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<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Constitutional Development of Japan
1863-1881, by Toyokichi Iyenaga</h1>
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<p>Title: The Constitutional Development of Japan 1863-1881</p>
<p>Author: Toyokichi Iyenaga</p>
<p>Release Date: May 15, 2004  [eBook #12355]</p>
<p>Language: English</p>
<p>Character set encoding: iso-8859-1</p>
<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN 1863-1881***</p>
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<h1>JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL
SCIENCE</h1>
<h3>HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor</h3>
<center>History is past Politics and Politics present
History.&mdash;<i>Freeman</i></center>
<h3>NINTH SERIES</h3>
<h3>IX</h3>
<h1>THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN, 1853-1881</h1>
<h2>BY TOYOKICHI IYENAGA, PH. D.</h2>
<h3><i>Professor of Political Science in Tokio
Senmon-Gakko</i></h3>
<h3>September, 1891</h3>
<hr />
<h2>CONTENTS.</h2>
<p>INTRODUCTORY</p>
<p>CHAP. I. (1853-1868). BEGINNING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL
MOVEMENT</p>
<p>THE CIRCUMSTANCES THAT GAVE RISE TO THE MOVEMENT</p>
<p>THE ACCOUNT OF COMMODORE PERRY'S ARRIVAL BY THE AUTHOR OF GENJE
YUME MONOGATARI</p>
<p>DISCUSSION BETWEEN THE PRINCE OF MITO AND THE TOKUGAWA OFFICIALS
AT THE COURT OF YEDO</p>
<p>CONCLUSION OF TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN</p>
<p>THE OLD PRINCE OF MITO, NARIAKI</p>
<p>II KAMON NO KAMI</p>
<p>BOMBARDMENTS OF KAGOSHIMA AND SHIMONOSHEKI</p>
<p>THE EFFECTS OF THE BOMBARDMENT</p>
<p>1. Showed the Weakness of the Daimios and the Strength of
foreigners</p>
<p>2. Showed the Necessity of National Union, and of the
Reconstruction of the Administrative Machinery of the Empire</p>
<p>GREAT COUNCILS OF KUGES AND DAIMIOS.</p>
<p>1. Their Nature and Organization</p>
<p>2. How they originated</p>
<p>3. In them lay the Germ of the future Constitutional Parliament
of Japan</p>
<p>CHAP. II. (1868-1869). THE RESTORATION</p>
<p>CAUSES OF THE DOWNFALL OF THE SHOGUNATE</p>
<p>1. Revival of Learning</p>
<p>2. Revival of Shintoism</p>
<p>3. Jealousy and Cupidity of the Southern Daimios</p>
<p>THE RESIGNATION OF THE SHOGUN</p>
<p>THE MOTIVE OF HIS RESIGNATION</p>
<p>THE GOVERNMENT OF THE RESTORATION</p>
<p>1. Its Organization</p>
<p>2. Its Departments</p>
<p>FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT</p>
<p>REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL TO TOKIO</p>
<p>THE CHARTER OATH OF THE EMPEROR, APRIL 17, 1869</p>
<p>THE KOGISHO</p>
<p>1. Its Origin</p>
<p>2. Its Composition</p>
<p>3. Its Nature</p>
<p>CHAP. III. (1869-1871). THE ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM.</p>
<p>MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT OF THE KOGISHO</p>
<p>ABOLITION SCHEME OF SCHOLARS IS BACKED BY THE SOUTHERN
DAIMIOS</p>
<p>MEMORIAL OF THE SOUTHERN DAIMIOS</p>
<p>IMPERIAL DECREE OF 1871, ABOLISHING FEUDALISM</p>
<p>CAUSES OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM</p>
<p>CHAP. IV. INFLUENCES THAT SHAPED THE GROWTH OF THE
REPRESENTATIVE IDEA OF GOVERNMENT</p>
<p>JOHN STEWART MILL'S ENUMERATION OF THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS
NECESSARY FOR THE SUCCESS OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT</p>
<p>JAPAN OF 1871 NOT YET READY FOR THE ADOPTION OF REPRESENTATIVE
GOVERNMENT</p>
<p>POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF A NATION NOT ISOLATED FROM OTHER SPHERES
OF ITS ACTIVITIES</p>
<p>JAPAN'S POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT GREATLY AIDED BY HER SOCIAL,
EDUCATIONAL, INDUSTRIAL AND RELIGIOUS CHANGES</p>
<p>SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THESE NON-POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS
FROM 1868 TO 1881</p>
<p>1. Means of Communication</p>
<p><i>a</i>. Telegraph</p>
<p><i>b</i>. Postal System</p>
<p><i>c</i>. Railroad</p>
<p><i>d</i>. Steamers and the Coasting Trade</p>
<p>2. Educational Institutions</p>
<p>3. Newspapers</p>
<p>CHANGES IN LAW AND RELIGION</p>
<p>CHAP. V. (1871-1881). PROGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT
FROM THE ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM TO THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12,
1881</p>
<p>LEADERS OF THE RESTORATION</p>
<p>EFFECT OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM</p>
<p>THE IWAKURA EMBASSY</p>
<p>IWAKURA, ITO, INOUYE</p>
<p>FUKUZAWA</p>
<p>THE PRESS AND ITS INFLUENCES</p>
<p>RI-SHI-SHA AND COUNT ITAGAKI</p>
<p>MEMORIALS OF RI-SHI-SHA TO THE EMPEROR</p>
<p>ESTABLISHMENT OF LOCAL ASSEMBLIES</p>
<p>THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881, TO ESTABLISH A PARLIAMENT
IN 1890</p>
<hr />
<h2>INTRODUCTORY.</h2>
<p>The power which destroyed Japanese feudalism and changed in that
country an absolute into a constitutional monarchy was a resultant
of manifold forces. The most apparent of these forces is the
foreign influence. Forces less visible but more potent, tending in
this direction, are those influences resulting from the growth of
commerce and trade, from the diffusion of western science and
knowledge among the people, and from the changes in social habits
and religious beliefs. The truth of the solidarity of the varied
interests of a social organism is nowhere so well exemplified as in
the history of modern Japan. Her remarkable political development
would have been impossible had there been no corresponding social,
educational, religious, economic and industrial changes. In order
to trace the constitutional development of New Japan, it is
therefore necessary:</p>
<p>1. To ascertain the political condition of the country at and
after the advent of foreigners in 1853.</p>
<p>2. To describe the form of government of the Restoration.</p>
<p>3. To examine the state of commerce, industry, education and
social life of Japan at each stage of her political
transformations.</p>
<p>4. To recount the constitutional changes from the Restoration to
the Promulgation of the New Constitution.</p>
<p>As a novice in travel marks the broad outlines, the general
features and more important products of the country he visits for
the first time, so I shall dwell upon the historic landmarks of
Japanese constitutional development. This development no writer,
native or foreign, has yet attempted to trace. I shall withstand as
much as possible the temptation to refer to the multitude of events
which are more or less associated with the constitutional movement.
I shall endeavor to ascertain from the edicts, decrees, and
proclamations of the Emperor, from the orders and manifestos of the
Shogun, from the native authors and journals, from the memorials
and correspondence of prominent men, both native and foreign, the
trend of our constitutional development. I shall also endeavor to
note the leading ideas and principles which, after manifesting
themselves in various forms, have at last crystallized into the New
Constitution of Japan.</p>
<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2>
<h3>BEGINNING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT.</h3>
<p>The constitutional movement of Japan began in a spontaneous
agitation of the whole body politic when the nation was irritated
by the sudden contact with foreigners. The sense of national
weakness added a force to this agitation. Had not the foreigners
come, the Restoration might have been effected, feudalism might
have been abolished, but the new Japanese constitution would hardly
have seen the day. Had the government of Japan at the time of the
advent of foreigners been in the strong hand of a Taiko or an
Iyeyasu, the rulers might have been greatly exercised by the
extraordinary event, but public opinion for reform would hardly
have been called forth, and the birth of constitutional liberty
would long have been delayed. As the vices of King John and the
indifference and ignorance of the first two Georges of England
begat the strength and hope of the English Parliament, so the
public opinion of Japan sprouted out of the ruins of the Shogunate
r&eacute;gime. We must therefore seek for the beginning of the
Constitutional Movement of Japan in the peculiar circumstances in
which she found herself between 1853 and 1868.</p>
<p>The advent of Commodore Perry in 1853 was to Japan like the
intrusion of a foreign queen into a beehive. The country was
stirred to its depth. Let us note what a native chronicler<a id=
"footnotetag1-1" name="footnotetag1-1"></a><a href=
"#footnote1-1"><sup>1</sup></a> says about the condition of Japan
at the arrival of Perry:</p>
<p>"It was in the summer of 1853 that an individual named Perry,
who called himself the envoy of the United States of America,
suddenly arrived at Uraga, in the Province of Sagami, with four
ships of war, declaring that he brought a letter from his country
to Japan and that he wished to deliver it to the sovereign. The
governor of the place, Toda Idzu No Kami, much alarmed by this
extraordinary event, hastened to the spot to inform himself of its
meaning. The envoy stated, in reply to questions, that he desired
to see a chief minister in order to explain the object of his visit
and to hand over to him the letter with which he was charged. The
governor then despatched a messenger on horseback with all haste to
carry this information to the castle of Yedo, where a great scene
of confusion ensued on his arrival. Fresh messengers followed, and
the Shogun Iyeyoshi, on receiving them, was exceedingly troubled,
and summoned all the officials<a id="footnotetag1-2" name=
"footnotetag1-2"></a><a href="#footnote1-2"><sup>2</sup></a> to a
council. At first the affair seemed so sudden and so formidable
that they were too alarmed to open their mouths, but in the end
orders were issued to the great clans to keep strict watch at
various points on the shore, as it was possible that the
'barbarian' vessels might proceed to commit acts of violence.
Presently a learned Chinese scholar was sent to Uraga, had an
interview with the American envoy, and returned with the letter,
which expressed the desire of the United States to establish
friendship and intercourse with Japan, and said, according to this
account, that if they met with a refusal they should commence
hostilities. Thereupon the Shogun was greatly distressed, and again
summoned a council. He also asked the opinion of the Daimios. The
assembled officials were exceedingly disturbed, and nearly broke
their hearts over consultations which lasted all day and all night.
The nobles and retired nobles in Yedo were informed that they were
at liberty to state any ideas they might have on the subject, and,
although they all gave their opinions, the diversity of
propositions was so great that no decision was arrived at. The
military class had, during a long peace, neglected military arts;
they had given themselves up to pleasure and luxury, and there were
very few who had put on armor for many years, so that they were
greatly alarmed at the prospect that war might break out at a
moment's notice, and began to run hither and thither in search of
arms. The city of Yedo and the surrounding villages were in a great
tumult. And there was such a state of confusion among all classes
that the governors of the city were compelled to issue a
notification to the people, and this in the end had the effect of
quieting the general anxiety. But in the castle never was a
decision further from being arrived at, and, whilst time was being
thus idly wasted, the envoy was constantly demanding an answer. So
at last they decided that it would be best to arrange the affair
quietly, to give the foreigners the articles they wanted, and to
put off sending an answer to the letter&mdash;to tell the envoy
that in an affair of such importance to the state no decision could
be arrived at without mature consideration, and that he had better
go away; that in a short time he should get a definite answer. The
envoy agreed, and after sending a message to say that he should
return in the following spring for his answer, set sail from Uraga
with his four ships."<a id="footnotetag1-3" name=
"footnotetag1-3"></a><a href="#footnote1-3"><sup>3</sup></a></p>
<p>Thus was the renowned commander kept away for awhile. He went,
however, of his own accord. Perry was an astute diplomatist. He
knew that time was needed for the impressions which he and his
magnificent fleet had made upon the country to produce their
natural effect.</p>
<p>The news of Perry's visit and demands spread far and wide with
remarkable rapidity. The government and the people were deeply
stirred. Soon the song of the "red-bearded barbarians" and of the
black ships was in everybody's mouth. The question "What shall
Japan do when the barbarians come next spring?" became the
absorbing theme of the day.</p>
<p>There was now but one of two policies which Japan could pursue,
either to shut up the country or to admit the foreigners' demand.
There was no middle course left. The American envoy would no longer
listen to the dilatory policy with which the Japanese had just
bought a few months' respite from anxiety.</p>
<p>The majority of the ruling class, the Samurai, were in favor of
the exclusion policy. So was the court of Kioto. But the views of
the court of Yedo were different. The court of Yedo had many men of
intelligence, common sense and experience&mdash;men who had seen
the American envoy and his squadron, equipped with all the
contrivances for killing men and devastating the country. These men
knew too well that resistance to the foreigners was futile and
perilous.</p>
<p>Thus was the country early divided into two clearly defined
parties, the Jo-i<a id="footnotetag1-4" name=
"footnotetag1-4"></a><a href="#footnote1-4"><sup>4</sup></a> party
and the Kai-Koku party.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, the autumn and winter of 1853 passed. The spring of
1854 soon came, and with it the intractable "barbarians." Let us
hear the author of Genje Yume Monogatari relate the return of Perry
and the great discussion that ensued at the court of Yedo:</p>
<p>"Early in 1854 Commodore Perry returned, and the question of
acceding to his demands was again hotly debated. The old prince of
Mito was opposed to it, and contended that the admission of
foreigners into Japan would ruin it. 'At first,' said he, 'they
will give us philosophical instruments, machinery and other
curiosities; will take ignorant people in, and, trade being their
chief object, they will manage bit by bit to impoverish the
country, after which they will treat us just as they
like&mdash;perhaps behave with the greatest rudeness and insult us,
and end by swallowing up Japan. If we do not drive them away now we
shall never have another opportunity. If we now resort to a
dilatory method of proceeding we shall regret it afterwards when it
will be of no use.'</p>
<p>"The officials (of the Shogun), however, argued otherwise and
said: 'If we try to drive them away they will immediately commence
hostilities, and then we shall be obliged to fight. If we once get
into a dispute we shall have an enemy to fight who will not be
easily disposed of. He does not care how long a time he must spend
over it, but he will come with myriads of men-of-war and surround
our shores completely; he will capture our junks and blockade our
ports, and deprive us of all hope of protecting our coasts. However
large a number of ships we might destroy, he is so accustomed to
that sort of thing that he would not care in the least. Even
supposing that our troops were animated by patriotic zeal in the
commencement of the war, after they had been fighting for several
years their patriotic zeal would naturally become relaxed, the
soldiers would become fatigued, and for this we should have to
thank ourselves. Soldiers who have distinguished themselves are
rewarded by grants of land, or else you attack and seize the
enemy's territory and that becomes your own property; so every man
is encouraged to fight his best. But in a war with foreign
countries a man may undergo hardships for years, may fight as if
his life were worth nothing, and, as all the land in this country
already has owners, there will be none to be given away as rewards;
so we shall have to give rewards in words or money. In time the
country would be put to an immense expense and the people be
plunged into misery. Rather than allow this, as we are not the
equals of foreigners in the mechanical arts, let us have
intercourse with foreign countries, learn their drill and tactics,
and when we have made the nation as united as one family, we shall
be able to go abroad and give lands in foreign countries to those
who have distinguished themselves in battle. The soldiers will vie
with one another in displaying their intrepidity, and it will not
be too late then to declare war. Now we shall have to defend
ourselves against these foreign enemies, skilled in the use of
mechanical appliances, with our soldiers whose military skill has
considerably diminished during a long peace of three hundred years,
and we certainly could not feel sure of victory, especially in a
naval war.'"<a id="footnotetag1-5" name=
"footnotetag1-5"></a><a href="#footnote1-5"><sup>5</sup></a></p>
<p>The Kai-Koku party, the party in favor of opening the country,
triumphed, and the treaty was finally concluded between the United
States and Japan on the 31st of March, 1854. After the return of
Commodore Perry to America, Townsend Harris was sent by the United
States Government as Consul-General to Japan. He negotiated the
commercial treaty between the United States and Japan on July 29,
1858.</p>
<p>At the heels of the Americans followed the English, French,
Russians, Dutch, and other nations. Japan's foreign relations
became more and more complicated and therefore difficult to
manage.</p>
<p>The discussion quoted above is a type of the arguments used by
the Jo-i party and the Kai-Koku party. The history of Japanese
politics from 1853 to 1868 is the history of the struggle between
these two parties, each of which soon changed its name. As the Jo-i
party allied itself with the court of Kioto, it became the O-sei or
Restoration party. As the Kai-Koku party was associated with the
court of Shogun, it became the Bakufu party. The struggle ended in
the triumph of the Restoration party. But by that time the Jo-i
party, from a cause which I shall soon mention, had been completely
transformed and converted to the Western ideas.</p>
<p>Among the leaders of the Jo-i party was Nariaki, the old prince
of Mito. He belonged to one of the San Kay (three families), out of
which Iyeyasu ordered the Shogun to be chosen. He was connected by
marriage with the families of the Emperor and the highest Kuges in
Miako, and with the wealthiest Daimios. In power the Mito family
thus ranked high among the Daimios. Among the scholars the Prince
of Mito was popular. The prestige of his great ancestor, the
compiler of Dai-Nihon-Shi, had not yet died out. The Prince of Mito
was thus naturally looked up to by the scholars as the man of right
principles and of noble ideas. A shrewd, clever, and scheming old
man, the Prince of Mito now became the defender of the cause of the
Emperor and the mouthpiece of the conservative party.</p>
<p>At the head of the Bakufu party was a man of iron and fertile
resources, Ii Kamon No Kami. He was the Daimio of Hikone, a castled
town and fief on Lake Biwa, in Mino. His revenue was small, being
only three hundred and fifty thousand koku. But in position and
power none in the empire could rival him. He was the head of the
Fudai Daimios. His family was called the Dodai or foundation-stone
of the power of the Tokugawa dynasty. His ancestor, Ii Nawo Massa,
had been lieutenant-general and right-hand man of Iyeyas. Ii Kamon
No Kami, owing to the mental infirmity of the reigning Shogun, had
lately become his regent. Bold, ambitious, able, and unscrupulous,
Ii was the Richelieu of Japan. From this time on till his
assassination on March 23, 1860, he virtually ruled the empire,
and, in direct contravention to the imperial will, negotiated with
foreign nations, as we have seen, for the opening of ports for
trade with them. He was styled the "swaggering prime minister," and
his name was long pronounced with contempt and odium. Lately,
however, his good name has been rescued and his fame restored by
the noble effort of an able writer, Mr. Saburo Shimada.<a id=
"footnotetag1-6" name="footnotetag1-6"></a><a href=
"#footnote1-6"><sup>6</sup></a> But this able prime minister fell
on March 23, 1860, by the sword of Mito ronins, who alleged, as the
pretext of their crime, that "Ii Kamon No Kami had insulted the
imperial decree and, careless of the misery of the people, but
making foreign intercourse his chief aim, had opened ports." "The
position of the government upon the death of the regent was that of
helpless inactivity. The sudden removal of the foremost man of the
empire was as the removal of the fly-wheel from a piece of
complicated machinery. The whole empire stood aghast, expecting and
fearing some great political convulsion."<a id="footnotetag1-7"
name="footnotetag1-7"></a><a href=
"#footnote1-7"><sup>7</sup></a></p>
<p>The Shogun began to make a compromise to unite the Emperor's
power and the Shogun's, by taking the sister of the Emperor for his
wife.</p>
<p>Meanwhile great events were taking place in the southern corner
of Kiushiu and on the promontory of Shikoku, events which were to
effect great changes in men's ideas. These were the bombardments of
Kagoshima and of Shimonosheki, the first on August 11, 1863, the
second on September 5, 1864. I shall not dwell here on the
injustice of these barbarous and heathenish acts of the so-called
civilized and Christian nations; for I am not writing a political
pamphlet. But impartially let us note the great effects of these
bombardments.</p>
<p>I. These conflicts showed on a grand but sad scale the weakness
of the Daimios, even the most powerful of them, and, on the other
hand, the power of the foreigners and their rifled cannon and
steamers. The following Japanese memorandum expresses this point:
"Satsuma's eyes were opened since the fight of Kagoshima, and
affairs appeared to him in a new light; he changed in favor of
foreigners, and thought now of making his country powerful and
completing his armaments."<a id="footnotetag1-8" name=
"footnotetag1-8"></a><a href="#footnote1-8"><sup>8</sup></a></p>
<p>The Emperor also wrote in a rather pathetic tone to the Shogun
touching the relative strength of the Japanese and the foreigners:
"I held a council the other day with my military nobility (Daimios
and nobles), but unfortunately inured to the habits of peace, which
for more than two hundred years has existed in our country, we are
unable to exclude and subdue our foreign enemies by the forcible
means of war....</p>
<p>"If we compare our Japanese ships of war and cannon to those of
the barbarians, we feel certain that they are not sufficient to
inflict terror upon the foreign barbarians, and are also
insufficient to make the splendor of Japan shine in foreign
countries. I should think that we only should make ourselves
ridiculous in the eyes of the barbarians."<a id="footnotetag1-9"
name="footnotetag1-9"></a><a href=
"#footnote1-9"><sup>9</sup></a></p>
<p>From the time of the bombardment, Satsuma and Choshiu began to
introduce European machinery and inventions, to employ skilled
Europeans to teach them, and to send their young men to Europe and
America.</p>
<p>II. These bombardments showed the necessity of national union.
Whether she would repel or receive the foreigner, Japan must
present a united front. To this end, great change in the internal
constitution of the empire was needed; the internal resources of
the nation had to be gathered into a common treasury; the police
and the taxes had to be recognized as national, not as belonging to
petty local chieftains; the power of the feudal lords had to be
broken in order to reconstitute Japan as a single strong state
under a single head. These are the ideas which led the way to the
Restoration of 1868. Thus the bombardments of Kagoshima and
Shimonosheki may be said to have helped indirectly in the
Restoration of that year. But before we proceed to the history of
the Restoration, let us examine what were the great Councils of
Kuges and Daimios, which were sometimes convened during the period
from 1857 to 1868.</p>
<p>The Council of Kuges was occasionally convened by the order of
the Emperor. It was composed of the princes of the blood, nobles,
and courtiers. The Council of Daimios was now and then summoned
either by the Emperor or by the Shogun. It was composed mostly of
the Daimios. These councils were like the Witenagemot of England,
formed of the wise and influential men of the kingdom. As the
Daimios had far more weight in the political scale of the realm
than the Kuges, so the council of the Daimios was of far more
importance than that of the Kuges. But it must not be understood
that these councils were regular meetings held in the modern
parliamentary way; nor that they had anything like the powers of
the British Parliament or of the American Congress. These councils
of Japan were called into spasmodic life simply by the necessity of
the time. They were held either at the court of Kioto or that of
Yedo, or at other places appointed for the purpose. The Kuges or
Daimios assembled rather in an informal way, measured by modern
parliamentary procedure, but in accordance with the court etiquette
of the time, whose most minute regulations and rules have often
embarrassed and plagued the modern ministers accredited to the
court of the Emperor. Then these councils proceeded to discuss the
burning questions of the day, among which the most prominent was,
of course, the foreign policy. The earliest instance of the meeting
of the Council of Kuges was immediately after the news of Perry's
arrival had reached the court of Kioto. "Upon this," says the
author of Genje Yume Monogatari, "the Emperor was much disturbed,
and called a council, which was attended by a number of princes of
the blood and Kuges, and much violent language was uttered."</p>
<p>From this time on we meet often with the record of these
councils.<a id="footnotetag1-10" name=
"footnotetag1-10"></a><a href="#footnote1-10"><sup>10</sup></a> A
native chronicler records that on the 29th day of the 12th month of
1857 "a meeting of all Daimios (present in Yedo) was held in the
Haku-sho-in, a large hall in the castle of Yedo. The deliberations
were not over till two o'clock on the morning of the 30th."</p>
<p>Soon after this the Emperor ordered the Shogun to come to Kioto
with all the Daimios and ascertain the opinion of the country. But
the Shogun did not come, so the Emperor sent his envoy, Ohara
Sammi, and called the meeting of the Daimios at Yedo in 1862, in
which the noted Shimadzu Saburo was also present.</p>
<p>In 1864 the council of Daimios was again held, and Minister
Pruyn, in his letter to Mr. Seward, bears witness of the
proceeding: "It is understood the great council of Daimios is again
in session; that the question of the foreign policy of the
government is again under consideration, and that the opposite
parties are pretty evenly balanced."<a id="footnotetag1-11" name=
"footnotetag1-11"></a><a href="#footnote1-11"><sup>11</sup></a></p>
<p>From this time the council of Daimios was held every year,
sometimes many times in the year, till the Revolution of 1868.
These examples will suffice to show the nature and purpose of these
councils of Kuges and Daimios. Let us next consider how these
councils originated.</p>
<p>The political development of Japan gives another illustration of
one of the truths which Mr. Herbert Spencer unfolds in his
Principles of Sociology. "Everywhere the wars between societies,"
says he, "originate governmental structures, and are causes of all
such improvements in those structures as increase the efficiency of
corporate action against environing societies."<a id=
"footnotetag1-12" name="footnotetag1-12"></a><a href=
"#footnote1-12"><sup>12</sup></a></p>
<p>Experience has shown that representative government is the most
efficient in securing the corporate action of the various members
of the body politic against foreign enemies. When a country is
threatened with foreign invasion, when the corporate action of its
citizens against their enemy is needed, it becomes an imperative
necessity to consult public opinion. In such a time centralization
is needed. Hence the first move of Japan after the advent of
foreigners was to bring the scattered parts of the country together
and unite them under one head.</p>
<p>Japan had hitherto no formidable foreign enemy on her shores. So
her governmental system&mdash;the regulating system of the social
organism&mdash;received no impetus for self-development. But as
soon as a formidable people, either as allies or foes, appeared on
the scene in 1853, we immediately see the remarkable change in the
state system of regulation in Japan. It became necessary to consult
public opinion. Councils of Kuges and Daimios and meetings of
Samurai sprung forth spontaneously.</p>
<p>I believe, with Guizot, that the germ of representative
government was not necessarily "in the woods of Germany," as
Montesquieu asserts, or in the Witenagemot of England; that the
glory of having a free government is not necessarily confined to
the Aryan family or to its more favored branch, the Anglo-Saxons. I
believe that the seed of representative government is implanted in
the very nature of human society and of the human mind. When the
human mind and the social organism reach a certain stage of
development, when they are placed in such an environment as to call
forth a united and harmonious action of the body politic, when
education is diffused among the masses and every member of the
community attains a certain degree of his individuality and
importance, when the military form of society transforms itself
into the industrial, then the representative idea of government
springs forth naturally and irresistibly. And no tyrant, no despot,
can obstruct the triumphal march of liberty.</p>
<p>Whatever may be said about the soundness of the above
speculation, it is certain that in the great councils of Kuges and
Daimios and in the discussions of the Samurai, which the advent of
the foreigners called into being, lay the germ of the future
constitutional parliament of Japan.</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-1" name=
"footnote1-1"></a><b>Footnote 1:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-1">(return)</a>
<p>Genje Yume Monogatari. Translated by Mr. Ernest Satow, and
published in the columns of the <i>Japan Mail</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-2" name=
"footnote1-2"></a><b>Footnote 2:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-2">(return)</a>
<p>The original gives names of some prominent officials thus
summoned.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-3" name=
"footnote1-3"></a><b>Footnote 3:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-3">(return)</a>
<p>This is also quoted in F.O. Adams's History of Japan, Vol. I.,
p. 109. I have compared the passage with the original and quote
here with some modifications in the translation.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-4" name=
"footnote1-4"></a><b>Footnote 4:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-4">(return)</a>
<p>Jo-i means to expel the barbarians; Kai-Koku means to open the
country.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-5" name=
"footnote1-5"></a><b>Footnote 5:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-5">(return)</a>
<p>Given also in Kai-Koku Simatsu, p. 166; Ansei-Kiji, pp. 219,
220.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-6" name=
"footnote1-6"></a><b>Footnote 6:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-6">(return)</a>
<p>Life of Ii Nawosuke Tokyo, 1888.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-7" name=
"footnote1-7"></a><b>Footnote 7:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-7">(return)</a>
<p>Dickson's Japan, p. 454.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-8" name=
"footnote1-8"></a><b>Footnote 8:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-8">(return)</a>
<p>American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence, Part 3,
1865-66, p. 233, 1st Sess. 39th Cong.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-9" name=
"footnote1-9"></a><b>Footnote 9:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-9">(return)</a>
<p>American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence, Part 3,
1864-65, p. 502, 2d Sess. 38th Cong.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-10" name=
"footnote1-10"></a><b>Footnote 10:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-10">(return)</a>
<p>See Ansei-Kiji, pages 1, 3, 57, 59, 61, 174, 192, 352;
Bosin-Simatsu, Vol. II., pp. 4, 69; Vol. III., pp. 379, 414; Vol.
IV., pp. 121, 152.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-11" name=
"footnote1-11"></a><b>Footnote 11:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-11">(return)</a>
<p>American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence, Part 3,
1864-65, p. 486, 3d Sess. 38th Cong.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1-12" name=
"footnote1-12"></a><b>Footnote 12:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag1-12">(return)</a>
<p>Principles of Sociology, p. 540.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2>
<h3>THE RESTORATION.</h3>
<p>In the last chapter we have noticed what a commotion had been
caused in Japan by the sudden advent of Commodore Perry, how the
councils of Kuges and Daimios were called into spontaneous life by
the dread of foreigners and by the sense of national weakness, and
how the bombardments of Kagoshima and Shimonosheki tested these
fears and taught the necessity of national union. I have remarked
that free government is not necessarily the sole heritage of the
Aryan race, but that the presence of foreigners, the change of the
military form of society into the industrial form, the increase in
importance of the individual in the community, are sure to breed a
free and representative system of government.</p>
<p>In the following chapter we shall see the downfall of the
Shogunate, the restoration of the imperial power to its pristine
vigor, and the destruction of feudalism.</p>
<p>"The study of constitutional history is essentially a tracing of
causes and consequences," says Bishop Stubbs, "not the collection
of a multitude of facts and views, but the piecing of links of a
perfect chain."</p>
<p>I shall therefore not dwell upon the details of the events which
led to the downfall of the Shogunate, but immediately enter into an
inquiry concerning the causes.</p>
<p>Three causes led to the final overthrow of the Shogunate:</p>
<p>I. The Revival of Learning. The last half of the eighteenth and
the first half of the present century witnessed in Japan an unusual
intellectual activity. The long peace and prosperity of the country
under the rule of the Tokugawa dynasties had fostered in every way
the growth of literature and art. The Shoguns, from policy or from
taste, either to find a harmless vent for the restless spirit of
the Samura or from pure love of learning, have been constant
patrons of literature. The Daimios, too, as a means of spending
their leisure hours when they were not out hawking or revelling
with their mistresses, gave no inattentive ear to the readings and
lectures of learned men. Each Daimioate took pride in the number
and fame of her own learned sons. Thus throughout the country
eminent scholars arose. With them a new era of literature dawned
upon the land. The new literature changed its tone. Instead of the
servility, faint suggestiveness, and restrained politeness
characteristic of the literature from the Gen-hei period to the
first half of the Tokugawa period, that of the Revival Era began to
wear a bolder and freer aspect. History came to be recorded with
more truthfulness and boldness than ever before.</p>
<p>But as the ancient histories were studied and the old
constitution was brought into light, the real nature of the
Shogunate began to reveal itself. To the eyes of the historians it
became clear that the Shogunate was nothing but a military
usurpation, sustained by fraud and corruption; that the Emperor,
who was at that time, in plain words, imprisoned at the court of
Kioto, was the real source of power and honor. "If this be the
case, what ought we do?" was the natural question of these loyal
subjects of the Emperor. The natural conclusion followed: the
military usurper must be overthrown and the rightful ruler
recognized. This was the sum and substance of the political
programme of the Imperialists. The first sound of the trumpet
against the Shogunate rose from the learned hall of the Prince of
Mito, Komon. He, with the assistance of a host of scholars,
finished his great work, the Dai Nihon Shi, or History of Japan, in
1715. It was not printed till 1851, but was copied from hand to
hand by eager students, like the Bible by the medieval monks, or
the works of Plato and Aristotle by the Humanists. The Dai Nihon
Shi soon became a classic, and had such an influence in restoring
the power of the Emperor that Mr. Ernest Satow justly calls its
composer "the real author of the movement which culminated in the
revolution of 1868." The voice of the Prince of Mito was soon
caught up by the more celebrated scholar Rai Sanyo (1780-1833). A
poet, an historian, and a zealous patriot, Rai Sanyo was the Arndt
of Japan. He outlined in his Nihon Guai Shi the rise and fall of
the Minister of State and the Shoguns, and with satire, invective,
and the enthusiasm of a patriot, urged the unlawfulness of the
usurpation of the imperial power by these mayors of the palace. In
his Sei-Ki, or political history of Japan, he traced the history of
the imperial family, and mourned with characteristic pathos the
decadence of the imperial power. The labors of these historians and
scholars bore in time abundant fruit. Some of their disciples
became men of will and action: Sakuma Shozan, Yoshida Toraziro,
Gesho, Yokoi Heishiro, and later Saigo, Okubo, Kido, and hosts of
others, who ultimately realized the dreams of their masters. Out of
the literary seed which scholars like Rai Sanyo spread broadcast
over the country thus grew hands of iron and hearts of steel. This
process shows how closely related are history and politics, and
affords another illustration of the significance of the
epigrammatic expression of Professor Freeman: "History is past
politics, and politics present history."</p>
<p>II. Another tributary stream which helped to swell the tide
flowing toward the Emperor was the revival of Shintoism. The
revival of learning is sure to be followed by the revival of
religion. This is shown in the history of the Reformation in
Europe, which was preceded by the revival of learning. Since the
expulsion of Christianity from Japan in the sixteenth century,
which was effected more from political than religious motives,
laissez-faire was the steadfast policy of the Japanese rulers
toward religious matters. The founder of the Tokugawa dynasty had
laid down in his "Legacy" the policy to be pursued by his
descendants. "Now any one of the people," says Iyeyasu, "can adhere
to which (religion) he pleases (except the Christian); and there
must be no wrangling among sects to the disturbance of the peace of
the Empire." Thus while the people in the West, who worshipped the
Prince of Peace, in his abused name were cutting each other's
throat, destroying each other's property, torturing and proselyting
by rack and flames, the islanders on the West Pacific coast were
enjoying complete religious toleration. Three
religions&mdash;Shintoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism&mdash;lived
together in peace. In such a state of unrestricted competition
among various religions, the universal law of the survival of the
fittest acts freely. Buddhism was the fittest and became the
predominant religion. Shintoism was the weakest and sank into
helpless desuetude. But with the revival of learning, as Kojiki and
other ancient literature were studied with assiduity, Shintoism
began to revive. Its cause found worthy defenders in Motoori and
Hirata. They are among the greatest Shintoists Japan has ever
seen.</p>
<p>Now, according to Shintoism, Japan is a holy land. It was made
by the gods, whose lineal descendant is the Emperor. Hence he must
be revered and worshipped as a god. This is the substance of
Shintoism. The political bearing of such a doctrine upon the then
existing status of the country is apparent. The Emperor, who is a
god, the fountain of all virtue, honor, and authority, is now a
prisoner at the court of Kioto, under the iron hand of the Tokugawa
Shoguns. This state of impiety and irreverence can never be
tolerated by the devout Shintoists. The Shogun must be dethroned
and the Emperor raised to power. Here the line of arguments of the
Shintoists meets with that of the scholars we have noted above.
Thus both scholars and Shintoists have converted themselves into
politicians who have at heart the restoration of the Emperor.</p>
<p>III. Another cause which led to the overthrow of the Shogunate
was the jealousy and cupidity of the Southern Daimios. Notably
among them were the Daimios of Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and Hizen.
Their ancestors "had of old held equal rank and power with Iyeyasu,
until the fortunes of war turned against them. They had been
overcome by force, or had sullenly surrendered in face of
overwhelming odds. Their adherence to the Tokugawas was but
nominal, and only the strong pressure of superior power was able to
wring from them a haughty semblance of obedience. They chafed
perpetually under the rule of one who was in reality a vassal like
themselves."<a id="footnotetag2-1" name=
"footnotetag2-1"></a><a href="#footnote2-1"><sup>1</sup></a> They
now saw in the rising tide of public sentiment against the Tokugawa
Shogunate a rare opportunity of accomplishing their cherished aim.
They lent their arms and money for the support of the patriots in
carrying out their plan. Satsuma and Choshiu became the rendezvous
of eminent scholars and zealous patriots. And in the council-halls
of Satsuma and Choshiu were hatched the plots which were soon to
overthrow the effete Shogunate.</p>
<p>Thus everything was ready for the revolution of 1868 before
Perry came. We saw the Shogun, under the bombastic title of Tycoon,
in spite of the remonstrance of the Emperor and his court, conclude
a treaty with Perry at Kanagawa in 1854. Here at last was found a
pretext for the Imperialists to raise arms against the Shogun. The
Shogun or his ministers had no right to make treaties with
foreigners. Such an act was, in the eyes of the patriots, heinous
treason. The cry of "Destroy the Shogunate and raise the Emperor to
his proper throne!" rang from one end of the empire to the other.
The constant disturbance of the country, the difficulty of foreign
intercourse, the sense of necessity of a single and undoubted
authority over the land, and the outcry of the Samurai thus raised
against the Shogun, finally led to his resignation on November 19,
1867. His letter of resignation, in the form of a manifesto to the
Daimios, runs thus:</p>
<p>"A retrospect of the various changes through which the empire
has passed shows us that after the decadence of the monarchical
authority, power passed into the hands of the Minister of State;
that by the wars of 1156 to 1159 the governmental power came into
the hands of the military class. My ancestor received greater marks
of confidence than any before him, and his descendants have
succeeded him for more than two hundred years. Though I perform the
same duties, the objects of government and the penal laws have not
been attained, and it is with feelings of greatest humiliation that
I find myself obliged to ackowledge my own want of virtue as the
cause of the present state of things. Moreover, our intercourse
with foreign powers becomes daily more extensive, and our foreign
policy cannot be pursued unless directed by the whole power of the
country.</p>
<p>"If, therefore, the old r&eacute;gime be changed and the
governmental authority be restored to the imperial court, if the
councils of the whole empire be collected and the wise decisions
received, and if we unite with all our heart and with all our
strength to protect and maintain the empire, it will be able to
range itself with the nations of the earth. This comprises our
whole duty towards our country.</p>
<p>"However, if you (the Daimios) have any particular ideas on the
subject, you may state them without reserve."<a id="footnotetag2-2"
name="footnotetag2-2"></a><a href=
"#footnote2-2"><sup>2</sup></a></p>
<p>The resignation of the Shogun was accepted by the Emperor by the
following imperial order, issued on the 10th day of the 12th month:
"It has pleased the Emperor to dismiss the present Shogun, at his
request, from the office of Shogun."</p>
<p>As to the full intent and motive of the Shogun in resigning his
power, let him further speak himself. In the interview of the
British minister, Sir Harry S. Parkes, and the French minister, M.
Leon Koches, with the Shogun, it is stated that he said: "I became
convinced last autumn that the country would no longer be
successfully governed while the power was divided between the
Emperor and myself. The country had two centres, from which orders
of an opposite nature proceeded. Thus, in the matter of the opening
of Hiogo and Osako, which I quote as an example of this conflict of
authority, I was myself convinced that the stipulations of the
treaties must be observed, but the assent of the Emperor to my
representations on this subject was given reluctantly. I therefore,
for the good of my country, informed the Emperor that I resigned
the governing power, with the understanding that an assembly of
Daimios was convened for the purpose of deciding in what manner,
and by whom, the government in future should be carried on. In
acting thus, I sunk my own interests and power handed down to me by
my ancestors, in the more important interests of the country.<a id=
"footnotetag2-3" name="footnotetag2-3"></a><a href=
"#footnote2-3"><sup>3</sup></a>....</p>
<p>"My policy, from the commencement, has been to determine this
question of the future form of government in a peaceful manner, and
it is in pursuance of the same object that, instead of opposing
force by force, I have retired from the scene of dispute.....</p>
<p>"As to who is the sovereign of Japan, it is a question on which
no one in Japan can entertain a doubt. The Emperor is the
sovereign. My object from the first has been to take the will of
the nation as to the future government. If the nation should decide
that I ought to resign my powers, I am prepared to resign them for
the good of my country.....</p>
<p>"I have no other motive but the following: With an honest love
for my country and the people, I resigned the governing power which
I inherited from my ancestors, and with the mutual understanding
that I should assemble all the nobles of the empire to discuss the
question disinterestedly, and adopting the opinion of the majority,
decide upon the reformation of the national constitution, I left
the matter in the hands of the imperial court."<a id=
"footnotetag2-4" name="footnotetag2-4"></a><a href=
"#footnote2-4"><sup>4</sup></a></p>
<p>Thus was the Shogunate overthrown and the Restoration effected.
The civil war which soon followed need not detain us, for the war
itself had no great consequence as regards the constitutional
development of the country.</p>
<p>Let us now consider the form of the new government. It is
essentially that which prevailed in Japan before the development of
feudalism. It is modelled on the form of government of the Osei
era.</p>
<p>The new government was composed of:</p>
<p>1. Sosai ("Supreme Administrator"). He was assisted by Fuku, or
Vice-Sosai. The Sosai resembled the British Premier, was the head
of the chief council of the government.</p>
<p>2. Gijio, or "Supreme Council," whose function was to discuss
all questions and suggest the method of their settlement to the
Sosai. It was composed of ten members, five of whom were selected
from the list of Kuges and five from the great Daimios.</p>
<p>3. Sanyo, or "Associate Council." They were subordinate
officers, and were selected from the Daimios as well as from the
retainers. This council finally came to have great influence, and
ultimately transformed itself into the present cabinet.</p>
<p>The government was divided into eight departments:</p>
<p>1. The Sosai Department. This soon changed into Dai-jo-Kuan.</p>
<p>2. Jingi-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of the Shinto Religion. This
department had charge of the Shinto temples, priests, and
festivals.</p>
<p>3. Naikoku-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Home Affairs. This
department had charge of the capital and the five home provinces,
of land and water transport in all the provinces, of post-towns and
post-roads, of barriers and fairs, and of the governors of castles,
towns, ports, etc.</p>
<p>4. Guaikoku-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Foreign Affairs. This
department had charge of foreign relations, treaties, trade,
recovery of lands, and sustenance of the people.</p>
<p>5. Gumbu-Jimu-Kioku, or War Department. This department had
charge of the naval and military forces, drilling, protection of
the Emperor, and military defences in general.</p>
<p>6. Kuaikei-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Finance. This department
had charge of the registers of houses and population, of tariff and
taxes, money, corn, accounts, tribute, building and repairs,
salaries, public storehouses, and internal trade.</p>
<p>7. Keiho-Jimu-Kioku, or Judicial Department. This department had
charge of the censorate, of inquisitions, arrests, trials, and the
penal laws in general.</p>
<p>8. Seido-Jimu-Kioku, or Legislative Department. This department
had charge of the superintendence of offices, enactments, sumptuary
regulations, appointments, and all other laws and regulations,</p>
<p>"It is easy to destroy, but difficult to construct," is an old
adage of statesmen. The truth of this utterance was soon realized
by the leaders of the new government.</p>
<p>The first thing which the new government had to settle was its
attitude toward foreign nations. The leaders of the government who
had once opposed with such vehemence, as we have seen, the foreign
policy of the Tokugawa Shogun, now that he had been overthrown,
urged the necessity of amicable relations with foreign powers in
the following memorable memorial<a id="footnotetag2-5" name=
"footnotetag2-5"></a><a href="#footnote2-5"><sup>5</sup></a> to the
Dai-jo-Kuan (Government):</p>
<p>"The undersigned, servants of the Crown, respectfully believe
that from ancient times decisions upon important questions
concerning the welfare of the empire were arrived at after
consideration of the actual political condition and its
necessities, and that thus results were obtained, not of mere
temporary brilliancy, but which bore good fruits in all
time....</p>
<p>"Among other pressing duties of the present moment we venture to
believe it to be pre-eminently important to set the question of
foreign intercourse in a clear light.</p>
<p>"His Majesty's object in creating the office of administrator of
foreign affairs, and selecting persons to fill it, and otherwise
exerting himself in that direction, has been to show the people of
his empire in what light to look on this matter, and we have felt
the greatest pleasure in thinking that the imperial glory would now
be made to shine forth before all nations. An ancient proverb says
that 'Men's minds resemble each other as little as their faces,'
nor have the upper and lower classes been able, up to the present,
to hold with confidence a uniform opinion. It gives us some anxiety
to feel that perhaps we may be following the bad example of the
Chinese, who, fancying themselves alone great and worthy of
respect, and despising foreigners as little better than beasts,
have come to suffer defeats at their hands and to have it lorded
over themselves by those foreigners.</p>
<p>"It appears to us, therefore, after mature reflection, that the
most important duty we have at present is for high and low to unite
harmoniously in understanding the condition of the age, in
effecting a national reformation and commencing a great work, and
that for this reason it is of the greatest necessity that we
determine upon the attitude to be observed towards this
question.</p>
<p>"Hitherto the empire has held itself aloof from other countries
and is ignorant of the affairs of the world; the only object sought
has been to give ourselves the least trouble, and by daily
retrogression we are in danger of falling under foreign rule.</p>
<p>"By travelling to foreign countries and observing what good
there is in them, by comparing their daily progress, the
universality of enlightened government, of a sufficiency of
military defences, and of abundant food for the people among them,
with our present condition, the causes of prosperity and degeneracy
may be plainly traced....</p>
<p>"Of late years the question of expelling the barbarians has been
constantly agitated, and one or two Daimios have tried to expel
them, but it is unnecessary to prove that this was more than the
strength of a single clan could accomplish....</p>
<p>"How ever, in order to restore the fallen fortunes of the empire
and to make the imperial dignity respected abroad, it is necessary
to make a firm resolution, and to get rid of the narrow-minded
ideas which have prevailed hitherto. We pray that the important
personages of the court will open their eyes and unite with those
below them in establishing relations of amity in a single-minded
manner, and that our deficiencies being supplied with what
foreigners are superior in, an enduring government be established
for future ages. Assist the Emperor in forming his decision wisely
and in understanding the condition of the empire; let the foolish
argument which has hitherto styled foreigners dogs and goats and
barbarians be abandoned; let the court ceremonies, hitherto
imitated from the Chinese, be reformed, and the foreign
representatives be bidden to court in the manner prescribed by the
rules current amongst all nations; and let this be publicly
notified throughout the country, so that the countless people may
be taught what is the light in which they are to regard this
subject. This is our most earnest prayer, presented with all
reverence and humility.</p>
<p class="i2">"ECHIZEN SAISHO,<br />
TOSA SAKIO NO SHOSHO,<br />
NAGATO SHOSHO,<br />
SATSUMA SHOSHO,<br />
AKI SHOSHO,<br />
HOSO KAWA UKIO DAIBU."</p>
<p>The advice of these notables was well received. A formal
invitation to an audience with the Emperor was extended to the
foreign ambassadors. They soon accepted the invitation. Their
appearance in the old anti-foreign city of Kioto, before the
personage who was considered by the masses as divine, was
significant. It put an end to the all-absorbing, all-perplexing
theme of the day. The question of foreign policy was settled.</p>
<p>The next act of the statesmen of the Restoration was to sweep
away the abuses of the court, and to establish the basis of a firm
internal administration. The most effectual means of accomplishing
this, it seemed to the sagacious statesmen, was to move the court
from the place where those abuses had their roots. Ichizo
Okubo,<a id="footnotetag2-6" name="footnotetag2-6"></a><a href=
"#footnote2-6"><sup>6</sup></a> a guiding spirit of the
Restoration, presented the following memorial to the Emperor:</p>
<p>"The most pressing of your Majesty's pressing duties at the
present moment is not to look at the empire alone and judge
carelessly by appearances, but to consider carefully the actual
state of the whole world; to reform the inveterate and slothful
habits induced during several hundred years, and to give union to
the nation....</p>
<p>"Hitherto the person whom we designate the sovereign has lived
behind a screen, and, as if he were different from other human
beings, has not been seen by more than a very limited number of
Kuge; and as his heaven-conferred office of father to his people
has been thereby unfulfilled, it is necessary that his office
should be ascertained in accordance with this fundamental
principle, and then the laws governing internal affairs may be
established....</p>
<p>"In the present period of reformation and restoration of the
government to its ancient monarchical form, the way to carry out
the resolution of imitating the example of Japanese sages, and of
surpassing the excellent governments of foreign nations, is to
change the site of the capital....</p>
<p>"Osako is the fittest place for the capital ... For the conduct
of foreign relations, for enriching the country and strengthening
its military power, for adopting successful means of offense and
defense, for establishing an army and navy, the place is peculiarly
fitted by its position ... I most humbly pray your Majesty to open
your eyes and make this reform....</p>
<p>"OKUBO ICHIZO."<a id="footnotetag2-7" name=
"footnotetag2-7"></a><a href="#footnote2-7"><sup>7</sup></a></p>
<p>The result of the memorial was the ultimate removal of the seat
of government from Kioto to Yedo, which afterwards changed its name
to Tokio, meaning eastern capital.</p>
<p>But the most important event of the Restoration, from the
constitutional point of view, was the charter oath of five
articles, taken by the present Emperor on the 17th of April, 1869,
before the court and the assembly of Daimios. These articles were
in substance as follows:</p>
<p>1. A deliberative assembly should be formed, and all measures be
decided by public opinion.</p>
<p>2. The principles of social and political economics should be
diligently studied by both the superior and inferior classes of our
people.</p>
<p>3. Every one in the community shall be assisted to persevere in
carrying out his will for all good purposes.</p>
<p>4. All the old absurd usages of former times should be
disregarded, and the impartiality and justice displayed in the
workings of nature be adopted as a basis of action.</p>
<p>5. Wisdom and ability should be sought after in all quarters of
the world for the purpose of firmly establishing the foundations of
the empire.</p>
<p>The Emperor's promise henceforth became the watchword of the
nation.</p>
<p>And this resolution to form a deliberative assembly was soon put
into practice. In 1869 was convened the Kogisho or "Parliament," as
Sir Harry Parkes translates it in his despatch to the Earl of
Clarendon. But before we proceed to the description of the nature
and working of the Kogisho it is necessary to state that this plan
had been already suggested by the Shogunate. A proclamation of the
Shogun Keiki, issued on February 20, 1868, says: "As it is proper
to determine the principle of the constitution of Japan with due
regard to the wishes of the majority, I have resigned the supreme
power to the Emperor's court, and advised that the opinions of all
the Daimios should be taken.... On examination of my household
affairs (the administration of Shogun's territories), many
irregularities may exist which may dissatisfy the people, and which
I therefore greatly deplore. Hence I intend to establish a Kogijio
and to accept the opinion of the majority. Any one, therefore, who
has an opinion to express may do so at that place and be free of
apprehension."<a id="footnotetag2-8" name=
"footnotetag2-8"></a><a href="#footnote2-8"><sup>8</sup></a></p>
<p>But this attempt of the Shogun to establish a sort of Parliament
came to an end with his fall. This idea, however, was transmitted
through the Shogunate officials to the government of the
Restoration. In fact, this idea of consulting public opinion was,
as I have repeatedly said, in the air. The leaders of the new
government all felt, as one of them said to Messrs. F.O. Adams and
Ernest Satow, that "the only way to allay the jealousies hitherto
existing between several of the most powerful clans, and to ensure
a solid and lasting union of conflicting interests, was to search
for the nearest approach to an ideal constitution among those of
Western countries ... that the opinion of the majority was the only
criterion of a public measure."<a id="footnotetag2-9" name=
"footnotetag2-9"></a><a href="#footnote2-9"><sup>9</sup></a></p>
<p>Sir Harry Parkes was right when he told the Earl of Clarendon
that "the establishment of such an institution (the Kogisho) formed
one of the first objects of the promoters of the recent
revolution."<a id="footnotetag2-10" name=
"footnotetag2-10"></a><a href="#footnote2-10"><sup>10</sup></a></p>
<p>The Kogisho was opened on the 18th of April, 1869,<a id=
"footnotetag2-11" name="footnotetag2-11"></a><a href=
"#footnote2-11"><sup>11</sup></a> and the following message<a id=
"footnotetag2-12" name="footnotetag2-12"></a><a href=
"#footnote2-12"><sup>12</sup></a> from the throne was then
delivered:</p>
<p>"Being on the point of visiting our eastern capital, we have
convened the nobles of our court and the various princes in order
to consult them upon the means of establishing the foundations of
peaceful government. The laws and institutions are the basis of
government. The petitions of the people at large cannot be lightly
decided. It has been reported to us that brief rules and
regulations have been fixed upon for the Parliament, and it seems
good to us that the House should be opened at once. We exhort you
to respect the laws of the House, to lay aside all private and
selfish considerations, to conduct your debates with minuteness and
firmness; above all things, to take the laws of our ancestors as
'basis,' and adapt yourselves to the feelings of men and to the
spirit of the times. Distinguish clearly between those matters
which are of immediate importance and those which may be delayed;
between things which are less urgent and those which are pressing.
In your several capacities argue with careful attention. When the
results of your debate are communicated to us it shall be our duty
to confirm them."</p>
<p>The Kogisho was composed mostly of the retainers of the Daimios,
for the latter, having no experience of the earnest business of
life, "were not eager to devote themselves to the labors of an
onerous and voluntary office." Akidzuki Ukio No Suke was appointed
President of the Kogisho.</p>
<p>The object of the Kogisho was to enable the government to sound
public opinion on the various topics of the day, and to obtain the
assistance of the country in the work of legislation by
ascertaining whether the projects of the government were likely to
be favorably received.</p>
<p>The Kogisho, like the Councils of Kuges and Daimios, was nothing
but an experiment, a mere germ of a deliberative assembly, which
only time and experience could bring to maturity. Still Kogisho was
an advance over the council of Daimios. It had passed the stage
resembling a mere deliberative meeting or quiet Quaker conference,
where, for hours perhaps, nobody opens his mouth. It now bore an
aspect of a political club meeting. But it was a quiet, peaceful,
obedient debating society. It has left the record of its abortive
undertakings in the "Kogisho Nishi" or journal of "Parliament." The
Kogisho was dissolved in the year of its birth. And the
indifference of the public about its dissolution proves how small
an influence it really had.</p>
<p>But a greater event than the dissolution of the Kogisho was
pending before the public gaze. This was the abolition of
feudalism, which we shall consider in the next chapter.</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-1" name=
"footnote2-1"></a><b>Footnote 1:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-1">(return)</a>
<p>The Mikado's Empire. Griffis, p. 301.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-2" name=
"footnote2-2"></a><b>Footnote 2:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-2">(return)</a>
<p>American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence, 1867,
Part II., p. 78, 2d Sess. 40th Cong. See also Bosin-Simatsu, Vol.
I., p. 2.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-3" name=
"footnote2-3"></a><b>Footnote 3:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-3">(return)</a>
<p>American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. I.,
1868-69, p. 620, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-4" name=
"footnote2-4"></a><b>Footnote 4:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-4">(return)</a>
<p>American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. I.,
1868-69, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-5" name=
"footnote2-5"></a><b>Footnote 5:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-5">(return)</a>
<p>Translation from the Kioto Government Gazette of March, 1868. It
is given in Diplomatic Correspondence of the U.S.A., 3d Sess. 40th
Cong., Vol. I, 1868-69, p. 725.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-6" name=
"footnote2-6"></a><b>Footnote 6:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-6">(return)</a>
<p>He afterwards changed his name into Toshimitsu Okubo.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-7" name=
"footnote2-7"></a><b>Footnote 7:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-7">(return)</a>
<p>Translation is given in American Executive Document, Diplomatic
Correspondence, Vol. I, 1868-69, p. 728, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-8" name=
"footnote2-8"></a><b>Footnote 8:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-8">(return)</a>
<p>American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. I.,
1868-69, p. 687, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-9" name=
"footnote2-9"></a><b>Footnote 9:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-9">(return)</a>
<p>F.O. Adams' History of Japan, Vol. II., p. 128.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-10" name=
"footnote2-10"></a><b>Footnote 10:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-10">(return)</a>
<p>English State Papers, Vol. LXX., 1870, p. 9.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-11" name=
"footnote2-11"></a><b>Footnote 11:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-11">(return)</a>
<p>29th of the 2d month in the second year of Meiji, according to
the old calendar.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2-12" name=
"footnote2-12"></a><b>Footnote 12:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag2-12">(return)</a>
<p>Translation is given in English State Papers, Vol. LXX., 1871,
p. 12.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2>
<h3>THE ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM.</h3>
<p>The measure to abolish feudalism was much discussed in the
Kogisho before its dissolution. Prince Akidzuki, President of the
Kogisho, had sent in the following memorial:</p>
<p>"After the government had been returned by the Tokugawa family
into the hands of the Emperor, the calamity of war ensued, and the
excellence of the newly established administration has not yet been
able to perfect itself; if this continues, I am grieved to think
how the people will give up their allegiance. Happily, the eastern
and northern provinces have already been pacified and the country
at large has at last recovered from its troubles. The government of
the Emperor is taking new steps every day; this is truly a noble
thing for the country. And yet when I reflect, I see that although
there are many who profess loyalty, none have yet shown proof of
it. The various princes have used their lands and their people for
their own purposes; different laws have obtained in different
places; the civil and criminal codes have been various in the
various provinces. The clans have been called the screen of the
country, but in truth they have caused its division. The internal
relations having been confused, the strength of the country has
been disunited and severed. How can our small country of Japan
enter into fellowship with the countries beyond the sea? How can
she hold up an example of a flourishing country? Let those who wish
to show their faith and loyalty act in the following manner, that
they may firmly establish the foundations of the Imperial
Government:</p>
<p>"1. Let them restore the territories which they have received
from the Emperor and return to a constitutional and undivided
nation.</p>
<p>"2. Let them abandon their titles, and under the name of Kuazoku
(persons of honor) receive such small properties as may suffice for
their wants.</p>
<p>"3. Let the officers of the clans abandoning that title call
themselves officers of the Emperor, receiving property equal to
that which they have hitherto held.</p>
<p>"Let these three important measures be adopted forthwith, that
the empire may be raised on a basis imperishable for ages ... 2nd
year of Meiji (1869).</p>
<p class="i2">(Signed) "AKIDZUKI UKIO NO SUKE."<a id=
"footnotetag3-1" name="footnotetag3-1"></a><a href=
"#footnote3-1"><sup>1</sup></a></p>
<p>But politics is not an easy game&mdash;a game which a pedant or
a sentimental scholar or an orator can leisurely play. It has to
deal with passions, ambitions, and selfish interests of men, as
well as with the moral and intellectual consciousness of the
people. Tongue and pen wield, undoubtedly, a great influence in
shaping the thought of the nation and impressing them with the
importance of any political measure. But the tongue is as sounding
brass and the pen as useless steel unless they are backed by force
and money. Even in such a country as England, where tongue and pen
seem to reign supreme, a prime minister before he forms his cabinet
has to be closeted for hours with Mr. Rothschild. Fortunately this
important measure of abolishing feudalism, which a few patriots had
secretly plotted and which the scholars had noised abroad, was
taken up first by the most powerful and wealthy Daimios of the
country.</p>
<p>In the following noted memorial, after reviewing the political
history of Japan during the past few hundred years, these Daimios
said: "Now the great Government has been newly restored and the
Emperor himself undertakes the direction of affairs. This is,
indeed, a rare and mighty event. We have the name (of an Imperial
Government), we must also have the fact. Our first duty is to
illustrate our faithfulness and to prove our loyalty. When the line
of Tokugawa arose it divided the country amongst its kinsfolk, and
there were many who founded the fortunes of their families upon it.
They waited not to ask whether the lands and men that they received
were the gift of the Emperor; for ages they continued to inherit
these lands until this day. Others said that their possessions were
the prize of their spears and bows, as if they had entered
storehouses and stolen the treasure therein, boasting to the
soldiers by whom they were surrounded that they had done this
regardless of their lives. Those who enter storehouses are known by
all men to be thieves, but those who rob lands and steal men are
not looked upon with suspicion. How are loyalty and faith confused
and destroyed!</p>
<p>"The place where we live is the Emperor's land and the food
which we eat is grown by the Emperor's men. How can we make it our
own? We now reverently offer up the list of our possessions and
men, with the prayer that the Emperor will take good measures for
rewarding those to whom reward is due and for taking from those to
whom punishment is due. Let the imperial orders be issued for
altering and remodelling the territories of the various clans. Let
the civil and penal codes, the military laws down to the rules for
uniform and the construction of engines of war, all proceed from
the Emperor; let all the affairs of the empire, great and small, be
referred to him."</p>
<p>This memorial was signed by the Daimios of Kago, Hizen, Satsuma,
Choshiu, Tosa, and some other Daimios of the west. But the real
author of the memorial is believed to have been Kido, the brain of
the Restoration.</p>
<p>Thus were the fiefs of the most powerful and most wealthy
Daimios voluntarily offered to the Emperor. The other Daimios soon
followed the example of their colleagues. And the feudalism which
had existed in Japan for over eight centuries was abolished by the
following laconic imperial decree of August, 1871:</p>
<p>"The clans are abolished, and prefectures are established in
their places."</p>
<p>This rather off-hand way of destroying an institution, whose
overthrow in Europe required the combined efforts of ambitious
kings and emperors, of free cities, of zealous religious sects, and
cost centuries of bloodshed, has been made a matter of much comment
in the West. One writer exclaims, "History does not record another
instance where changes of such magnitude ever occurred within so
short a time, and it is astonishing that it only required eleven
words to destroy the ambition and power of a proud nobility that
had with imperious will directed the destiny of Japan for more than
five hundred years."<a id="footnotetag3-2" name=
"footnotetag3-2"></a><a href="#footnote3-2"><sup>2</sup></a></p>
<p>But when we examine closely the circumstances which led to the
overthrow of feudalism and the influences which acted upon it, we
cannot but regard it as the natural terminus of the political flood
which was sweeping over the country. When such a revolution of
thought as that expressed in the proclamation of 1868 had taken
place in the minds of the leaders of society, when contact with
foreigners had fostered the necessity of national union, when the
spirit of loyalty of the Samurai had changed to loyalty to his
Emperor, when his patriotic devotion to his province had changed to
patriotic devotion to his country, then it became apparent that the
petty social organization, which was antagonistic to these national
principles, would soon be crushed.</p>
<p>If there is any form of society which is diametrically opposed
to the spirit of national union, of liberal thought, of free
intercourse, it is feudal society. A monarchical or a democratic
society encourages the spirit of union, but feudal society must,
from its very nature, smother it. Seclusion is the parent of
feudalism. In our enlightened and progressive century seclusion is
no longer possible. Steam and electricity alone would have been
sufficient to destroy our Japanese feudalism. But long before its
fall our Japanese feudalism "was an empty shell." Its leaders, the
Daimios of provinces, were, with a few exceptions, men of no
commanding importance. "The real power in each clan lay in the
hands of able men of inferior rank, who ruled their masters." From
these men came the present advisers of the Emperor. Their chief
object at that time was the thorough unification of Japan. Why,
then, should they longer trouble themselves to uphold feudalism,
this mother of sectionalism, this colossal sham?</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote3-1" name=
"footnote3-1"></a><b>Footnote 1:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag3-1">(return)</a>
<p>Translation given in the English State Papers.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote3-2" name=
"footnote3-2"></a><b>Footnote 2:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag3-2">(return)</a>
<p>Consular Report of the U.S.A., No. 75, p. 626.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2>
<h3>INFLUENCES THAT SHAPED THE GROWTH OF THE REPRESENTATIVE IDEA OF
GOVERNMENT.</h3>
<p>We have seen in the last two chapters how the Shogunate and
feudalism fell, and how the Meiji government was inaugurated. We
have also observed in the memorials of leading statesmen abundant
proof of their willingness and zeal to introduce a representative
system of government. We have also seen the Kogisho convened and
dissolved.</p>
<p>John Stuart Mill has pointed out, in his Representative
Government, several social conditions when representative
government is inapplicable or unsuitable:</p>
<p>1. When the people are not willing to receive it.</p>
<p>2. When the people are not willing and able to do what is
necessary for its preservation.</p>
<p>"Representative institutions necessarily depend for permanence
upon the readiness of the people to fight for them in case of their
being endangered."</p>
<p>3. When the people are not willing and able to fulfil the duties
and discharge the functions which it imposes on them.</p>
<p>4. When the people have not learned the first lesson of
obedience.</p>
<p>5. When the people are too passive; when they are ready to
submit to tyranny.</p>
<p>Now when we look at the Japan of 1871, even her greatest
admirers must admit that she was far from being able to fulfil the
social conditions necessary for the success of representative
government. Japan was obedient, but too submissive. She had not yet
learned the first lesson of freedom, that is, when and how to
resist, in the faith that resistance to tyrants is obedience to
truth; that the irrepressible kicker against tyranny, as Dr. Wilson
observes, is the only true freeman. In her conservative, almost
abject submission, Japan was yet unfit for free government. The
Japanese people were willing to do almost anything suggested by
their Emperor, but they had first to learn what was meant by
representative government, "to understand its processes and
requirements." The Japanese had to discard many old habits and
prejudices, reform many defects of national character, and undergo
many stages of moral and mental discipline before they could
acclimatize themselves to the free atmosphere of representative
institutions. This preparation required a period of little over two
decades, and was effected not only through political discipline,
but by corresponding development in the moral, intellectual,
social, and industrial life of the nation.</p>
<p>I remarked in the beginning that the political activity of a
nation is not isolated from other spheres of its activities, but
that there is a mutual interchange of action and reaction among the
different factors of social life, so that to trace the political
life of a nation it is not only necessary to describe the organ
through which it acts, the governmental machinery, and the methods
by which it is worked, but to know "the forces which move it and
direct its course." Now these forces are political as well as
non-political. This truth is now generally acknowledged by
constitutional writers. Thus, the English author of "The American
Commonwealth" devotes over one-third of his second volume to the
account of non-political institutions, and says "there are certain
non-political institutions, certain aspects of society, certain
intellectual or spiritual forces which count for so much in the
total life of the country, in the total impression it makes and the
hopes for the future which it raises, that they cannot be left
unnoticed."<a id="footnotetag4-1" name=
"footnotetag4-1"></a><a href="#footnote4-1"><sup>1</sup></a></p>
<p>If this be the case in the study of the American commonwealth,
it is more so in that of Japanese politics. For nowhere else in the
history of nations do we see "non-political institutions" exerting
such a powerful influence upon the body politic as in New Japan. In
this chapter we shall therefore note briefly the growth of
so-called "non-political institutions" during a period of about a
decade and a half, between 1868 and 1881, and mark their influence
upon the development of representative ideas.</p>
<p>I.&mdash;MEANS OF COMMUNICATION.</p>
<p>1. <i>Telegraph</i>. At the time of the Restoration there was no
telegraph in operation, and "for expresses the only available means
were men and horses." In 1868 the government began to construct
telegraphs, and the report of the Bureau of Statistics in 1881
shows the following increase in each successive year:</p>
<pre>
           Telegraph          Number
  Year.    Offices. Miles.    of Telegrams.
                    Ri Cho.
  1869-1871  8         26.04    19,448
  1872      29         33.11    80,639
  1873      40      1,099.00   186,448
  1874      57      1,333.20   356,539
  1875      94      1,904.32   611,866
  1876     100      2,214.07   680,939
  1877     122      2,827.08 1,045,442
  1878     147      3,380.05 1,272,756
  1879     195      3,842.31 1,935,320
  1880     195      4,484.30 2,168,201
</pre>
<p>All the more important towns in the country were thus made able
to communicate with one another as early as 1880.</p>
<p>In 1879 Japan joined the International Telegraph Convention, and
since then she can communicate easily with the great powers of the
world through the great submarine cable system. "Compared with the
state of ten years ago, when the ignorant people cut down the
telegraph poles and severed the wires," exclaims Count Okuma, "we
seem rather to have made a century's advance."</p>
<p>2. <i>Postal System</i>. "Previous to the Restoration," to quote
further from Count Okuma, "with the exception of the posts sent by
the Daimios from their residences at the capital to their
territories, there was no regularly established post for the
general public and private convenience. Letters had to be sent by
any opportunity that occurred, and a single letter cost over 25 sen
for a distance of 150 ri. But since the Restoration the government
for the first time established a general postal service, and in
1879 the length of postal lines was 15,700 ri (nearly 40,000
English miles), and a letter can at any time be sent for two sen to
any part of the country. In 1874 we entered the International
Postal Convention, and have thus obtained great facilities for
communicating with foreign countries."<a id="footnotetag4-2" name=
"footnotetag4-2"></a><a href="#footnote4-2"><sup>2</sup></a></p>
<p>3. <i>Railroad</i>. The first railway Japan ever saw was the
model railway constructed by Commodore Perry to excite the
curiosity of the people. But it was not until 1870 that the
railroad was really introduced into Japan. The first rail was laid
on the road between Tokio and Yokohama. This road was opened in
1872. It is 18 miles long. The second line was constructed in 1876,
and runs between Hiogo and Kioto via Osako. And the year 1880 saw
the opening of the railroad between Kioto and Otsu. This line
between Hiogo and Otsu is 58 miles long. So at the end of the
period which we are surveying Japan had a railway system of 31 ri
and 5 cho (about 78 English miles).</p>
<p>This was nothing but a child-play compared with the railroad
activity which the later years brought forth, for now we have a
railway system extending over one thousand two hundred miles. But
this concerns the later period, so we shall not dwell upon it at
present.</p>
<p>4. <i>Steamers and the coasting trade</i>. In 1871 the number of
ships of foreign build was only 74, but by 1878 they had reached
377. The number of vessels of native build in 1876 was 450,000, and
in 1878 had reached 460,000.<a id="footnotetag4-3" name=
"footnotetag4-3"></a><a href="#footnote4-3"><sup>3</sup></a></p>
<p>"Since the Restoration the use of steamers has daily increased,
and the inland sea, the lakes and large rivers are now constantly
navigated by small steamers employed in the carrying trade."</p>
<p>With the increased facility of communication, commerce and trade
were stimulated. In 1869 the total amount of imports and exports
was 33,680,000 yen, and in 1879 64,120,000 yen. Imports had grown
from 20,780,000 yen to 36,290,000 yen, and exports from 12,909,000
yen to 27,830,000 yen; in the one case showing an advance from 2 to
3-1/2, in the other from 2 to 5.<a id="footnotetag4-4" name=
"footnotetag4-4"></a><a href="#footnote4-4"><sup>4</sup></a></p>
<p>II.&mdash;EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS.</p>
<p>Previous to the Restoration, the schools supported by Daimios
and the private schools were few in number; but since that epoch
the educational system has been vastly improved, with a resulting
increase in the number of schools and pupils. In 1878, of high,
middle, and primary schools there were altogether 27,600, with
68,000 teachers and 2,319,000 pupils.<a id="footnotetag4-5" name=
"footnotetag4-5"></a><a href="#footnote4-5"><sup>5</sup></a> The
following table shows the comparative history of educational
institutions within three years, 1878-1880 (inclusive):</p>
<pre>
                          Teachers.                Pupils.
  Year. Institutions.   Male.   Female.        Male.    Female.
  1878    27,672       66,309     2,374    1,715,425    610,214
  1879    29,362       71,757     2,803    1,771,641    608,205
  1880    30,799       74,747     2,923    1,844,564    605,781
</pre>
<p>Furthermore, hundreds of students went abroad yearly, and
returning, powerfully influenced the destiny of their country.</p>
<p>III.&mdash;NEWSPAPERS.</p>
<p>It was in 1869 that the Emperor sanctioned the publication of
newspapers. Magazines, journals, periodicals and newspapers sprung
up in a night. The number of newspapers published in 1882 was about
113, and of miscellaneous publications about 133. It is to be noted
that the newspapers defied the old censorship of prohibition under
very sanguinary pains and penalties. Their circulation increased
every year. The total newspaper circulation in 1874 was but
8,470,269, while in 1877 it was 33,449,529. In his consular report
of 1882, Consul-General Van Buren makes an approximate estimate of
the annual aggregate circulation of a dozen noted papers of Tokio
to be not less than 29,000,000 copies.<a id="footnotetag4-6" name=
"footnotetag4-6"></a><a href="#footnote4-6"><sup>6</sup></a></p>
<p>The publication of books and translations kept pace with the
growth of newspapers. Observing the effects of these literary
activities, Mr. Griffis well says: "It is the writer's firm belief,
after nearly four years of life in Japan, mingling among the
progressive men of the empire, that the reading and study of books
printed in the Japanese language have done more to transform the
Japanese mind and to develop an impulse in the direction of modern
civilization than any other cause or series of causes."</p>
<p>Meanwhile, great changes were affecting law and religion. Here
it is sufficient to observe that the old law which had been
hitherto altogether arbitrary&mdash;either the will of the Emperor
or of the Shogun&mdash;was revised on the model of the Napoleonic
code and soon published throughout the land. The use of torture to
obtain testimony was wholly and forever abolished.</p>
<p>With the incoming of Western science and Christianity, old
faiths began to lose their hold upon the people. The new religion
spread yearly. Missionary schools were instituted in several parts
of the country. Christian churches were built in almost all of the
large cities and towns, and their number increased constantly.
Missionaries and Christian schools had no inconsiderable influence
in changing the ideas of the people.</p>
<p>Such, in brief, have been the changes in the industrial, social
and religious condition of Japan from 1868 to 1881. After this
study we shall not much wonder at the remarkable political change
of Japan during the same period, which I shall endeavor to describe
in the next chapter.</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4-1" name=
"footnote4-1"></a><b>Footnote 1:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag4-1">(return)</a>
<p>The American Commonwealth, Bryce, Vol. I., p. 7.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4-2" name=
"footnote4-2"></a><b>Footnote 2:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag4-2">(return)</a>
<p>A Survey of Financial Policy during Thirteen Years (1868-1880),
by Count Okuma.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4-3" name=
"footnote4-3"></a><b>Footnote 3:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag4-3">(return)</a>
<p>Count Okuma's pamphlet.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4-4" name=
"footnote4-4"></a><b>Footnote 4:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag4-4">(return)</a>
<p>Count Okuma's pamphlet.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4-5" name=
"footnote4-5"></a><b>Footnote 5:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag4-5">(return)</a>
<p>Count Okuma's pamphlet.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4-6" name=
"footnote4-6"></a><b>Footnote 6:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag4-6">(return)</a>
<p>Consular Report of the U.S., No. 25, p. 182.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2>
<h3>PROGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT FROM THE ABOLITION OF
FEUDALISM TO THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881.</h3>
<p>The leaders of the Restoration were of an entirely different
type from the court nobles of former days. They were, with a few
exceptions, men of humble origin. They had raised themselves from
obscurity to the highest places of the state by sheer force of
native ability. They had studied much and travelled far. Their
experiences were diverse; they had seen almost every phase of
society. If they were now drinking the cup of glory, most of them
had also tasted the bitterness of exile, imprisonment, and fear of
death. Patriotic, sagacious, and daring, they combined the rare
qualities of magnanimity and urbanity. If they looked with
indifference upon private morality, they were keenly sensitive to
the feeling of honor and to public morals. If they made mistakes
and did not escape the charge of inconsistency in their policy,
these venial faults were, for the most part, due to the rapidly
changing conditions of the country. No other set of statesmen of
Japan or of any other country, ancient or modern, have witnessed
within their lifetime so many social and political transformations.
They saw the days when feudalism flourished&mdash;the grandeur of
its rulers, its antique chivalry, its stately etiquette, its
ceremonial costumes, its codes of honor, its rigid social order,
formal politeness, and measured courtesies. They also saw the days
when all these were swept away and replaced by the simplicity and
stir of modern life. They accordingly "have had to cast away every
tradition, every habit, and every principle and mode of action with
which even the youngest of them had to begin official life."</p>
<p>The ranks of this noble body of statesmen and reformers are now
gradually diminishing. Saigo and Gesho are no more. Kido and
Iwakura have been borne to their graves. Okubo and Mori have fallen
under the sword of fanatics. But, thanks be to God, many of them
yet remain and bear the burdens of the day.</p>
<p>I have mentioned in Chapter III. the overthrow of feudalism and
its causes. Its immediate effect on the nation, in unifying their
thoughts, customs, and habits, was most remarkable. From this time
we see the marked growth of common sentiment, common manners,
common interest among the people, together with a love of peace and
order.</p>
<p>While the government at home was thus tearing down the old
framework of state, the Iwakura Embassy in foreign lands was
gathering materials for the new. This was significant, inasmuch as
five of the best statesmen of the time, with their staff of
forty-four able men, came into association for over a year with
western peoples, and beheld in operation their social, political
and religious institutions. These men became fully convinced that
"the wealth, the power, and the happiness of a people," as
President Grant told them, "are advanced by the encouragement of
trade and commercial intercourse with other powers, by the
elevation and dignity of labor, by the practical adaptation of
science to the manufactures and the arts, by increased facilities
of frequent and rapid communication between different parts of the
country, by the encouragement of immigration, which brings with it
the varied habits and diverse genius and industry of other lands,
by a free press, by freedom of thought and of conscience, and a
liberal toleration in matters of religion."<a id="footnotetag5-1"
name="footnotetag5-1"></a><a href=
"#footnote5-1"><sup>1</sup></a></p>
<p>The impressions and opinions of these men on the importance of a
free and liberal policy can be gleaned from the speeches they made
during the western tour, and some of their writings and utterances
on other occasions.</p>
<p>The chief ambassador, Iwakura, in reply to a toast made to him
in England, said: "Having now become more intimately acquainted
with her (England's) many institutions, we have discovered that
their success is due to the <i>liberal</i> and energetic spirit by
which they are animated."<a id="footnotetag5-2" name=
"footnotetag5-2"></a><a href="#footnote5-2"><sup>2</sup></a></p>
<p>Count Ito, the present President of the Privy Council, in his
speech at San Francisco, said: "While held in absolute obedience by
despotic sovereigns through many thousand years, our people knew no
freedom or liberty of thought. With our material improvement they
learned to understand their rightful privileges, which for ages
have been denied them."<a id="footnotetag5-3" name=
"footnotetag5-3"></a><a href="#footnote5-3"><sup>3</sup></a></p>
<p>Count Inouye, the ex-Minister of State for Agriculture and
Commerce, in his memorial to the government in 1873, said: "The
people of European and American countries are for the most part
rich in intelligence and knowledge, and they preserve the spirit of
independence. And owing to the nature of their polity they share in
the counsels of their government. Government and people thus
mutually aid and support each other, as hand and foot protect the
head and eye. The merits of each question that arises are
distinctly comprehended by the nation at home, and the government
is merely its outward representative. But our people are different.
Accustomed for ages to despotic rule, they have remained content
with their prejudices and ignorance. Their knowledge and
intelligence are undeveloped and their spirit is feeble. In every
movement of their being they submit to the will of the government,
and have not the shadow of an idea of what 'a right' is. If the
government makes an order, the whole country obeys it as one man.
If the government takes a certain view, the whole nation adopts it
unanimously.... The people must be recalled to life, and the Empire
be made to comprehend with clearness that the objects which the
government has in view are widely different from those of former
times."<a id="footnotetag5-4" name="footnotetag5-4"></a><a href=
"#footnote5-4"><sup>4</sup></a></p>
<p>If the passages quoted illustrate statesmen's zeal to introduce
western civilization, and to educate the people gradually to
political freedom and privileges, their actions speak more
eloquently than their words. In order to crush that social evil,
the class system, which for ages had been a curse, the government
declared all classes of men equal before the law, delivered the
<i>eta</i>&mdash;the class of outcasts&mdash;from its position of
contempt, abolished the marriage limitations existing between
different classes of society, prohibited the wearing of swords,
which was the peculiar privilege of the nobles and the Samurai;
while to facilitate means of communication and to open the eyes of
the people to the wonders of mechanical art, they incessantly
applied themselves to the construction of railroads, docks,
lighthouses, mining, iron, and copper factories, and to the
establishment of telegraphic and postal systems. They also codified
the laws, abolished the use of torture in obtaining testimony,
revoked the edict against Christianity, sanctioned the publication
of newspapers, established by the decree of 1875 the "Genro-in (a
kind of Senate) to enact laws for the Empire, and the Daishin-in to
consolidate the judicial authority of the courts,"<a id=
"footnotetag5-5" name="footnotetag5-5"></a><a href=
"#footnote5-5"><sup>5</sup></a> and called an assembly of the
prefects, which, however, held but one session in Tokio.</p>
<p>While the current of thought among the official circles was thus
flowing, there was also a stream, in the lower region of the social
life, soon to swell into a mighty river. Social inequality, that
barrier which prevents the flow of popular feeling, being already
levelled, merchants, agriculturists, tradesmen, artisans and
laborers were now set at liberty to assert their rights and to use
their talents. They were no longer debarred from places of high
honor.</p>
<p>The great colleges and schools, both public and private, which
were hitherto established and carried on exclusively for the
benefit of the nobles and the Samurai, were now open to all. And in
this democracy of letters, where there is no rank or honor but that
of talent and industry, a sentiment was fast growing that the son
of a Daimio is not necessarily wiser than the son of a peasant.</p>
<p>Teachers of these institutions were not slow to infuse the
spirit of independence and liberty into their pupils and to
instruct the people in their natural and political rights. Mr.
Fukuzawa, a schoolmaster, an author, and a lecturer, the man who
exercised an immense influence in shaping the mind of young Japan,
gave a deathblow to the old ideas of despotic government, and of
the blind obedience of the people, when he declared that
<i>government exists for the people and not the people for the
government</i>, that the government officials are the servants of
the people, and the people their employer. He also struck a heavy
blow at the arrogance and extreme love of military glory of the
Samurai class, with whom to die for the cause of his sovereign,
whatever that cause might be, was the highest act of patriotism, by
advocating that "Death is a democrat, and that the Samurai who died
fighting for his country, and the servant who was slain while
caught stealing from his master, were alike dead and useless."</p>
<p>In a letter to one of his disciples, Mr. Fukuzawa said: "The
liberty of which I have spoken is of such great importance that
everything should be done to secure its blessings in the family and
in the nation, without any respect to persons. When every
individual, every family and every province shall obtain this
liberty, then, and not till then, can we expect to witness the true
independence of the nation; then the military, the farming, the
mechanical, and mercantile classes will not live in hostility to
each other; then peace will reign throughout the land, and all men
will be respected according to their conduct and real
character."<a id="footnotetag5-6" name=
"footnotetag5-6"></a><a href="#footnote5-6"><sup>6</sup></a></p>
<p>The extent of the influence exercised with pen and tongue by
these teachers upon the nation showed that the reign of sword and
brutal force was over and the day of peace and reason had dawned.
The press has at last become a power. The increase during that
period of publications, both original and translations, and of
newspapers, both in their number and circulation, is marvellous. To
give an illustration, the number of newspapers transmitted in the
mails increased from 514,610 in the year 1873 to 2,629,648 in the
year 1874&mdash;an increase of 411 per cent in one year&mdash;"a
fact which speaks volumes for the progress of civilization."<a id=
"footnotetag5-7" name="footnotetag5-7"></a><a href=
"#footnote5-7"><sup>7</sup></a></p>
<p>These newspapers were soon to become the organs of political
parties which were in the process of formation. The most prominent
among these political societies was the <i>Ri-shi-sha</i>, which
finally developed into the present Liberal party. At the head of
this party was Count Itagaki, a man of noble character and of
marked ability, who had rendered many useful services to the
country in the time of the Restoration and had for some years been
a member of the cabinet, but who in 1875 resigned his office and
became "the man of the people." He and his party contributed
greatly to the development of constitutional ideas. Whatever may be
said as to the extreme radicalism and childish freaks of the rude
elements of this party, the presence of its sober members, who
sincerely longed to see the adoption of a constitutional form of
government and used only proper and peaceful means for the
furtherance of their aim, and boldly and frankly told what they
deemed the defects of the government; the presence of such a party
in the country, whose masses knew nothing but slavish obedience to
every act of the government, was certainly a source of great
benefit to the nation at large.</p>
<p>In 1873, Count Itagaki with his friends had sent in a memorial
to the government praying for the establishment of a representative
assembly, but they had not been heeded by the government. In July,
1877, Count Itagaki with his Ri-shi-sha again addressed a memorial
to the Emperor, "praying for a change in the form of government,
and setting forth the reasons which, in the opinion of the members
of the society, rendered such a change necessary."</p>
<p>These reasons were nine in number and were developed at great
length. Eight of them formed a direct impeachment of the present
government, and the ninth was a reminder that the solemn promise of
1868 had never been fulfilled. "Nothing," they conclude, "could
more tend to the well-being of the country than for your Majesty to
put an end to all despotic and oppressive measures, and to consult
public opinion in the conduct of the government. To this end a
representative assembly should be established, so that the
government may become constitutional in form. The people would then
become more interested and zealous in looking after the affairs of
the country; public opinion would find expression, and despotism
and confusion cease. The nation would advance in civilization;
wealth would accumulate in the country; troubles from within and
contempt from without would cease, and the happiness of your
Imperial Majesty and of your Majesty's subjects would be
secured."</p>
<p>But again the government heeded not, its attention at the time
being fully occupied with the suppression of the Satsuma Rebellion.
The civil war being ended, in 1878, the year which marked a decade
from the establishment of the new regime, the government, persuaded
that the time for popular institutions was fast approaching, not
alone through representations of the Tosa memorialists, but through
many other signs of the times, decided to take a step in the
direction of establishing a national assembly. But the government
acted cautiously. Thinking that to bring together hundreds of
members unaccustomed to parliamentary debate and its excitement,
and to allow them a hand in the administration of affairs of the
state, might be attended with serious dangers, as a preparation for
the national assembly the government established first local
assemblies. Certainly this was a wise course.</p>
<p>These local assemblies have not only been good training schools
for popular government, but also proved reasonably successful. They
hold their sessions every year, in the month of March, in their
respective electoral districts, and there discuss all questions of
local taxation. They may also petition the central government on
other matters of local interest. The members must be males of the
full age of twenty-five years, who have been resident for three
years in the district and pay the sum of $10 as a land tax within
their district. The qualifications for electors (males only) are:
an age of twenty years, registration, and payment of a land tax of
$5. Voting is by ballot, but the names of the voters are to be
written by themselves on the voting papers. There are now 2172
members who sit in these local assemblies, and it was from the more
experienced members of these assemblies that the majority of the
members of the House of Representatives of the Imperial Diet,
convened for the first time last year, were chosen.</p>
<p>The gulf between absolute government and popular government was
thus widened more and more by the institution of local government.
The popular tide raised by these local assemblies was swelling in
volume year by year. New waves were set in motion by the younger
generation of thinkers. Toward the close of the year 1881 the flood
rose so high that the government thought it wise not to resist
longer. His Imperial Majesty hearing the petitions of the people,
graciously confirmed and expanded his promise of 1868 by the famous
proclamation of October 12, 1881:</p>
<p>"We have long had it in view to gradually establish a
constitutional form of government.... It was with this object in
view that in the eighth year of Meiji (1875) we established the
Senate, and in the eleventh year of Meiji (1878) authorized the
formation of local assemblies.... We therefore hereby declare that
we shall, in the twenty-third year of Meiji (1890) establish a
parliament, in order to carry into full effect the determination we
have announced; and we charge our faithful subjects bearing our
commissions to make, in the meantime, all necessary preparations to
that end."</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5-1" name=
"footnote5-1"></a><b>Footnote 1:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag5-1">(return)</a>
<p>C. Lanman, The Japanese in America, p. 38.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5-2" name=
"footnote5-2"></a><b>Footnote 2:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag5-2">(return)</a>
<p>Mossman's New Japan, p. 442.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5-3" name=
"footnote5-3"></a><b>Footnote 3:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag5-3">(return)</a>
<p>C. Lanman, The Japanese in America, p. 14.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5-4" name=
"footnote5-4"></a><b>Footnote 4:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag5-4">(return)</a>
<p>The translation of the whole memorial is given in C. Lanman's
Leading Men of Japan, p. 87.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5-5" name=
"footnote5-5"></a><b>Footnote 5:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag5-5">(return)</a>
<p>The Imperial decree of 1875.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5-6" name=
"footnote5-6"></a><b>Footnote 6:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag5-6">(return)</a>
<p>The translation given in C. Lanman, Leading Men of Japan. p.
47.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5-7" name=
"footnote5-7"></a><b>Footnote 7:</b> <a href=
"#footnotetag5-7">(return)</a>
<p>See the Appendix of Griffis' The Mikado's Empire.</p>
</blockquote>
<hr class="full" />
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