought
down to bondage and sorrow, till it was a shame to be called an
Englishman, and the men of England were no more a people.

       *       *       *       *       *




JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE


History of England


     James Anthony Froude was born at Darlington, England, April
     23, 1818, and died on Oct. 20, 1894. He was educated at
     Westminster, and Oriel College, Oxford. Taking Holy Orders, he
     was, for a time, deeply influenced by Newman and the
     Tractarian movement, but soon underwent the radical revolution
     of thought revealed by his first treatise, the "Nemesis of
     Faith," which appeared in 1849, and created a sensation. Its
     tendency to skepticism cost him his fellowship, but its
     profound pathos, its accent of tenderness, and its fervour
     excited wide admiration. Permanent fame was secured by the
     appearance, in 1856, of the first two instalments of his
     magnificent work, "The History of England, from the Fall of
     Wolsey to the Defeat of the Armada," the last volume appearing
     in 1870. This treatise on the middle Tudor period is one of
     the most fascinating historical treatises in the whole range
     of literature. It is written in a vivid and graphic prose, and
     with rare command of the art of picturesque description.
     Froude never accepted the doctrine that history should be
     treated as a science; rather he claimed that the historian
     should concern himself with the dramatic aspect of the period
     about which he writes. The student may disagree with many of
     Froude's points of view and portraitures, yet his men and
     women breathe with the life he endows them, and their motives
     are actuated by the forces he sets in motion. Of his
     voluminous works perhaps the most notable, with the exception
     of the "History," are his "History of Ireland in the
     Eighteenth Century," 1871-74, and his "Short Studies on Great
     Subjects," the latter aptly exhibiting Froude's gifts of
     masterful prose and glittering paradox.


_I.--The Condition of England_


In periods like the present, when knowledge is every day extending, and
the habits and thoughts of mankind are perpetually changing under the
influence of new discoveries, it is no easy matter to throw ourselves
back into a time in which for centuries the European world grew upon a
single type, in which the forms of the father's thoughts were the forms
of the son's, and the late descendant was occupied in treading into
paths the footprints of his ancestors.

So absolutely has change become the law of our present condition, that
to cease to change is to lose place in the great race. Looking back over
history, we see times of change and progress alternating with other
times when life and thought have settled into permanent forms. Such was
the condition of the Greeks through many ages before the Persian wars,
and such, again, became the condition of Europe when the Northern
nations grafted religion and the laws of the Western empire on their own
hardy natures.

A condition of things differing alike both inwardly and outwardly from
that into which a happier fortune has introduced ourselves, is
necessarily obscure to us. In the alteration of our own characters we
have lost the key which would interpret the characters of our fathers.
But some broad conclusions as to what they were are, however, at least
possible to us. A rough census taken at the time of the Armada shows
that it was something under five millions.

The feudal system, though practically modified, was still the organising
principle of the nation, and the owner of land was bound to military
service at home whenever occasion required. All land was held upon a
strictly military principle. The state of the working classes can best
be determined by a comparison of their wages with the price of food.
Both were as far as possible regulated by Act of Parliament. Wheat in
the fourteenth century averaged 10d. the bushel; beef and pork were
1/2d. a pound; mutton was 3/4d. The best pig or goose could be bought
for 4d.; a good capon for 3d.; a chicken for 1d.; a hen for 2d.
Strong-beer, which now costs 1s. 6d. a gallon, was then a 1d. a gallon,
and table beer was less than 1/2d.

A penny at the time of which we write must have been nearly equal in the
reign of Henry VIII. to the present shilling. For a penny the labourer
could buy as much bread, beef, beer, and wine as the labourer of to-day
can for a shilling. Turning then to the question of wages, by the 3d of
the 6th of Henry VIII., it was enacted that the master, carpenters,
masons, bricklayers, tilers, plumbers, glaziers, joiners, and others,
employers of skilled workmen should give to each of their journeymen, if
no meat and drink was allowed, sixpence a day for the half year,
fivepence a day for the other half; or fivepence-half penny for the
yearly average. The common labourers were to receive fourpence a day for
the half year; for the remaining half, threepence.

The day labourer received what was equivalent to something near twenty
shillings a week, the wages at present paid in English colonies; and
this is far from being a full account of his advantages. The
agricultural labourer held land in connection with his house, while in
most parishes there were large ranges of common and unenclosed forest
land, which furnished fuel to him gratis, where pigs might range, and
ducks and geese, and where, if he could afford a cow, he was in no
danger of being unable to feed it; and so important was this privilege
considered, that when the commons began to be largely enclosed,
Parliament insisted that the working man should not be without some
piece of ground on which he could employ his own and his family's
industry.

By the 7th of the 31st of Elizabeth it was ordered that no cottage
should be built for residence without four acres of land at lowest being
attached to it for the sole use of the occupants of such cottage.

The incomes of the great nobles cannot be determined for they varied
probably as much as they do now. Under Henry IV. the average income of
an earl was estimated at L2,000 a year. Under Henry VIII. the great Duke
of Buckingham, the wealthiest English peer, had L6,000. And the income
of the Archbishop of Canterbury was rated at the same amount. But the
establishments of such men were enormous. Their retinues in time of
peace consisted of several hundred persons, and in time of war a large
share of the expenses was paid often out of private purses.

Passing down to the body of the people, we find that L20 a year and
heavy duties to do for it, represented the condition of the squire of
the parish. By the 2nd of Henry V. "the wages" of a parish priest were
limited to L5 6s. 8d., except in cases where there was a special license
from the bishop, when they might be raised as high as L6. Both squire
and priest had sufficient for comfort. Neither was able to establish any
steep difference between himself and the commons among whom he lived, so
far as concerned outward advantages.

The habits of all classes were free, open, and liberal. In frank style
the people lived in "merry England," displaying the "glory of
hospitality," England's pre-eminent boast, by the rules according to
which all tables were open to all comers without reserve. To every man,
according to his degree, who chose to ask for it, there was free fare
and free lodging. The people hated three things with all their
hearts--idleness, want, and cowardice.

A change, however, was coming upon the world, the meaning and direction
of which even still is hidden from us, a change from era to era.
Chivalry was dying; the abbey and castle were soon together to crumble
into ruins; and all the forms, desires, beliefs, and convictions of the
old world were passing away never to return. A new continent had arisen
beyond the western sea. The floor of heaven, inlaid with stars, had sunk
back into an infinite abyss of immeasurable space; and the firm earth
itself, unfixed from its foundations, was seen to be but a small atom in
the awful vastness of the universe. In the fabric of habit which they
had so laboriously built for themselves mankind were to remain no
longer.


_II.--The Fall of Wolsey's Policy_


Times were changed in England since the second Henry walked barefoot
through the streets of Canterbury, and knelt while the monks flogged him
on the pavement in the Chapter House, doing penance for Becket's murder.
The clergy had won the battle in the twelfth century because they
deserved it. They were not free from fault and weakness, but they felt
the meaning of their profession. Their hearts were in their vows, their
authority was exercised more justly, more nobly, than the authority of
the crown; and therefore, with inevitable justice, the crown was
compelled to stoop before them.

The victory was great, but, like many victories, it was fatal to the
conquerors. It filled them with the vanity of power; they forgot their
duties in their privileges, and when, a century later, the conflict
recommenced, the altering issue proved the altering nature of the
conditions under which it was fought. The nation was ready for sweeping
remedies. The people felt little loyalty to the pope. The clergy pursued
their course to its end. They sank steadily into that condition which is
inevitable from the constitution of human nature, among men without
faith, wealthy, powerful, and luxuriously fed, yet condemned to celibacy
and cut off from the common duties and common pleasures of ordinary
life.

Many priests spent their time in hawking or hunting, in lounging at
taverns, in the dissolute enjoyment of the world. If, however, there
were no longer saints among the clergy, there could still arise among
them a remarkable man. In Cardinal Wolsey the king found an adviser who
was essentially a transition minister, holding a middle place between an
English statesman and a Catholic of the old order. Under Wolsey's
influence, Henry made war with Louis of France in the pope's quarrel,
entered the polemic lists with Luther, and persecuted the English
Protestants.

Yet Wolsey could not blind himself to the true condition of the church,
before which lay the alternative of ruin or amendment. Therefore he
familiarised Henry with sense that a reformation was inevitable.
Dreaming that it could be effected from within, by the church itself
inspired with a wiser spirit, he himself fell the first victim of a
convulsion which he had assisted to create, and which he attempted too
late to stay.

Wolsey talked of reformation, but delayed its coming. The monasteries
grew worse and worse. Favoured parish clergy held as many as eight
benefices. Bishops accumulated sees, and, unable to attend to all,
attended to none. Wolsey himself, the church reformer (so little did he
really know what a reformation means), was at once Archbishop of York,
Bishop of Winchester and of Durham, and Abbot of St. Albans. Under such
circumstances, we need not be surprised to find the clergy sunk low in
the respect of the English people.

Fish's famous pamphlet shows the spirit that was seething. He spoke of
what he had seen and knew. The monks, he tells the king, "be they that
have made a hundred thousand idle dissolute women in your realm." But
Wolsey could interfere with neither bishops nor monks without a special
dispensation from the pope. A new trouble arose from the nation in the
desire of Henry to divorce Catherine of Aragon, who had been his
deceased brother's wife, was six years older than himself, and was an
obstacle to the establishment of the kingdom. Her sons were dead, and
she was beyond the period when more children could be expected. Though
descent in the female line was not formally denied, no queen regent had
ever, in fact, sat upon the throne; nor was the claim distinctly
admitted, or the claim of the House of York would have been
unquestionable. It was, therefore, with no little anxiety that the
council of Henry VIII. perceived his male children, on whom their hopes
were centred, either born dead, or dying one after another within a few
days of their birth.

The line of the Princess Mary was precarious, for her health was weak
from her childhood. If she lived, her accession would be a temptation to
insurrection; if she did not live, and the king had no other children, a
civil war was inevitable. The next heir in blood was James of Scotland,
and gravely as statesmen desired the union of the two countries, in the
existing mood of the people, the very stones in London streets, it was
said, would rise up against a king of Scotland who entered England as
sovereign.

So far were Henry and Catherine alike that both had imperious tempers,
and both were indomitably obstinate; but Henry was hot and impetuous,
Catherine cold and self-contained. She had been the wife of Prince
Arthur, eldest son of Henry VII., but the death of that prince occurred
only five months after the marriage. The uncertainty of the laws of
marriage, and the innumerable refinements of the Roman canon law,
affected the legitimacy of the children and raised scruples of
conscience in the mind of the king. The loss of his children must have
appeared as a judicial sentence on a violation of the Divine law. The
divorce presented itself to him as a moral obligation, when national
advantage combined with superstition to encourage what he secretly
desired.

Wolsey, after thirty years' experience of public life, was as sanguine
as a boy. Armed with this little lever of divorce, he saw himself in
imagination the rebuilder of the Catholic faith and the deliverer of
Europe from ecclesiastical revolt and from innovations of faith. The
mass of the people hated Protestantism as he, a true friend of the
Catholic cult, sincerely detested the reformation of Luther. He believed
that the old life-tree of Catholicism, which in fact was but cumbering
the ground, might bloom again in its old beauty. But a truer political
prophet than Wolsey would have been found in the most ignorant of those
poor men who were risking death and torture in disseminating the
pernicious volumes of the English Testament.

Catherine being a Spanish princess, Henry, in 1527, formed a league with
Francis I., with the object of breaking the Spanish alliance. The pope
was requested to make use of his dispensing power to enable the King of
England to marry a wife who could bear him children. Deeply as we
deplore the outrage inflicted on Catherine, and the scandal and
suffering occasioned by the dispute, it was in the highest degree
fortunate that at the crisis of public dissatisfaction in England with
the condition of the church, a cause should have arisen which tested the
whole question of church authority in its highest form. It was no
accident which connected a suit for divorce with the reformation of
religion.


_Anne Boleyn_


The Spanish emperor, Charles V., gave Catherine his unwavering support,
and refused to allow the pope to pass a judicial sentence of divorce.
Catherine refused to yield. Another person now comes into conspicuous
view. It has been with Anne Boleyn as with Catherine of Aragon--both are
regarded as the victims of a tyranny which Catholics and Protestants
unite to remember with horror, and each has taken the place of a
martyred saint in the hagiology of the respective creeds. Anne Boleyn
was second daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, a gentleman of noble family.
She was educated in Paris, and in 1525 came back to England to be maid
of honour to Queen Catherine, and to be distinguished at the court by
her talents, accomplishments, and beauty.

The fortunes of Anne Boleyn were unhappily linked with those of men to
whom the greatest work ever yet accomplished in this country was
committed. In the memorable year 1529, after the meeting of parliament,
events moved apace. In six weeks, for so long only the session lasted,
the astonished church authorities saw bill after bill hurried up before
the lords, by which successively the pleasant fountains of their incomes
would be dried up to flow no longer. The Great Reformation had commenced
in earnest.

The carelessness of the bishops in the discharge of their most immediate
duties obliged the legislature to trespass in the provinces most purely
spiritual, and to undertake the discipline of the clergy. Bill after
bill struck hard and home on the privileges of the recreant clergy. The
aged Bishop of Rochester complained to the lords that in the lower house
the cry was nothing but "Down with the church." Yet, so frightful were
the abuses that called for radical reform, that even persons who most
disapprove of the reformation will not at the present time wonder at
their enactment, or disapprove of their severity. The king treated the
bishops, when they remonstrated, with the most contemptuous disrespect.
Archbishop Cranmer now adopted a singular expedient. He advised Henry to
invite expressions from all the chief learned authorities throughout
Europe as to the right of the pope to grant him a dispensation of
dissolution of his marriage. The English universities, to escape
imputations of treasons and to avoid exciting Henry's wrath, gave
replies such as would please him, that of Oxford being, however, the
more decided of the two. Most of the continental authorities declined to
pronounce any dictum as to the powers of the pope.


_The Fall of the Great Chancellor_


The fall of Wolsey was at hand. His enemies accused him of treason to
the constitution by violating a law of the realm. He had acted as papal
legate within the realm. The parliaments of Edward I., Edward III.,
Richard II., and Henry IV. had by a series of statutes pronounced
illegal all presentations by the pope to any office or dignity in the
Anglican Church, under a penalty of premunire. Henry did not feel
himself called on to shield his great minister, although the guilt
extended to all who had recognised Wolsey in the capacity of papal
legate. Indeed, it extended to the archbishops, bishops, the privy
council, the two houses of parliament, and indirectly to the nation
itself. The higher clergy had been encouraged by Wolsey's position to
commit those acts of despotism which had created so deep animosity among
the people. The overflow of England's last ecclesiastical minister was
to teach them that the privileges they had abused were at an end.

In February, 1531, Henry assumed the title which was to occasion such
momentous consequences, of "Protector and only Supreme Head of the
Church and Clergy of England." The clergy were compelled to assent.
Further serious steps marked the great breach with Rome. The annates, or
first fruits, were abolished. Ever since the crusades a practice had
existed in all the churches of Europe that bishops and archbishops, on
presentation to their sees, should transmit to the pope one year's
income. This impressive impost was not abrogated. It was a sign of the
parting of the ways.

Henry laid his conduct open to the world, declaring truly what he
desired, and seeking it by open means. He was determined to proceed with
the divorce, and also to continue the reformation of the English church.
And he was in no small measure aided in the former resolve by the
recommendation of Francis, for the French king advised him to act on the
general opinion of Europe that his marriage with Catherine, as widow of
his elder brother Arthur, was null, and at once made Anne Boleyn his
wife. This counsel was administered at an interview between the two
kings at Boulogne, in October, 1532.

The pope had trifled for six years with the momentous question, and
Henry was growing old. At the outset of the discussion the pope had
said: "Marry freely; fear nothing, and all shall be arranged as you
desire." But the pontiff, reduced to a dilemma by various causes, had
fallen back on his Italian cunning, and had changed his attitude,
listening to the appeals of Catherine and her powerful friends. And now
he threatened Henry with excommunication.

Henry entered privately into matrimonial relations with Anne in
November, 1532, and the marriage was solemnly celebrated, with a
gorgeous pageant, at Westminster Abbey in the following January. On July
24 the people gathering to church in every parish read, nailed to the
church doors, a paper signed Henry R., setting forth that Lady Catherine
of Spain, heretofore called Queen of England, was not to be called by
that title any more, but was to be called princess dowager, and so to be
held and esteemed. The triumph of Anne was to last but three short
years.


_Protestantism_


Wycliffe's labour had left only the Bible as the seed of a future life,
and no trace remained in the sixteenth century of the Lollardry of the
fourteenth. But now Protestantism recommenced its enterprise in the
growing desire for a nobler, holier insight into the will of God. In the
year 1525 was enrolled in London a society calling itself "The
Association of Christian Brothers." Its paid agents went up and down the
land carrying tracts and Testaments with them, and enrolling in the
order all who dared risk their lives in such a cause.

The Protestants thus isolated were waiting for direction, and men in
such a temper are seldom left to wait in vain. Luther had kindled the
spark, which was to become a conflagration in Germany, at Wittemberg, on
October 31, 1517, by his denunciation of indulgences. His words found an
echo, and flew from lip to lip all through Western Europe. Tyndal, an
Oxford student, went to Germany, saw Luther, and under his direction
translated into English the Gospels and Epistles. This led to the
formation of the "association" in London. The authorities were alarmed.
The bishops subscribed to buy up the translations of the Bible, and
these were burned before a vast concourse in St. Paul's Churchyard. But
Wolsey had for two years been suppressing the smaller monasteries.
Simultaneously, Protestants were persecuted wherever they could be
detected and seized. "Little" Bilney, or "Saint" Bilney, a distinguished
Cambridge student, was burnt as a heretic at the stake, as were James
Bainham, a barrister of the Middle Temple, and several other members of
the "association." These were the first paladins of the reformation, and
the struggle went bravely forward. They were the knights who slew the
dragons and made the earth habitable for common flesh and blood.

As yet but two men of the highest order of power were on the side of
Protestantism--Latimer and Cromwell. These were now to come forward,
pressed by circumstances which could no longer dispense with them. When
the breach with the pope was made irreparable, and the papal party at
home had assumed an attitude of suspended insurrection, the fortunes of
the Protestants entered into a new phase. The persecution ceased, and
those who were but lately its likely victims, hiding for their lives,
passed at once by a sudden alternation into the sunshine of political
favour.

Cromwell and Latimer together caught the moment as it went by, and
before it was over a work had been done in England which, when it was
accomplished once, was accomplished for ever. The conservative party
recovered their power, and abused it as before; but the chains of the
nation were broken, and no craft of kings or priests or statesmen could
weld the magic links again, Latimer became famous as a preacher at
Cambridge, and was heard of by Henry, who sent for him and appointed him
one of the royal chaplains. He was accused by the bishops of heresy, but
was on trial absolved and sent back to his parish. Soon after the tide
turned, and the reformation entered into a new phase.

Thomas Cromwell, like Latimer of humble origin, was the "malleus
monachorum." Wolsey discovered his merit, and employed him in breaking
up the small monasteries, which the pope had granted for the foundation
of the new colleges. Cromwell remained with the great cardinal till his
fall. It was then that the truly noble nature which was in him showed
itself. The lords had passed a bill of impeachment against
Wolsey--violent, vindictive, and malevolent. It was to be submitted to
the commons. Cromwell prepared an opposition, and conducted the defence
from his place in parliament so skilfully that he threw out the bill,
saved Wolsey, and gained such a reputation that he became Henry's
secretary, representing the government in the House of Commons, and was
on the highroad to power.

The reformation was blotted with a black and frightful stain. Towards
the end of April, 1536, certain members of the Privy Council were
engaged in secretly collecting evidence which implicated the queen in
adultery. In connection with the terrible charge, as her accomplices
five gentlemen were arrested--Sir William Brereton, Mark Smeton, a court
musician, Sir Henry Norris, Sir Francis Weston, and, the accusation in
his case being the most shocking, Lord Rochford, the queen's brother.
The trial was hastily pushed forward, and all were executed. The queen,
who vehemently and piteously appealed to Henry, passionately protesting
that she was absolutely innocent, was also condemned, and was beheaded
in public on Tower Hill.

Henry immediately after the tragedy married Jane, daughter of Sir John
Seymour. The indecent haste is usually considered conclusive of the
cause of Anne Boleyn's ruin. On December 12, 1537, a prince, so long and
passionately hoped for, was born; but a sad calamity followed, for the
queen took cold, and died on October 24.

In 1539 monastic life came to an end in England. The great monasteries
were dissolved; the abbey lands were distributed partly amongst the old
nobility and partly amongst the chapters of six new bishoprics. On
January 6, 1540, was solemnised the marriage of Henry with Anne,
daughter of the Duke of Cleves, and sister-in-law of the Elector of
Saxony. This event was brought about by the negotiations of Cromwell.
The king was deeply displeased with the ungainly appearance of his bride
when he met her on her landing, but retreat was impossible. Though Henry
was personally kind to the new queen, the marriage made him wretched.

Cromwell's enemies speedily hatched a conspiracy against the great
statesman. He was arrested on a charge of high treason, was accused of
corruption and heresy, of gaining wealth by bribery and extortion, and,
in spite of Cranmer's efforts to save him, passed to the scaffold on
July 28, 1540. For eight years Cromwell, who had been ennobled as Earl
of Essex, was supreme with king, parliament, and convocation, and the
nation, in the ferment of revolution, was absolutely controlled by him.

Convocation had already dissolved the marriage of Henry and Anne,
setting both free to contract and consummate other marriages without
objection or delay. The queen had placidly given her consent. Handsome
settlements were made on her in the shape of estates for her maintenance
producing nearly three thousand a year. In August of the same year the
King married, without delay of circumstance, Catherine, daughter of Lord
Edmond Howard. Brief, indeed, was her reign. In November, 1541, she was
charged with unfaithfulness to her marriage vows. The king was
overwhelmed. Some dreadful spirit pursued his married life, tainting it
with infamy.

Two gentlemen confessed their guilty connection with the queen. They
were hanged at Tyburn, and the queen and Lady Rochford, who had been
her confidential companion, suffered within the Tower. Once more the
king ventured into marriage. Catherine, widow of Lord Latimer, his last
choice, was selected, not in the interest of politics or religion, but
by his own personal judgment; and this time he found the peace which he
desired.

The great event of 1542 was the signal victory of the English over a
Scottish army of ten thousand men at Solway Moss. King James of Scotland
had undertaken, at the instigation of the pope and of the King of France
to attack the English as heretics. The Scottish clergy were ready to
proclaim a pilgrimage of grace. But the English borderers, though only
shepherds and agriculturists, as soon as they mounted their horses, were
instantly the finest light cavalry in Europe. They so disastrously
defeated the Scots that all the latter either perished in the morass by
the Solway, or were captured.

Henry died on January 28, 1547. He was attended in his last moments by
Cranmer, having sent specially for the archbishop.

The king did not leave the world without expressing his views on the
future with elaborate explicitness. He spent the day before his death in
conversation with Lord Hertford and Sir William Paget on the condition
of the country. By separate and earnest messages he commended Prince
Edward to the care both of Charles V. and of Francis I. The earl, on the
morning of Henry's death, hastened off to bring up the prince, who was
in Hertfordshire with the Princess Elizabeth, and in the afternoon of
Monday, the 31st, he arrived at the Tower with Edward. The Council was
already in session, and Hertford was appointed protector during the
minority of Edward. Thus, the reforming Protestant party was in full
power. Cranmer set the willing example, and the other prelates
consented, or were compelled to imitate him, in an acknowledgment that
all jurisdiction, ecclesiastical as well as secular, within the realm,
only emanated from the sovereign. On February it was ordered in council
that Hertford should be Duke of Somerset, and that his brother, Sir
Thomas Seymour, should be Lord Seymour of Sudleye; Lord Parr was to be
Marquis of Northampton; Lord Wriothesley, the chancellor, Earl of
Southampton; and Viscount Lisle was to be Earl of Warwick. The Duke of
Somerset was the young king's uncle, and the real power was at once in
his hands. But if he was ambitious, it was only--as he persuaded
himself--to do good.


_Edward's Guardian_


Under his rule the spirit of iconoclasm spread fast, and the reformation
proceeded to completion. Churches were cleared of images, and crucifixes
were melted into coin. Somerset gave the popular movement the formal
sanction of the Government. Injunctions were issued for the general
purification of the churches. The Book of Homilies was issued as a guide
to doctrine, care was taken that copies of the Bible were accessible in
the parish churches, and translations of Erasmus's "Paraphrase of the
New Testament" were provided as a commentary.

Somerset was a brave general as well as a great statesman. He invaded
Scotland during the first year of his protectorate, on account of the
refusal of the Scottish government to ratify the contract entered into
with Henry VIII., by which it was agreed that Mary Queen of Scots should
marry Edward. At the memorable battle of Pinkie, on September 10, 1547,
the Scots were completely beaten. But Somerset was hastily summoned
southward. His brother, Lord Seymour, had been caballing against him,
and was arrested, tried, and beheaded on Tower Hill, on March 20, 1549.
But the fall of the protector himself was not long delayed, for under
his administration of three years his policy gradually excited wide
discontent. In various parts of the country insurrections had to be
suppressed. The French king had taken away the young Scottish queen, the
king's majesty's espouse, by which marriage the realms of England and
Scotland should have been united in perpetual peace. Money had been
wasted on the royal household. The alliance with Charles V. had been
trifled away. The princely name and princely splendour which Somerset
affected, the vast fortune which he amassed amidst the ruin of the
national finances, and the palace--now known as Somerset House,
London--which was rising before the eyes of the world amidst the
national defeats and misfortunes, combined to embitter the irritation
with which the council regarded him.

His great rival, John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, by constant insinuations
both in and out of parliament, excited the national feeling against him
to such a degree that at length the young king was constrained to sign
his deposition. He seems to have entertained no strong attachment to his
uncle. On December I, 1551, he was tried before the lords for high
treason and condemned. He was beheaded on Tower Hill on January 22,
1582. The English public, often wildly wrong on general questions, are
good judges, for the most part, of personal character; and so
passionately was Somerset loved, that those who were nearest the
scaffold started forward to dip their handkerchiefs in his blood. Before
this event, Dudley, by whose cruel treachery the tragedy had been
brought about, had been created Duke of Northumberland. The great aim of
this nobleman was to secure the succession to the throne for his own
family. With this purpose in view he married his son, Lord Guildford
Dudley, to Lady Jane Grey, daughter of the Duchess of Suffolk, to whom,
by the will of Henry VIII., the crown would pass, in default of issue by
Edward, Mary, or Elizabeth.

In April, 1553, Edward, who had been removed to Greenwich in consequence
of illness, grew rapidly worse. By the end of the month he was spitting
blood, and the country was felt to be on the eve of a new reign. The
accession of Mary, who was personally popular, was looked forward to by
the people as a matter of course. Northumberland now worked on the mind
of the feeble and dying king, and succeeded in persuading him to declare
both his sisters incapable of succeeding to the crown, as being
illegitimate. The king died on July 6. The last male child of the Tudor
race had ceased to suffer.

When Lady Jane was saluted by Northumberland and four other lords, all
kneeling at her feet, as queen, she shook, covered her face with her
hands, and fell fainting to the ground. The next Monday, July 10, the
royal barges came down the Thames from Richmond, and at three in the
afternoon Lady Jane landed at the broad staircase of the Tower, as
queen, in undesired splendour. But that same evening messages came
saying that Mary had declared herself queen. She had sent addresses to
the peers, commanding them on their allegiance to come to her.

Happily, the conspiracy in favour of Lady Jane was crushed, without
bloodshed, although it had seemed for a time as if the nation, was on
the brink of a civil war. But, though Mary wished to spare Lady Jane and
her husband, her intentions were frustrated by the determination of
Renard, ambassador of the emperor. Northumberland was sent to the Tower,
and beheaded on August 22, and in the following November Lady Jane and
her husband were also condemned. Mary long hesitated, but at length
issued the fatal warrant on February 8, 1554, and four days later both
were executed. Lady Jane was but a delicate girl of seventeen, but met
her fate with the utmost heroism.

Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, became the chief instrument of
the restoration of the Catholic faith under Mary. His fierce spirit soon
began to display itself. In the fiery obstinacy of his determination
this prelate speedily became the incarnate expression of the fury of the
ecclesiastical faction, smarting, as they were, under their long
degradation, and under the irritating consciousness of those false oaths
of submission which they had sworn to a power they loathed. Gardiner now
saw his Romanising party once more in a position to revenge their wrongs
when there was no longer any Henry to stand between them and their
enemies. He would take the tide at the flood, forge a weapon keener than
the last, and establish the Inquisition.


_The Reign of Terror_


Mary listened to the worse counsels of each, and her distempered humour
settled into a confused ferocity. Both Gardiner and she resolved to
secure the trial, condemnation, and execution of her sister Elizabeth,
but their plans utterly miscarried, for no evidence against her could be
gathered. The princess was known to be favourable to the Protestant
cause, but the attempts to prove her disloyalty to Mary were vain. She
was imprisoned in the Tower, and the fatal net appeared to be closing on
her. But though the danger of her murder was very great, the lords who
had reluctantly permitted her to be imprisoned would not allow her to be
openly sacrificed, or indeed, permit the queen to continue in the career
of vengeance on which she had entered. The necessity of releasing
Elizabeth from the Tower was an unspeakable annoyance to Mary. A
confinement at Woodstock was the furthest stretch of severity that the
country would, for the present, permit. On May 19, 1554, Elizabeth was
taken up the river.

The princess believed herself that she was being carried off _tanquam
ovis_, as she said--as a sheep for the slaughter. But the world thought
she was set at liberty, and, as her barge passed under the bridge, Mary
heard with indignation, from the palace windows, three salvoes of
artillery fired from the Steelyard, as a sign of the joy of the people.
Vexations began to tell on Mary's spirit. She could not shake off her
anxieties, or escape from the shadow of her subject's hatred. Insolent
pamphlets were dropped in her path and in the offices of Whitehall. They
were placed by mysterious hands in the sanctuary of her bedroom.

Her trials began to tell on her understanding. She was ill with
hysterical longings; ill with the passions which Gardiner, as her
chancellor, had provoked, but Paget as leader of the opposing party, had
disappointed. But she was now to become the wife of King Philip of
Spain. Negotiations for this momentous marriage had been protracted, and
even after the contract had been signed, Philip seemed slow to arrive.
The coolness manifested by his tardiness did much to aggravate the
queen's despondency. On July 20, 1554, he landed at Southampton. The
atmospheric auspices were not cheering, for Philip, who had come from
the sunny plains of Castile, from his window at Southampton looked out
on a steady downfall of July rain. Through the cruel torrent he made his
way to church to mass, and afterwards Gardiner came to him from the
queen. On the next Sunday he journeyed to Winchester, again in pouring
rain. To the cathedral he went first, wet as he was. Whatever Philip of
Spain was entering on, whether it was a marriage or a massacre, a state
intrigue or a midnight murder, his first step was ever to seek a
blessing from the holy wafer. Mary was at the bishop's palace, a few
hundred yards' distance. Mary could not wait, and the same night the
interview took place. Let the curtain fall over the meeting, let it
close also over the wedding solemnities which followed with due
splendour two days after. There are scenes in life which we regard with
pity too deep for words.

The unhappy queen, unloved, unlovable, yet with her parched heart
thirsting for affection, was flinging herself upon a breast to which an
iceberg was warm; upon a man to whom love was an unmeaning word, except
as the most brutal of all passions. Mary set about to complete the
Catholic reaction. She had restored the Catholic orthodoxy in her own
person, and now was resolved to bring over her own subjects. But clouds
gathered over the court. The Spaniards were too much in evidence. With
the reaction came back the supremacy of the pope, and the ecclesiastical
courts were reinstated in authority to check unlicensed extravagance of
opinion.

Gardiner, Bonner, Tunstal, and three other prelates formed a court on
January 28, 1555, in St. Mary Overy's Church, Southwark, and Hooper,
Bishop of Gloucester, and Canon Rogers of St. Paul's, were brought up
before them. Both were condemned as Protestants, and both were burnt at
the stake, the bishop at Gloucester, the canon at Smithfield. They
suffered heroically. The Catholics had affected to sneer at the faith of
their rivals. There was a general conviction among them that Protestants
would all flinch at the last; that they had no "doctrine that would
abide the fire." Many more victims were offered. The enemies of the
church were to submit or die. So said Gardiner, and so said the papal
legate and the queen, in the delirious belief that they were the chosen
instruments of Providence.

The people, whom the cruelty of the party was reconverting to the
reformation, while the fires of Smithfield blazed, with a rapidity like
that produced by the gift of tongues at Pentecost, regarded the martyrs
with admiration as soldiers dying for their country. On Mary, sorrow was
heaped on sorrow. Her expectation of a child was disappointed, and
Philip refused to stay in England. His unhappy wife was forced to know
that he preferred the society of the most abandoned women to hers. The
horrible crusade against heretics became the business of the rest of her
life. Archbishop Cranmer, Bishops Ridley and Latimer, and many other
persons of distinction were amongst the martyrs of the Marian
persecution. Latimer was eighty years of age.

Mary's miseries were intensified month by month. War broke out between
England and France. For ten years the French had cherished designs, and
on January 7, 1558, the famous stronghold fell into their hands. The
effect of this misfortune on the queen was to produce utter prostration.
She now well understood that both parliament and the nation were badly
disposed towards her. But her end was at hand. After much suffering from
dropsy and nervous debility, she prepared quietly for what she knew was
inevitable. On November 16, at midnight, taking leave of a world in
which she had played so evil a part, Mary received the last rites of the
church. Towards morning she was sinking, and at the elevation of the
Host, as mass was being said, her head sank, and she was gone. A few
hours later the pope's legate, Cardinal Pole, at Lambeth, followed her.
Thus the reign of the pope in England and the reign of terror closed
together.



















End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The World's Greatest Books, Vol XI.
by Edited by Arthur Mee and J.A. Hammerton

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREATEST BOOKS, VOL. XI. ***

***** This file should be named 12745.txt or 12745.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/2/7/4/12745/

Produced by John Hagerson, Kevin Handy and PG Distributed Proofreaders

Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.



*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
https://gutenberg.org/license).


Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.


Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.


Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at https://pglaf.org

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director
     gbnewby@pglaf.org


Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit https://pglaf.org

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate


Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.


Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.


Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

     https://www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.