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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 12261 ***</div>

<h1>A STUDY IN MAGIC AND RELIGION</h1>
<h2><i>THIRD EDITION</i></h2>
<h2>PART VII</h2>
<h2>BALDER THE BEAUTIFUL</h2>
<h2>VOL. I</h2>
<h3>THE FIRE-FESTIVALS OF EUROPE AND THE DOCTRINE OF THE EXTERNAL
SOUL</h3>
<h2>J.G. FRAZER, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.</h2>
<h3>FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL
ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL.</h3>
<h3>IN TWO VOLUMES</h3>
<h3>VOL. I</h3>
<h3>PREFACE</h3>
<p>In this concluding part of <i>The Golden Bough</i> I have
discussed the problem which gives its title to the whole work. If I
am right, the Golden Bough over which the King of the Wood, Diana's
priest at Aricia, kept watch and ward was no other than a branch of
mistletoe growing on an oak within the sacred grove; and as the
plucking of the bough was a necessary prelude to the slaughter of
the priest, I have been led to institute a parallel between the
King of the Wood at Nemi and the Norse god Balder, who was
worshipped in a sacred grove beside the beautiful Sogne fiord of
Norway and was said to have perished by a stroke of mistletoe,
which alone of all things on earth or in heaven could wound him. On
the theory here suggested both Balder and the King of the Wood
personified in a sense the sacred oak of our Aryan forefathers, and
both had deposited their lives or souls for safety in the parasite
which sometimes, though rarely, is found growing on an oak and by
the very rarity of its appearance excites the wonder and stimulates
the devotion of ignorant men. Though I am now less than ever
disposed to lay weight on the analogy between the Italian priest
and the Norse god, I have allowed it to stand because it furnishes
me with a pretext for discussing not only the general question of
the external soul in popular superstition, but also the
fire-festivals of Europe, since fire played a part both in the myth
of Balder and in the ritual of the Arician grove. Thus Balder the
Beautiful in my hands is little more than a stalking-horse to carry
two heavy pack-loads of facts. And what is true of Balder applies
equally to the priest of Nemi himself, the nominal hero of the long
tragedy of human folly and suffering which has unrolled itself
before the readers of these volumes, and on which the curtain is
now about to fall. He, too, for all the quaint garb he wears and
the gravity with which he stalks across the stage, is merely a
puppet, and it is time to unmask him before laying him up in the
box.</p>
<p>To drop metaphor, while nominally investigating a particular
problem of ancient mythology, I have really been discussing
questions of more general interest which concern the gradual
evolution of human thought from savagery to civilization. The
enquiry is beset with difficulties of many kinds, for the record of
man's mental development is even more imperfect than the record of
his physical development, and it is harder to read, not only by
reason of the incomparably more subtle and complex nature of the
subject, but because the reader's eyes are apt to be dimmed by
thick mists of passion and prejudice, which cloud in a far less
degree the fields of comparative anatomy and geology. My
contribution to the history of the human mind consists of little
more than a rough and purely provisional classification of facts
gathered almost entirely from printed sources. If there is one
general conclusion which seems to emerge from the mass of
particulars, I venture to think that it is the essential similarity
in the working of the less developed human mind among all races,
which corresponds to the essential similarity in their bodily frame
revealed by comparative anatomy. But while this general mental
similarity may, I believe, be taken as established, we must always
be on our guard against tracing to it a multitude of particular
resemblances which may be and often are due to simple diffusion,
since nothing is more certain than that the various races of men
have borrowed from each other many of their arts and crafts, their
ideas, customs, and institutions. To sift out the elements of
culture which a race has independently evolved and to distinguish
them accurately from those which it has derived from other races is
a task of extreme difficulty and delicacy, which promises to occupy
students of man for a long time to come; indeed so complex are the
facts and so imperfect in most cases is the historical record that
it may be doubted whether in regard to many of the lower races we
shall ever arrive at more than probable conjectures.</p>
<p>Since the last edition of <i>The Golden Bough</i> was published
some thirteen years ago, I have seen reason to change my views on
several matters discussed in this concluding part of the work, and
though I have called attention to these changes in the text, it may
be well for the sake of clearness to recapitulate them here.</p>
<p>In the first place, the arguments of Dr. Edward Westermarck have
satisfied me that the solar theory of the European fire-festivals,
which I accepted from W. Mannhardt, is very slightly, if at all,
supported by the evidence and is probably erroneous. The true
explanation of the festivals I now believe to be the one advocated
by Dr. Westermarck himself, namely that they are purificatory in
intention, the fire being designed not, as I formerly held, to
reinforce the sun's light and heat by sympathetic magic, but merely
to burn or repel the noxious things, whether conceived as material
or spiritual, which threaten the life of man, of animals, and of
plants. This aspect of the fire-festivals had not wholly escaped me
in former editions; I pointed it out explicitly, but, biassed
perhaps by the great authority of Mannhardt, I treated it as
secondary and subordinate instead of primary and dominant. Out of
deference to Mannhardt, for whose work I entertain the highest
respect, and because the evidence for the purificatory theory of
the fires is perhaps not quite conclusive, I have in this edition
repeated and even reinforced the arguments for the solar theory of
the festivals, so that the reader may see for himself what can be
said on both sides of the question and may draw his own conclusion;
but for my part I cannot but think that the arguments for the
purificatory theory far outweigh the arguments for the solar
theory. Dr. Westermarck based his criticisms largely on his own
observations of the Mohammedan fire-festivals of Morocco, which
present a remarkable resemblance to those of Christian Europe,
though there seems no reason to assume that herein Africa has
borrowed from Europe or Europe from Africa. So far as Europe is
concerned, the evidence tends strongly to shew that the grand evil
which the festivals aimed at combating was witchcraft, and that
they were conceived to attain their end by actually burning the
witches, whether visible or invisible, in the flames. If that was
so, the wide prevalence and the immense popularity of the
fire-festivals provides us with a measure for estimating the extent
of the hold which the belief in witchcraft had on the European mind
before the rise of Christianity or rather of rationalism; for
Christianity, both Catholic and Protestant, accepted the old belief
and enforced it in the old way by the faggot and the stake. It was
not until human reason at last awoke after the long slumber of the
Middle Ages that this dreadful obsession gradually passed away like
a dark cloud from the intellectual horizon of Europe.</p>
<p>Yet we should deceive ourselves if we imagined that the belief
in witchcraft is even now dead in the mass of the people; on the
contrary there is ample evidence to show that it only hibernates
under the chilling influence of rationalism, and that it would
start into active life if that influence were ever seriously
relaxed. The truth seems to be that to this day the peasant remains
a pagan and savage at heart; his civilization is merely a thin
veneer which the hard knocks of life soon abrade, exposing the
solid core of paganism and savagery below. The danger created by a
bottomless layer of ignorance and superstition under the crust of
civilized society is lessened, not only by the natural torpidity
and inertia of the bucolic mind, but also by the progressive
decrease of the rural as compared with the urban population in
modern states; for I believe it will be found that the artisans who
congregate in towns are far less retentive of primitive modes of
thought than their rustic brethren. In every age cities have been
the centres and as it were the lighthouses from which ideas radiate
into the surrounding darkness, kindled by the friction of mind with
mind in the crowded haunts of men; and it is natural that at these
beacons of intellectual light all should partake in some measure of
the general illumination. No doubt the mental ferment and unrest of
great cities have their dark as well as their bright side; but
among the evils to be apprehended from them the chances of a pagan
revival need hardly be reckoned.</p>
<p>Another point on which I have changed my mind is the nature of
the great Aryan god whom the Romans called Jupiter and the Greeks
Zeus. Whereas I formerly argued that he was primarily a
personification of the sacred oak and only in the second place a
personification of the thundering sky, I now invert the order of
his divine functions and believe that he was a sky-god before he
came to be associated with the oak. In fact, I revert to the
traditional view of Jupiter, recant my heresy, and am gathered like
a lost sheep into the fold of mythological orthodoxy. The good
shepherd who has brought me back is my friend Mr. W. Warde Fowler.
He has removed the stone over which I stumbled in the wilderness by
explaining in a simple and natural way how a god of the thundering
sky might easily come to be afterwards associated with the oak. The
explanation turns on the great frequency with which, as statistics
prove, the oak is struck by lightning beyond any other tree of the
wood in Europe. To our rude forefathers, who dwelt in the gloomy
depths of the primaeval forest, it might well seem that the riven
and blackened oaks must indeed be favourites of the sky-god, who so
often descended on them from the murky cloud in a flash of
lightning and a crash of thunder.</p>
<p>This change of view as to the great Aryan god necessarily
affects my interpretation of the King of the Wood, the priest of
Diana at Aricia, if I may take that discarded puppet out of the box
again for a moment. On my theory the priest represented Jupiter in
the flesh, and accordingly, if Jupiter was primarily a sky-god, his
priest cannot have been a mere incarnation of the sacred oak, but
must, like the deity whose commission he bore, have been invested
in the imagination of his worshippers with the power of overcasting
the heaven with clouds and eliciting storms of thunder and rain
from the celestial vault. The attribution of weather-making powers
to kings or priests is very common in primitive society, and is
indeed one of the principal levers by which such personages raise
themselves to a position of superiority above their fellows. There
is therefore no improbability in the supposition that as a
representative of Jupiter the priest of Diana enjoyed this
reputation, though positive evidence of it appears to be
lacking.</p>
<p>Lastly, in the present edition I have shewn some grounds for
thinking that the Golden Bough itself, or in common parlance the
mistletoe on the oak, was supposed to have dropped from the sky
upon the tree in a flash of lightning and therefore to contain
within itself the seed of celestial fire, a sort of smouldering
thunderbolt. This view of the priest and of the bough which he
guarded at the peril of his life has the advantage of accounting
for the importance which the sanctuary at Nemi acquired and the
treasure which it amassed through the offerings of the faithful;
for the shrine would seem to have been to ancient what Loreto has
been to modern Italy, a place of pilgrimage, where princes and
nobles as well as commoners poured wealth into the coffers of Diana
in her green recess among the Alban hills, just as in modern times
kings and queens vied with each other in enriching the black Virgin
who from her Holy House on the hillside at Loreto looks out on the
blue Adriatic and the purple Apennines. Such pious prodigality
becomes more intelligible if the greatest of the gods was indeed
believed to dwell in human shape with his wife among the woods of
Nemi.</p>
<p>These are the principal points on which I have altered my
opinion since the last edition of my book was published. The mere
admission of such changes may suffice to indicate the doubt and
uncertainty which attend enquiries of this nature. The whole fabric
of ancient mythology is so foreign to our modern ways of thought,
and the evidence concerning it is for the most part so fragmentary,
obscure, and conflicting that in our attempts to piece together and
interpret it we can hardly hope to reach conclusions that will
completely satisfy either ourselves or others. In this as in other
branches of study it is the fate of theories to be washed away like
children's castles of sand by the rising tide of knowledge, and I
am not so presumptuous as to expect or desire for mine an exemption
from the common lot. I hold them all very lightly and have used
them chiefly as convenient pegs on which to hang my collections of
facts. For I believe that, while theories are transitory, a record
of facts has a permanent value, and that as a chronicle of ancient
customs and beliefs my book may retain its utility when my theories
are as obsolete as the customs and beliefs themselves deserve to
be.</p>
<p>I cannot dismiss without some natural regret a task which has
occupied and amused me at intervals for many years. But the regret
is tempered by thankfulness and hope. I am thankful that I have
been able to conclude at least one chapter of the work I projected
a long time ago. I am hopeful that I may not now be taking a final
leave of my indulgent readers, but that, as I am sensible of little
abatement in my bodily strength and of none in my ardour for study,
they will bear with me yet a while if I should attempt to entertain
them with fresh subjects of laughter and tears drawn from the
comedy and the tragedy of man's endless quest after happiness and
truth.</p>
<p>J.G. FRAZER.</p>
<p>CAMBRIDGE, 17<i>th October</i> 1913.</p>
<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
<p>PREFACE, Pp. v-xii</p>
<p><a href="#chap1">CHAPTER I.&mdash;BETWEEN HEAVEN AND EARTH, Pp.
1-21</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect1-1">&sect; 1. <i>Not to touch the Earth</i>, pp.
1-18</a>.&mdash;<a href="#priest">The priest of Aricia and the
Golden Bough, 1 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#sacredkings">sacred kings
and priests forbidden to touch the ground with their feet, 2-4</a>;
<a href="#certain">certain persons on certain occasions forbidden
to touch the ground with their feet, 4-6</a>; <a href=
"#sacredtabooed">sacred persons apparently thought to be charged
with a mysterious virtue which will run to waste or explode by
contact with the ground, 6 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#thingsaswell">things as well as persons charged with the
mysterious virtue of holiness or taboo and therefore kept from
contact with the ground, 7</a>; <a href="#wildmango">festival of
the wild mango, which is not allowed to touch the earth, 7-11</a>;
<a href="#sacredobjects">other sacred objects kept from contact
with the ground, 11 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#sacredfood">sacred
food not allowed to touch the earth, 13 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#magicalimplements">magical implements and remedies thought to
lose their virtue by contact with the ground, 14 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#serpentseggs">serpents' eggs or snake stones, 15
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#medicinalplants">medicinal plants, water,
etc., not allowed to touch the earth, 17 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect1-2">&sect; 2. <i>Not to see the Sun</i>, pp.
18-21</a>.&mdash;<a href="#sacredpersons">Sacred persons not
allowed to see the sun, 18-20</a>; <a href=
"#tabooedpersons">tabooed persons not allowed to see the sun,
20</a>; <a href="#certainpersons">certain persons forbidden to see
fire, 20 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#princesunless">the story of
Prince Sunless, 21.</a></p>
<p><a href="#chap2">CHAPTER II.&mdash;THE SECLUSION OF GIRLS AT
PUBERTY, Pp. 22-100</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-1">&sect; 1. <i>Seclusion of Girls at Puberty in
Africa</i>, pp. 22-32</a>.&mdash;<a href="#puberty">Girls at
puberty forbidden to touch the ground and see the sun, 22</a>;
<a href="#puberty">seclusion of girls at puberty among the Zulus
and kindred tribes, 22</a>; <a href="#seclusionakamba">among the
A-Kamba of British East Africa, 23</a>; <a href=
"#seclusionbaganda">among the Baganda of Central Africa, 23
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusiontangayika">among the tribes of
the Tanganyika plateau, 24 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionbritishcentral">among the tribes of British Central
Africa, 25 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#abstinencesalt">abstinence
from salt associated with a rule of chastity in many tribes,
26-28</a>; <a href="#seclusionnyassa">seclusion of girls at puberty
among the tribes about Lake Nyassa and on the Zambesi, 28
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusionthonga">among the Thonga of
Delagoa Bay, 29 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusioncaffre">among
the Caffre tribes of South Africa, 30 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionlowercongo">among the Bavili of the Lower Congo, 31
<i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-2">&sect; 2. <i>Seclusion of Girls at Puberty in
New Ireland, New Guinea, and Indonesia</i>, pp.
32-36</a>.&mdash;<a href="#seclusionnewireland">Seclusion of girls
at puberty in New Ireland, 32-34</a>; <a href=
"#seclusionnewguinea">in New Guinea, Borneo, Ceram, and the
Caroline Islands, 35 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-3">&sect; 3. <i>Seclusion of Girls at Puberty in
the Torres Straits Islands and Northern Australia</i>, pp.
36-41</a>.&mdash;<a href="#seclusionmabuiag">Seclusion of girls at
puberty in Mabuiag, Torres Straits, 36 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionnorthernaustralia">in Northern Australia, 37-39</a>;
<a href="#seclusiontorres">in the islands of Torres Straits,
39-41.</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-4">&sect; 4. <i>Seclusion of Girls at Puberty
among the Indians of North America</i>, pp.
41-55</a>.&mdash;<a href="#seclusioncaliformia">Seclusion of girls
at puberty among the Indians of California, 41-43</a>; <a href=
"#seclusionwashington">among the Indians of Washington State,
43</a>; <a href="#seclusionnootka">among the Nootka Indians of
Vancouver Island, 43 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionhaida">among the Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte
Islands, 44 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusiontlingit">among the
Tlingit Indians of Alaska, 45 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusiontsetsaut">among the Tsetsaut and Bella Coola Indians of
British Columbia, 46 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusiontinneh">among the Tinneh Indians of British Columbia, 47
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusiontinnehalaska">among the Tinneh
Indians of Alaska, 48 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionthompson">among the Thompson Indians of British
Columbia, 49-52</a>; <a href="#seclusionlillooet">among the
Lillooet Indians of British Columbia, 52 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionshuswap">among the Shuswap Indians of British Columbia,
53 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusiondelaware">among the Delaware
and Cheyenne Indians, 54 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionesquimaux">among the Esquimaux, 55 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-5">&sect; 5. <i>Seclusion of Girls at Puberty
among the Indians of South America</i>, pp.
56-68</a>.&mdash;<a href="#seclusionguaranis">Seclusion of girls at
puberty among the Guaranis, Chiriguanos, and Lengua Indians, 56
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusionyuracares">among the Yuracares
of Bolivia, 57 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusiongranchaco">among
the Indians of the Gran Chaco, 58 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#seclusionguaranis">among the Indians of Brazil, 59
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusionguiana">among the Indians of
Guiana, 60 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#seclusionguiana">beating the
girls and stinging them with ants, 61</a>; <a href="#ants">stinging
young men with ants and wasps as an initiatory rite, 61-63</a>;
<a href="#antscharacter">stinging men and women with ants to
improve their character or health or to render them invulnerable,
63 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#beatingpurification">in such cases the
beating or stinging was originally a purification, not a test of
courage and endurance, 65 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#beatingconfirmed">this explanation confirmed by the beating of
girls among the Banivas of the Orinoco to rid them of a demon,
66-68</a>; <a href="#beatingconfirmed">symptoms of puberty in a
girl regarded as wounds inflicted on her by a demon, 68.</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-6">&sect; 6. <i>Seclusion of Girls at Puberty in
India and Cambodia</i>, pp. 68-70</a>.&mdash;<a href=
"#seclusionhindoos">Seclusion of girls at puberty among the
Hindoos, 68</a>; <a href="#seclusionhindoos">in Southern India,
68-70</a>; <a href="#seclusioncambodia">in Cambodia, 70.</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-7">&sect; 7. <i>Seclusion of Girls at Puberty in
Folk-tales</i>, pp. 70-76</a>.&mdash;<a href=
"#seclusiondanish">Danish story of the girl who might not see the
sun, 70-72</a>; <a href="#seclusiontyrolese">Tyrolese story of the
girl who might not see the sun, 72</a>; <a href=
"#seclusionmoderngreek">modern Greek stories of the maid who might
not see the sun, 72 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#danae">ancient Greek
story of Danae and its parallel in a Kirghiz legend, 73
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#sunimpregnation">impregnation of women by
the sun in legends, 74 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#marriagecustoms">traces in marriage customs of the belief that
women can be impregnated by the sun, 75</a>; <a href=
"#moonimpregnation">belief in the impregnation of women by the
moon, 75 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect2-8">&sect; 8. <i>Reasons for the Seclusion of
Girls at Puberty</i>, pp. 76-100</a>.&mdash;<a href=
"#reasondread">The reason for the seclusion of girls at puberty is
the dread of menstruous blood, 76</a>; <a href=
"#dreadaustralia">dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the
aborigines of Australia, 76-78</a>; <a href="#dreadtorres">in
Torres Straits Islands, New Guinea, Galela, and Sumatra, 78
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#dreadsouthafrica">among the tribes of
South Africa, 79 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#dreadcentralafrica">among the tribes of Central and East Africa,
80-82</a>; <a href="#dreadwestafrica">among the tribes of West
Africa, 82</a>; <a href="#arablegend">powerful influence ascribed
to menstruous blood in Arab legend, 82 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#dreadjews">dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Jews
and in Syria, 83 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#dreadindia">in India, 84
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#dreadindia">in Annam, 85</a>; <a href=
"#dreadsouthamerica">among the Indians of Central and South
America, 85 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#dreadnorthamerica">among the
Indians of North America, 87-94</a>; <a href="#dreadcreek">among
the Creek, Choctaw, Omaha and Cheyenne Indians, 88 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#dreadbritishcolumbia">among the Indians of British
Columbia, 89 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#dreadchippeway">among the
Chippeway Indians, 90 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#dreadtinneh">among
the Tinneh or D&eacute;n&eacute; Indians, 91</a>; <a href=
"#dreadcarrier">among the Carrier Indians, 91-94</a>; <a href=
"#similarrules">similar rules of seclusion enjoined on menstruous
women in ancient Hindoo, Persian, and Hebrew codes, 94-96</a>;
<a href="#superstitionsmenstrous">superstitions as to menstruous
women in ancient and modern Europe, 96 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#intentionsecluding">the intention of secluding menstruous women
is to neutralize the dangerous influences which are thought to
emanate from them in that condition, 97</a>; <a href=
"#suspensionheaven">suspension between heaven and earth, 97</a>;
<a href="#suspensionheaven">the same explanation applies to the
similar rules of seclusion observed by divine kings and priests,
97-99</a>; <a href="#storiesimmortality">stories of immortality
attained by suspension between heaven and earth, 99
<i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#chap3">CHAPTER III.&mdash;THE MYTH OF BALDER, Pp.
101-105</a></p>
<p><a href="#balderdeath">How Balder, the good and beautiful god,
was done to death by a stroke of mistletoe, 101 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#olderedda">story of Balder in the older <i>Edda</i>, 102
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#saxogrammaticus">story of Balder as told
by Saxo Grammaticus, 103</a>; <a href="#baldernorway">Balder
worshipped in Norway, 104</a>; <a href="#balderfirdusi">legendary
death of Balder resembles the legendary death of Isfendiyar in the
epic of Firdusi, 104 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#balderceremony">the
myth of Balder perhaps acted as a magical ceremony; the two main
incidents of the myth, namely the pulling of the mistletoe and the
burning of the god, have perhaps their counterpart in popular
ritual, 105.</a></p>
<p><a href="#chap4">CHAPTER IV.&mdash;THE FIRE FESTIVALS OF EUROPE,
Pp. 106-327</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-1">&sect; 1. <i>The Lenten Fires</i>, pp.
106-120</a>.&mdash;<a href="#custom">European custom of kindling
bonfires on certain days of the year, dancing round them, leaping
over them, and burning effigies in the flames, 106</a>; <a href=
"#seasons">seasons of the year at which the bonfires are lit, 106
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#fireardennes">bonfires on the first
Sunday in Lent in the Belgian Ardennes, 107 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#firefrenchardennes">in the French department of the
Ardennes, 109 <i>sq.</i></a>; in
Franche-Comt&eacute;, 110 <i>sq.</i>; <a href=
"#fireauvergne">in Auvergne, 111-113</a>; <a href=
"#firebrandons">French custom of carrying lighted torches
(<i>brandons</i>) about the orchards and fields to fertilize them
on the first Sunday of Lent, 113-115</a>; <a href=
"#firegermany">bonfires on the first Sunday of Lent in Germany and
Austria, 115 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#firegermany">"burning the
witch," 116</a>; <a href="#firegermany">burning discs thrown into
the air, 116 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#firegermany">burning wheels
rolled down hill, 117 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#firegermany">bonfires on the first Sunday in Lent in Switzerland,
118 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#firediscs">burning discs thrown into
the air, 119</a>; <a href="#fireconnexion">connexion of these fires
with the custom of "carrying out Death," 119 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-2">&sect; 2. <i>The Easter Fires</i>,
120-146</a>.&mdash;<a href="#fireeaster">Custom in Catholic
countries of kindling a holy new fire on Easter Saturday,
marvellous properties ascribed to the embers of the fire, 121</a>;
<a href="#fireeaster">effigy of Judas burnt in the fire, 121</a>;
<a href="#firebavaria">Easter fires in Bavaria and the Abruzzi,
122</a>; <a href="#firewater">water as well as fire consecrated at
Easter in Italy, Bohemia, and Germany, 122-124</a>; <a href=
"#firecarinthia">new fire at Easter in Carinthia, 124</a>; <a href=
"#firecarinthia">Thomas Kirchmeyer's account of the consecration of
fire and water by the Catholic Church at Easter, 124
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#fireflorence">the new fire on Easter
Saturday at Florence, 126 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#firemexico">the
new fire and the burning of Judas on Easter Saturday in Mexico and
South America, 127 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#firejerusalem">the new
fire on Easter Saturday in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at
Jerusalem, 128-130</a>; <a href="#firegreece">the new fire and the
burning of Judas on Easter Saturday in Greece, 130 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#firearmenia">the new fire at Candlemas in Armenia,
131</a>; <a href="#firerelics">the new fire and the burning of
Judas at Easter are probably relics of paganism, 131
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#fireincas">new fire at the summer
solstice among the Incas of Peru, 132</a>; <a href="#fireincas">new
fire among the Indians of Mexico and New Mexico, the Iroquois, and
the Esquimaux, 132-134</a>; <a href="#firewadai">new fire in Wadai,
among the Swahili, and in other parts of Africa, 134-136</a>;
<a href="#firetodas">new fires among the Todas and Nagas of India,
136</a>; <a href="#firechina">new fire in China and Japan, 137
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#firerome">new fire in ancient Greece and
Rome, 138</a>; <a href="#firecelts">new fire at Hallowe'en among
the old Celts of Ireland, 139</a>; <a href="#firecelts">new fire on
the first of September among the Russian peasants, 139</a>;
<a href="#fireheathen">the rite of the new fire probably common to
many peoples of the Mediterranean area before the rise of
Christianity, 139 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#paganeaster">the pagan
character of the Easter fire manifest from the superstitions
associated with it, such as the belief that the fire fertilizes the
fields and protects houses from conflagration and sickness, 140
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#firemunsterland">the Easter fires in
M&uuml;nsterland, Oldenburg, the Harz Mountains, and the Altmark,
141-143</a>; <a href="#easterbavaria">Easter fires and the burning
of Judas or the Easter Man in Bavaria, 143 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#easterbaden">Easter fires and "thunder poles" in Baden, 145</a>;
<a href="#easterholland">Easter fires in Holland and Sweden, 145
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#easterholland">the burning of Judas in
Bohemia, 146.</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-3">&sect; 3. <i>The Beltane Fires</i>, pp.
146-160</a>.&mdash;<a href="#beltanehighlands">The Beltane fires on
the first of May in the Highlands of Scotland, 146-154</a>;
<a href="#beltanehighlands">John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, his
description of the Beltane fires and cakes and the Beltane carline,
146-149</a>; <a href="#beltaneperthshire">Beltane fires and cakes
in Perthshire, 150-153</a>; <a href="#beltanenescotland">Beltane
fires in the north-east of Scotland to burn the witches, 153
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#beltanehebrides">Beltane fires and cakes
in the Hebrides, 154</a>; <a href="#beltanewales">Beltane fires and
cakes in Wales, 155-157</a>; <a href="#beltaneman">in the Isle of
Man to burn the witches, 157</a>; <a href="#beltaneman">in
Nottinghamshire, 157</a>; <a href="#beltaneireland">in Ireland,
157-159</a>; <a href="#maydaysweden">fires on the Eve of May Day in
Sweden, 159</a>; <a href="#maydaysweden">in Austria and Saxony to
burn the witches, 159 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-4">&sect; 4. <i>The Midsummer Fires</i>, pp.
160-219</a>.&mdash;<a href="#summersolstice">The great season for
fire-festivals in Europe is Midsummer Eve or Midsummer Day, which
the church has dedicated to St. John the Baptist, 160
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summersolstice">the bonfires, the
torches, and the burning wheels of the festival, 161</a>; <a href=
"#summerkirchmeyer">Thomas Kirchmeyer's description of the
Midsummer festival, 162 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summergermany">the Midsummer fires in Germany, 163-171</a>;
<a href="#summergermany">burning wheel rolled down hill at Konz on
the Moselle, 163 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerbavaria">Midsummer
fires in Bavaria, 164-166</a>; <a href="#summerswabia">in Swabia,
166 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerbaden">in Baden, 167-169</a>;
<a href="#summerbaden">in Alsace, Lorraine, the Eifel, the Harz
district, and Thuringia, 169</a>; <a href=
"#summerfriction">Midsummer fires kindled by the friction of wood,
169 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerfriction">driving away the
witches and demons, 170</a>; <a href="#summersilesia">Midsummer
fires in Silesia, scaring away the witches, 170 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#summerdenmark">Midsummer fires in Denmark and Norway,
keeping off the witches, 171</a>; <a href=
"#summerdenmark">Midsummer fires in Sweden, 172</a>; <a href=
"#summerswitzerland">Midsummer fires in Switzerland and Austria,
172 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerbohemia">in Bohemia,
173-175</a>; <a href="#summermoravia">in Moravia, Austrian Silesia,
and the district of Cracow, 175</a>; <a href="#summerslavs">among
the Slavs of Russia, 176</a>; <a href="#summerprussia">in Prussia
and Lithuania as a protection against witchcraft, thunder, hail,
and cattle disease, 176 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerprussia">in
Masuren the fire is kindled by the revolution of a wheel, 177</a>;
<a href="#summerletts">Midsummer fires among the Letts of Russia,
177 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summersouthslavs">among the South
Slavs, 178</a>; <a href="#summermagyars">among the Magyars, 178
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summeresthonians">among the Esthonians,
179 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerfinns">among the Finns and
Cheremiss of Russia, 180 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerfrance">in
France, 181-194</a>; <a href="#summerfrance">Bossuet on the
Midsummer festival, 182</a>; <a href="#summerbrittany">the
Midsummer fires in Brittany, 183-185</a>; <a href=
"#summernormandy">in Normandy, the Brotherhood of the Green Wolf at
Jumi&egrave;ges, 185 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerpicardy">Midsummer fires in Picardy, 187 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#summerbeauce">in Beauce and Perche, 188</a>; <a href=
"#summerbeauce">the fires a protection against witchcraft, 188</a>;
<a href="#summerardennes">the Midsummer fires in the Ardennes, the
Vosges, and the Jura, 188 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerardennes">in Franche-Comt&eacute;, 189</a>; <a href=
"#summerardennes">in Berry and other parts of Central France, 189
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerpoitou">in Poitou, 190
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summervienne">in the departments of
Vienne and Deux-S&egrave;vres and in the provinces of Saintonge and
Aunis, 191 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summersouthernfrance">in
Southern France, 192 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summersouthernfrance">Midsummer festival of fire and water in
Provence, 193 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerbelgium">Midsummer
fires in Belgium, 194-196</a>; <a href="#summerengland">in England,
196-200</a>; <a href="#summerengland">Stow's description of the
Midsummer fires in London, 196 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerengland">John Aubrey on the Midsummer fires, 197</a>;
<a href="#summernorthengland">Midsummer fires in Cumberland,
Northumberland, and Yorkshire, 197 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerherefordshire">in Herefordshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire,
and Cornwall, 199 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerwales">in Wales
and the Isle of Man, 200 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerireland">in Ireland, 201-205</a>; <a href=
"#summerwaterireland">holy wells resorted to on Midsummer Eve in
Ireland, 205 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerscotland">Midsummer
fires in Scotland, 206 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerspain">Midsummer fires and divination in Spain and the
Azores, 208 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerspain">Midsummer fires
in Corsica and Sardinia, 209</a>; <a href="#summerabruzzi">in the
Abruzzi, 209 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summerabruzzi">in Sicily,
210</a>; <a href="#summermalta">in Malta, 210 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#summergreece">in Greece and the Greek islands, 211
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summergreece">in Macedonia and Albania,
212</a>; <a href="#summeramerica">in South America, 212
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#summermorocco">among the Mohammedans of
Morocco and Algeria, 213-216</a>; <a href="#summerwater">the
Midsummer festival in North Africa comprises rites of water as well
as fire, 216</a>; <a href="#summerwater">similar festival of fire
and water at New Year in North Africa, 217 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerberber">the duplication of the festival probably due to a
conflict between the solar calendar of the Romans and the lunar
calendar of the Arabs, 218 <i>sg.</i></a>; <a href=
"#summerberber">the Midsummer festival in Morocco apparently of
Berber origin, 219.</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-5">&sect; 5. <i>The Autumn Fires</i>, pp.
220-222</a>.&mdash;<a href="#autumnaugust">Festivals of fire in
August, 220</a>; <a href="#autumnaugust">"living fire" made by the
friction of wood, 220</a>; <a href="#autumnnativity">feast of the
Nativity of the Virgin on the eighth of September at Capri and
Naples, 220-222.</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-6">&sect; 6. <i>The Halloween Fires</i>, pp.
222-246</a>.&mdash;<a href="#halloweencelts">While the Midsummer
festival implies observation of the solstices, the Celts appear to
have divided their year, without regard to the solstices, by the
times when they drove their cattle to and from the summer pasture
on the first of May and the last of October (Hallowe'en),
222-224</a>; <a href="#halloweenbeltane">the two great Celtic
festivals of Beltane (May Day) and Hallowe'en (the last of
October), 224</a>; <a href="#halloweenbeginning">Hallowe'en seems
to have marked the beginning of the Celtic year, 224
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#halloweenbeginning">it was a season of
divination and a festival of the dead, 225 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#halloweenfairies">fairies and hobgoblins let loose at Hallowe'en,
226-228</a>; <a href="#halloweendivination">divination in Celtic
countries at Hallowe'en, 228 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#halloweenscotland">Hallowe'en bonfires in the Highlands of
Scotland, 229-232</a>; <a href="#halloweenbuchan">Hallowe'en fires
in Buchan to burn the witches, 232 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#halloweenbuchan">processions with torches at Hallowe'en in the
Braemar Highlands, 233 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#halloweenhighlands">divination at Hallowe'en in the Highlands and
Lowlands of Scotland, 234-239</a>; <a href=
"#halloweenwales">Hallowe'en fires in Wales, omens drawn from
stones cast into the fires, 239 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#halloweenwalesdivination">divination at Hallowe'en in Wales, 240
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#halloweendivinationireland">divination at
Hallowe'en in Ireland, 241-243</a>; <a href=
"#halloweenman">Hallowe'en fires and divination in the Isle of Man,
243 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#halloweenlancashire">Hallowe'en fires
and divination in Lancashire, 244 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#halloweenlancashire">marching with lighted candles to keep off
the witches, 245</a>; <a href="#halloweenlancashire">divination at
Hallowe'en in Northumberland, 245</a>; <a href=
"#halloweenlancashire">Hallowe'en fires in France, 245
<i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-7">&sect; 7. <i>The Midwinter Fires</i>, pp.
246-269</a>.&mdash;<a href="#winterfire">Christmas the continuation
of an old heathen festival of the sun, 246</a>; <a href=
"#winterlog">the Yule log the Midwinter counterpart of the
Midsummer bonfire, 247</a>; <a href="#yulegermany">the Yule log in
Germany, 247-249</a>; <a href="#yulegermany">in Switzerland,
249</a>; <a href="#yulebelgium">in Belgium, 249</a>; <a href=
"#yulefrance">in France, 249-255</a>; <a href=
"#yulefrenchsuperstitions">French superstitions as to the Yule log,
250</a>; <a href="#yulemarseilles">the Yule log at Marseilles and
in Perigord, 250 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#yulemarseilles">in
Berry, 251 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#yulenormandybrittany">in
Normandy and Brittany, 252 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#yuleardennes">in the Ardennes, 253 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#yulevosges">in the Vosges, 254</a>; <a href="#yulevosges">in
Franche-Comt&eacute;, 254 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#yuleengland">the Yule log and Yule candle in England,
255-258</a>; <a href="#yuleyorkshire">the Yule log in the north of
England and Yorkshire, 256 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#yuleyorkshire">in Lincolnshire, Warwickshire, Shropshire, and
Herefordshire, 257 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#yuleyorkshire">in
Wales, 258</a>; <a href="#yuleservia">in Servia, 258-262</a>;
<a href="#yuleslavonia">among the Servians of Slavonia, 262
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#yuledalmatia">among the Servians of
Dalmatia, Herzegovina, and Montenegro, 263 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#yuledalmatia">in Albania, 264</a>; <a href="#yulefire">belief
that the Yule log protects against fire and lightning, 264
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#yulepublic">public fire-festivals at
Midwinter, 265-269</a>; <a href="#yulepublic">Christmas bonfire at
Schweina in Thuringia, 265 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#yulenormandy">Christmas bonfires in Normandy, 266</a>; <a href=
"#yuleman">bonfires on St. Thomas's Day in the Isle of Man,
266</a>; <a href="#yuleman">the "Burning of the Clavie" at Burghead
on the last day of December, 266-268</a>; <a href=
"#yulelerwick">Christmas procession with burning tar-barrels at
Lerwick, 268 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-8">&sect; 8. <i>The Need-fire</i>, pp.
269-300</a>.&mdash;<a href="#needfire">Need-fire kindled not at
fixed periods but on occasions of distress and calamity, 269</a>;
<a href="#needmiddleages">the need-fire in the Middle Ages and down
to the end of the sixteenth century, 270 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#needmethod">mode of kindling the need-fire by the friction of
wood, 271 <i>sq</i>.</a>; <a href="#needhildesheim">the need-fire
in Central Germany, particularly about Hildesheim, 272
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needmark">the need-fire in the Mark,
273</a>; <a href="#needmecklenburg">in Mecklenburg, 274
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needhanover">in Hanover, 275
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needharz">in the Harz Mountains, 276
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needbrunswick">in Brunswick, 277
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needsilesia">in Silesia and Bohemia, 278
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needswitzerland">in Switzerland, 279
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needsweden">in Sweden and Norway,
280</a>; <a href="#needslavonic">among the Slavonic peoples,
281-286</a>; <a href="#needrussia">in Russia and Poland, 281
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needrussia">in Slavonia, 282</a>;
<a href="#needservia">in Servia, 282-284</a>; <a href=
"#needbulgaria">in Bulgaria, 284-286</a>; <a href="#needbosnia">in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, 286</a>; <a href="#needengland">in England,
286-289</a>; <a href="#needengland">in Yorkshire, 286-288</a>;
<a href="#neednorthumberland">in Northumberland, 288
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needscotland">in Scotland, 289-297</a>;
<a href="#needscotland">Martin's account of it in the Highlands,
289</a>; <a href="#needmull">the need-fire in Mull, 289
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needcaithness">in Caithness, 290-292</a>;
<a href="#needcaithness2">W. Grant Stewart's account of the
need-fire, 292 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needcarmichael">Alexander
Carmichael's account, 293-295</a>; <a href="#needaberdeenshire">the
need-fire in Aberdeenshire, 296</a>; <a href="#needperthshire">in
Perthshire, 296 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needireland">in Ireland,
297</a>; <a href="#needrelic">the use of need-fire a relic of the
time when all fires were similarly kindled by the friction of wood,
297 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#needbelief">the belief that need-fire
cannot kindle if any other fire remains alight in the
neighbourhood, 298 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#neediroquois">the
need-fire among the Iroquois of North America, 299
<i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect4-9">&sect; 9. <i>The Sacrifice of an Animal to
stay a Cattle-plague</i>, pp. 300-327</a>.&mdash;<a href=
"#sacrificeengland">The burnt sacrifice of a calf in England and
Wales, 300 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#sacrificeengland">burnt
sacrifices of animals in Scotland, 301 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#sacrificecalf">calf burnt in order to break a spell which has
been cast on the herd, 302 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#sacrificemode">mode in which the burning of a bewitched animal is
supposed to break the spell, 303-305</a>; <a href=
"#sacrificewitch">in burning the bewitched animal you burn the
witch herself, 305</a>; <a href="#sacrificeman">practice of burning
cattle and sheep as sacrifices in the Isle of Man, 305-307</a>;
<a href="#sacrificeappear">by burning a bewitched animal you compel
the witch to appear, 307</a>; <a href="#magicsympathy">magic
sympathy between the witch and the bewitched animal, 308</a>;
<a href="#parallelbelief">similar sympathy between a were-wolf and
his or her human shape, wounds inflicted on the animal are felt by
the man or woman, 308</a>; <a href="#parallelbelief">were-wolves in
Europe, 308-310</a>; <a href="#chinawerewolves">in China, 310
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#toradjaswerewolves">among the Toradjas of
Central Celebes, 311-313 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#werewolvessudan">in the Egyptian Sudan, 313 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#werewolfpetronius">the were-wolf story in Petronius, 313
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#witchesanimals">witches like were-wolves
can temporarily transform themselves into animals, and wounds
inflicted on the transformed animals appear on the persons of the
witches, 315 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#woundsinflicted">instances
of such transformations and wounds in Scotland, England, Ireland,
France, and Germany, 316-321</a>; <a href=
"#analogywerewolves">hence the reason for burning bewitched animals
is either to burn the witch herself or at all events to compel her
to appear, 321 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#bewitchedthings">the like
reason for burning bewitched things, 322 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#bewitchedthings">similarly by burning alive a person whose
likeness a witch has assumed you compel the witch to disclose
herself, 323</a>; <a href="#witchireland">woman burnt alive as a
witch in Ireland at the end of the nineteenth century, 323
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#animalsburied">bewitched animals
sometimes buried alive instead of being burned, 324-326</a>;
<a href="#calveskilled">calves killed and buried to save the rest
of the herd, 326 <i>sq</i>.</a></p>
<p><a href="#chap5">CHAPTER V.&mdash;THE INTERPRETATION OF THE
FIRE-FESTIVALS, Pp. 328-346</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect5-1">&sect; 1. <i>On the Fire-festivals in
general</i> pp. 328-331</a>.&mdash;<a href=
"#fireresemblance">General resemblance of the fire-festivals to
each other, 328 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#twoexplanations">two
explanations of the festivals suggested, one by W. Mannhardt that
they are sun-charms, the other by Dr. E. Westermarck that they are
purificatory, 329 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#notexclusive">the two
explanations perhaps not mutually exclusive, 330 <i>sq.</i></a></p>
<p><a href="#sect5-2">&sect; 2. <i>The Solar Theory of the
Fire-festivals</i>, pp. 331-341</a>.&mdash;<a href=
"#supplytheory">Theory that the fire-festivals are charms to ensure
a supply of sunshine, 331</a>; <a href=
"#solsticecoincidence">coincidence of two of the festivals with the
solstices, 331 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#bushmenattempt">attempt of
the Bushmen to warm up the fire of Sirius in midwinter by kindling
sticks, 332 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#burningimitations">the
burning wheels and discs of the fire-festivals may be direct
imitations of the sun, 334</a>; <a href="#wheelimitation">the wheel
which is sometimes used to kindle the fire by friction may also be
an imitation of the sun, 334-336</a>; <a href="#fireinfluence">the
influence which the bonfires are supposed to exert on the weather
and vegetation may be thought to be due to an increase of solar
heat produced by the fires, 336-338</a>; <a href=
"#fertilizingfire">the effect which the bonfires are supposed to
have in fertilizing cattle and women may also be attributed to an
increase of solar heat produced by the fires, 338 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#carryingtorches">the carrying of lighted torches about
the country at the festivals may be explained as an attempt to
diffuse the sun's heat, 339-341.</a></p>
<p><a href="#sect5-3">&sect; 3. <i>The Purificatory Theory of the
Fire-festivals</i>, pp. 341-346</a>.&mdash;<a href=
"#purificatorytheory">Theory that the fires at the festivals are
purificatory, being intended to burn up all harmful things,
341</a>; <a href="#destructiveeffect">the purificatory or
destructive effect of the fires is often alleged by the people who
light them, and there is no reason to reject this explanation, 341
<i>sq.</i></a>; <a href="#destructiveeffect">the great evil against
which the fire at the festivals appears to be directed is
witchcraft, 342</a>; <a href="#cattledisease">among the evils for
which the fire-festivals are deemed remedies the foremost is
cattle-disease, and cattle-disease is often supposed to be an
effect of witchcraft, 343 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#averthail">again, the bonfires are thought to avert hail,
thunder, lightning, and various maladies, all of which are
attributed to the maleficent arts of witches, 344 <i>sq.</i></a>;
<a href="#wheelsburn">the burning wheels rolled down hill and the
burning discs thrown into the air may be intended to burn the
invisible witches, 345 <i>sq.</i></a>; <a href=
"#fertilityindirect">on this view the fertility supposed to follow
the use of fire results indirectly from breaking the spells of
witches, 346</a>; <a href="#destructiveprobable">on the whole the
theory of the purificatory or destructive intention of the
fire-festivals seems the more probable, 346.</a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page1" name="page1"></a>[pg 1]</span>
<p>[Transcriber's Note: The brief descriptions often found enclosed
in square brackets are "sidenotes", which appeared in the original
book in the margins of the paragraph following the "sidenote."
Footnotes were originally at the bottoms of the printed pages.]</p>
<h2><a id="chap1" name="chap1">CHAPTER I</a></h2>
<h3>BETWEEN HEAVEN AND EARTH</h3>
<h4><a id="sect1-1" name="sect1-1">&sect; 1. <i>Not to touch the
Earth</i></a></h4>
<a id="priest" name="priest"></a>
<p>[The priest of Aricia and the Golden Bough]</p>
<p>We have travelled far since we turned our backs on Nemi and set
forth in quest of the secret of the Golden Bough. With the present
volume we enter on the last stage of our long journey. The reader
who has had the patience to follow the enquiry thus far may
remember that at the outset two questions were proposed for answer:
Why had the priest of Aricia to slay his predecessor? And why,
before doing so, had he to pluck the Golden Bough?<a id=
"footnotetag1" name="footnotetag1"></a><a href=
"#footnote1"><sup>1</sup></a> Of these two questions the first has
now been answered. The priest of Aricia, if I am right, was one of
those sacred kings or human divinities on whose life the welfare of
the community and even the course of nature in general are believed
to be intimately dependent. It does not appear that the subjects or
worshippers of such a spiritual potentate form to themselves any
very clear notion of the exact relationship in which they stand to
him; probably their ideas on the point are vague and fluctuating,
and we should err if we attempted to define the relationship with
logical precision. All that the people know, or rather imagine, is
that somehow they themselves, their cattle, and their crops are
mysteriously bound up with their divine king, so that according as
he is well or ill the community is healthy or sickly, the flocks
and herds thrive or languish with disease, and the fields yield an
abundant or a scanty harvest. The worst evil which they can
conceive of is the natural death of their ruler, whether he succumb
to <span class="pagenum"><a id="page2" name="page2"></a>[pg
2]</span> sickness or old age, for in the opinion of his followers
such a death would entail the most disastrous consequences on
themselves and their possessions; fatal epidemics would sweep away
man and beast, the earth would refuse her increase, nay the very
frame of nature itself might be dissolved. To guard against these
catastrophes it is necessary to put the king to death while he is
still in the full bloom of his divine manhood, in order that his
sacred life, transmitted in unabated force to his successor, may
renew its youth, and thus by successive transmissions through a
perpetual line of vigorous incarnations may remain eternally fresh
and young, a pledge and security that men and animals shall in like
manner renew their youth by a perpetual succession of generations,
and that seedtime and harvest, and summer and winter, and rain and
sunshine shall never fail. That, if my conjecture is right, was why
the priest of Aricia, the King of the Wood at Nemi, had regularly
to perish by the sword of his successor.</p>
<p>[What was the Golden Bough?]</p>
<p>But we have still to ask, What was the Golden Bough? and why had
each candidate for the Arician priesthood to pluck it before he
could slay the priest? These questions I will now try to
answer.</p>
<a id="sacredkings" name="sacredkings"></a>
<p>[Sacred kings and priests forbidden to touch the ground with
their feet.]</p>
<p>It will be well to begin by noticing two of those rules or
taboos by which, as we have seen, the life of divine kings or
priests is regulated. The first of the rules to which I desire to
call the reader's attention is that the divine personage may not
touch the ground with his foot. This rule was observed by the
supreme pontiff of the Zapotecs in Mexico; he profaned his sanctity
if he so much as touched the ground with his foot.<a id=
"footnotetag2" name="footnotetag2"></a><a href=
"#footnote2"><sup>2</sup></a> Montezuma, emperor of Mexico, never
set foot on the ground; he was always carried on the shoulders of
noblemen, and if he lighted anywhere they laid rich tapestry for
him to walk upon.<a id="footnotetag3" name=
"footnotetag3"></a><a href="#footnote3"><sup>3</sup></a> For the
Mikado of Japan to touch the ground with his foot was a shameful
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page3" name="page3"></a>[pg 3]</span>
degradation; indeed, in the sixteenth century, it was enough to
deprive him of his office. Outside his palace he was carried on
men's shoulders; within it he walked on exquisitely wrought
mats.<a id="footnotetag4" name="footnotetag4"></a><a href=
"#footnote4"><sup>4</sup></a> The king and queen of Tahiti might
not touch the ground anywhere but within their hereditary domains;
for the ground on which they trod became sacred. In travelling from
place to place they were carried on the shoulders of sacred men.
They were always accompanied by several pairs of these sanctified
attendants; and when it became necessary to change their bearers,
the king and queen vaulted on to the shoulders of their new bearers
without letting their feet touch the ground.<a id="footnotetag5"
name="footnotetag5"></a><a href="#footnote5"><sup>5</sup></a> It
was an evil omen if the king of Dosuma touched the ground, and he
had to perform an expiatory ceremony.<a id="footnotetag6" name=
"footnotetag6"></a><a href="#footnote6"><sup>6</sup></a> Within his
palace the king of Persia walked on carpets on which no one else
might tread; outside of it he was never seen on foot but only in a
chariot or on horseback.<a id="footnotetag7" name=
"footnotetag7"></a><a href="#footnote7"><sup>7</sup></a> In old
days the king of Siam never set foot upon the earth, but was
carried on a throne of gold from place to place.<a id=
"footnotetag8" name="footnotetag8"></a><a href=
"#footnote8"><sup>8</sup></a> Formerly neither the kings of Uganda,
nor their mothers, nor their queens might walk on foot outside of
the spacious enclosures in which they lived. Whenever they went
forth they were carried on the shoulders of men of the Buffalo
clan, several of whom accompanied any of these royal personages on
a journey and took it in turn to bear the burden. The king sat
astride the bearer's neck with a leg over each shoulder and his
feet tucked under the bearer's arms. When one of these royal
carriers grew tired he shot the king on to the shoulders of a
second man without allowing the royal feet to touch the ground. In
this way they went at a great pace and travelled long distances in
a day, when the king was on a journey. The bearers had a special
hut in the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page4" name="page4"></a>[pg
4]</span> king's enclosure in order to be at hand the moment they
were wanted.<a id="footnotetag9" name="footnotetag9"></a><a href=
"#footnote9"><sup>9</sup></a> Among the Bakuba or rather Bushongo,
a nation in the southern region of the Congo, down to a few years
ago persons of the royal blood were forbidden to touch the ground;
they must sit on a hide, a chair, or the back of a slave, who
crouched on hands and feet; their feet rested on the feet of
others. When they travelled they were carried on the backs of men;
but the king journeyed in a litter supported on shafts.<a id=
"footnotetag10" name="footnotetag10"></a><a href=
"#footnote10"><sup>10</sup></a> Among the Ibo people about Awka, in
Southern Nigeria, the priest of the Earth has to observe many
taboos; for example, he may not see a corpse, and if he meets one
on the road he must hide his eyes with his wristlet. He must
abstain from many foods, such as eggs, birds of all sorts, mutton,
dog, bush-buck, and so forth. He may neither wear nor touch a mask,
and no masked man may enter his house. If a dog enters his house,
it is killed and thrown out. As priest of the Earth he may not sit
on the bare ground, nor eat things that have fallen on the ground,
nor may earth be thrown at him.<a id="footnotetag11" name=
"footnotetag11"></a><a href="#footnote11"><sup>11</sup></a>
According to ancient Brahmanic ritual a king at his inauguration
trod on a tiger's skin and a golden plate; he was shod with shoes
of boar's skin, and so long as he lived thereafter he might not
stand on the earth with his bare feet.<a id="footnotetag12" name=
"footnotetag12"></a><a href="#footnote12"><sup>12</sup></a></p>
<a id="certain" name="certain"></a>
<p>[Certain persons on certain occasions forbidden to touch the
ground with their feet.]</p>
<p>But besides persons who are permanently sacred or tabooed and
are therefore permanently forbidden to touch the ground with their
feet, there are others who enjoy the character of sanctity or taboo
only on certain occasions, and to whom accordingly the prohibition
in question only applies at the definite seasons during which they
exhale the odour of sanctity. Thus among the Kayans or Bahaus of
Central <span class="pagenum"><a id="page5" name="page5"></a>[pg
5]</span> Borneo, while the priestesses are engaged in the
performance of certain rites they may not step on the ground, and
boards are laid for them to tread on.<a id="footnotetag13" name=
"footnotetag13"></a><a href="#footnote13"><sup>13</sup></a> At a
funeral ceremony observed by night among the Michemis, a Tibetan
tribe near the northern frontier of Assam, a priest fantastically
bedecked with tiger's teeth, many-coloured plumes, bells, and
shells, executed a wild dance for the purpose of exorcising the
evil spirits; then all fires were extinguished and a new light was
struck by a man suspended by his feet from a beam in the ceiling;
"he did not touch the ground," we are told, "in order to indicate
that the light came from heaven."<a id="footnotetag14" name=
"footnotetag14"></a><a href="#footnote14"><sup>14</sup></a> Again,
newly born infants are strongly tabooed; accordingly in Loango they
are not allowed to touch the earth.<a id="footnotetag15" name=
"footnotetag15"></a><a href="#footnote15"><sup>15</sup></a> Among
the Iluvans of Malabar the bridegroom on his wedding-day is bathed
by seven young men and then carried or walks on planks from the
bathing-place to the marriage booth; he may not touch the ground
with his feet.<a id="footnotetag16" name=
"footnotetag16"></a><a href="#footnote16"><sup>16</sup></a> With
the Dyaks of Landak and Tajan, two districts of Dutch Borneo, it is
a custom that for a certain time after marriage neither bride nor
bridegroom may tread on the earth.<a id="footnotetag17" name=
"footnotetag17"></a><a href="#footnote17"><sup>17</sup></a>
Warriors, again, on the war-path are surrounded, so to say, by an
atmosphere of taboo; hence some Indians of North America might not
sit on the bare ground the whole time they were out on a warlike
expedition.<a id="footnotetag18" name="footnotetag18"></a><a href=
"#footnote18"><sup>18</sup></a> In Laos the hunting of elephants
gives rise to many taboos; one of them is that the chief hunter may
not touch the earth with his foot. Accordingly, when he alights
from his elephant, the others spread a carpet of leaves for him to
step upon.<a id="footnotetag19" name="footnotetag19"></a><a href=
"#footnote19"><sup>19</sup></a> German wiseacres recommended that
when witches were led to the block or the stake, they should not be
allowed to touch the bare <span class="pagenum"><a id="page6" name=
"page6"></a>[pg 6]</span> earth, and a reason suggested for the
rule was that if they touched the earth they might make themselves
invisible and so escape. The sagacious author of <i>The
Striped-petticoat Philosophy</i> in the eighteenth century
ridicules the idea as mere silly talk. He admits, indeed, that the
women were conveyed to the place of execution in carts; but he
denies that there is any deep significance in the cart, and he is
prepared to maintain this view by a chemical analysis of the timber
of which the cart was built. To clinch his argument he appeals to
plain matter of fact and his own personal experience. Not a single
instance, he assures us with apparent satisfaction, can be produced
of a witch who escaped the axe or the fire in this fashion. "I have
myself," says he, "in my youth seen divers witches burned, some at
Arnstadt, some at Ilmenau, some at Schwenda, a noble village
between Arnstadt and Ilmenau, and some of them were pardoned and
beheaded before being burned. They were laid on the earth in the
place of execution and beheaded like any other poor sinner; whereas
if they could have escaped by touching the earth, not one of them
would have failed to do so."<a id="footnotetag20" name=
"footnotetag20"></a><a href="#footnote20"><sup>20</sup></a></p>
<a id="sacredtabooed" name="sacredtabooed"></a>
<p>[Sacred or tabooed persons apparently thought to be charged with
a mysterious virtue like a fluid, which will run to waste or
explode if it touches the ground.]</p>
<p>Apparently holiness, magical virtue, taboo, or whatever we may
call that mysterious quality which is supposed to pervade sacred or
tabooed persons, is conceived by the primitive philosopher as a
physical substance or fluid, with which the sacred man is charged
just as a Leyden jar is charged with electricity; and exactly as
the electricity in the jar can be discharged by contact with a good
conductor, so the holiness or magical virtue in the man can be
discharged and drained away by contact with the earth, which on
this theory serves as an excellent conductor for the magical fluid.
Hence in order to preserve the charge from running to waste, the
sacred or tabooed personage must be carefully prevented from
touching the ground; in electrical language he must be insulated,
if he is not to be emptied of the precious substance or fluid with
which he, as a vial, is filled to the brim. And in many cases
apparently the insulation of the tabooed person is recommended as a
precaution not merely for his own sake but for the sake of others;
for <span class="pagenum"><a id="page7" name="page7"></a>[pg
7]</span> since the virtue of holiness or taboo is, so to say, a
powerful explosive which the smallest touch may detonate, it is
necessary in the interest of the general safety to keep it within
narrow bounds, lest breaking out it should blast, blight, and
destroy whatever it comes into contact with.</p>
<a id="thingsaswell" name="thingsaswell"></a>
<p>[Things as well as persons can be charged with the mysterious
quality of holiness or taboo; and when so charged they must be kept
from contact with the ground.]</p>
<p>But things as well as persons are often charged with the
mysterious quality of holiness or taboo; hence it frequently
becomes necessary for similar reasons to guard them also from
coming into contact with the ground, lest they should in like
manner be drained of their valuable properties and be reduced to
mere commonplace material objects, empty husks from which the good
grain has been eliminated. Thus, for example, the most sacred
object of the Arunta tribe in Central Australia is, or rather used
to be, a pole about twenty feet high, which is completely smeared
with human blood, crowned with an imitation of a human head, and
set up on the ground where the final initiatory ceremonies of young
men are performed. A young gum-tree is chosen to form the pole, and
it must be cut down and transported in such a way that it does not
touch the earth till it is erected in its place on the holy ground.
Apparently the pole represents some famous ancestor of the olden
time.<a id="footnotetag21" name="footnotetag21"></a><a href=
"#footnote21"><sup>21</sup></a></p>
<a id="wildmango" name="wildmango"></a>
<p>[Festival of the wild mango tree in British New Guinea.]</p>
<p>Again, at a great dancing festival celebrated by the natives of
Bartle Bay, in British New Guinea, a wild mango tree plays a
prominent part. The tree must be self-sown, that is, really wild
and so young that it has never flowered. It is chosen in the jungle
some five or six weeks before the festival, and a circle is cleared
round its trunk. From that time the master of the ceremonies and
some eight to twenty other men, who have aided him in choosing the
tree and in clearing the jungle, become strictly holy or tabooed.
They sleep by themselves in a house into which no one else may
intrude: they may not wash or drink water, nor even allow it
accidentally to touch their bodies: they are forbidden to eat
boiled food and the fruit of mango trees: they may drink only the
milk of a young coco-nut which has been baked, and they may eat
certain fruits and vegetables, such as paw-paws <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page8" name="page8"></a>[pg 8]</span> (<i>Carica
papaya</i>) and sugar-cane, but only on condition that they have
been baked. All refuse of their food is kept in baskets in their
sleeping-house and may not be removed from it till the festival is
over. At the time when the men begin to observe these rules of
abstinence, some six to ten women, members of the same clan as the
master of the ceremonies, enter on a like period of mortification,
avoiding the company of the other sex, and refraining from water,
all boiled food, and the fruit of the mango tree. These fasting men
and women are the principal dancers at the festival. The dancing
takes place on a special platform in a temporary village which has
been erected for the purpose. When the platform is about to be set
up, the fasting men rub the stepping posts and then suck their
hands for the purpose of extracting the ghost of any dead man that
might chance to be in the post and might be injured by the weight
of the platform pressing down on him. Having carefully extracted
these poor souls, the men carry them away tenderly and set them
free in the forest or the long grass.</p>
<p>[The wild mango tree not allowed to touch the ground.]</p>
<p>On the day before the festival one of the fasting men cuts down
the chosen mango tree in the jungle with a stone adze, which is
never afterwards put to any other use; an iron tool may not be used
for the purpose, though iron tools are now common enough in the
district. In cutting down the mango they place nets on the ground
to catch any leaves or twigs that might fall from the tree as it is
being felled and they surround the trunk with new mats to receive
the chips which fly out under the adze of the woodman; for the
chips may not drop on the earth. Once the tree is down, it is
carried to the centre of the temporary village, the greatest care
being taken to prevent it from coming into contact with the ground.
But when it is brought into the village, the houses are connected
with the top of the mango by means of long vines decorated with the
streamers. In the afternoon the fasting men and women begin to
dance, the men bedizened with gay feathers, armlets, streamers, and
anklets, the women flaunting in parti-coloured petticoats and
sprigs of croton leaves, which wave from their waistbands as they
dance. The dancing stops at sundown, and when the full moon rises
over the shoulder of the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page9" name=
"page9"></a>[pg 9]</span> eastern hill (for the date of the
festival seems to be determined with reference to the time of the
moon), two chiefs mount the gables of two houses on the eastern
side of the square, and, their dusky figures standing sharply out
against the moonlight, pray to the evil spirits to go away and not
to hurt the people. Next morning pigs are killed by being speared
as slowly as possible in order that they may squeal loud and long;
for the people believe that the mango trees hear the squealing, and
are pleased at the sound, and bear plenty of fruit, whereas if they
heard no squeals they would bear no fruit. However, the trees have
to content themselves with the squeals; the flesh of the pigs is
eaten by the people. This ends the festival.</p>
<p>[Final disposition of the wild mango tree.]</p>
<p>Next day the mango is taken down from the platform, wrapt in new
mats, and carried by the fasting men to their sleeping house, where
it is hung from the roof. But after an interval, it may be of many
months, the tree is brought forth again. As to the reason for its
reappearance in public opinions are divided; but some say that the
tree itself orders the master of the ceremonies to bring it forth,
appearing to him in his dreams and saying, "Let me smell the
smoking fat of pigs. So will your pigs be healthy and your crops
will grow." Be that as it may, out it comes, conducted by the
fasting men in their dancing costume; and with it come in the
solemn procession all the pots, spoons, cups and so forth used by
the fasting men during their period of holiness or taboo, also all
the refuse of their food which has been collected for months, and
all the fallen leaves and chips of the mango in their bundles of
mats. These holy relics are carried in front and the mango tree
itself brings up the rear of the procession. While these sacred
objects are being handed out of the house, the men who are present
rush up, wipe off the hallowed dust which has accumulated on them,
and smear it over their own bodies, no doubt in order to steep
themselves in their blessed influence. Thus the tree is carried as
before to the centre of the temporary village, care being again
taken not to let it touch the ground. Then one of the fasting men
takes from a basket a number of young green mangoes, cuts them in
pieces, and places them with his own hands in the mouths of his
fellows, the other <span class="pagenum"><a id="page10" name=
"page10"></a>[pg 10]</span> fasting men, who chew the pieces small
and turning round spit the morsels in the direction of the setting
sun, in order that "the sun should carry the mango bits over the
whole country and everyone should know." A portion of the mango
tree is then broken off and in the evening it is burnt along with
the bundles of leaves, chips, and refuse of food, which have been
stored up. What remains of the tree is taken to the house of the
master of the ceremonies and hung over the fire-place; it will be
brought out again at intervals and burned bit by bit, till all is
consumed, whereupon a new mango will be cut down and treated in
like manner. The ashes of the holy fire on each occasion are
gathered by the people and preserved in the house of the master of
the ceremonies.<a id="footnotetag22" name=
"footnotetag22"></a><a href="#footnote22"><sup>22</sup></a></p>
<p>[The ceremony apparently intended to fertilize the mango
trees.]</p>
<p>The meaning of these ceremonies is not explained by the
authorities who describe them; but we may conjecture that they are
intended to fertilize the mango trees and cause them to bear a good
crop of fruit. The central feature of the whole ritual is a wild
mango tree, so young that it has never flowered: the men who cut it
down, carry it into the village, and dance at the festival, are
forbidden to eat mangoes: pigs are killed in order that their dying
squeals may move the mango trees to bear fruit: at the end of the
ceremonies pieces of young green mangoes are solemnly placed in the
mouths of the fasting men and are by them spurted out towards the
setting sun in order that the luminary may carry the fragments to
every part of the country; and finally when after a longer or
shorter interval the tree is wholly consumed, its place is supplied
by another. All these circumstances are explained simply and
naturally by the supposition that the young mango tree is taken as
a representative of mangoes generally, that the dances are intended
to quicken it, and that it is preserved, like a May-pole of old in
England, as a sort of general fund of vegetable life, till the fund
being exhausted by the destruction of the tree it is renewed by the
importation of a fresh young tree from the forest. We can therefore
understand why, as a storehouse of vital energy, the tree should be
carefully kept from <span class="pagenum"><a id="page11" name=
"page11"></a>[pg 11]</span> contact with the ground, lest the
pent-up and concentrated energy should escape and dribbling away
into the earth be dissipated to no purpose.</p>
<a id="sacredobjects" name="sacredobjects"></a>
<p>[Sacred objects of various sorts not allowed to touch the
ground.]</p>
<p>To take other instances of what we may call the conservation of
energy in magic or religion by insulating sacred bodies from the
ground, the natives of New Britain have a secret society called the
Duk-duk, the members of which masquerade in petticoats of leaves
and tall headdresses of wickerwork shaped like candle
extinguishers, which descend to the shoulders of the wearers,
completely concealing their faces. Thus disguised they dance about
to the awe and terror, real or assumed, of the women and
uninitiated, who take, or pretend to take, them for spirits. When
lads are being initiated into the secrets of this august society,
the adepts cut down some very large and heavy bamboos, one for each
lad, and the novices carry them, carefully wrapt up in leaves, to
the sacred ground, where they arrive very tired and weary, for they
may not let the bamboos touch the ground nor the sun shine on them.
Outside the fence of the enclosure every lad deposits his bamboo on
a couple of forked sticks and covers it up with nut leaves.<a id=
"footnotetag23" name="footnotetag23"></a><a href=
"#footnote23"><sup>23</sup></a> Among the Carrier Indians of
North-Western America, who burned their dead, the ashes of a chief
used to be placed in a box and set on the top of a pole beside his
hut: the box was never allowed to touch the ground.<a id=
"footnotetag24" name="footnotetag24"></a><a href=
"#footnote24"><sup>24</sup></a> In the Omaha tribe of North
American Indians the sacred clam shell of the Elk clan was wrapt up
from sight in a mat, placed on a stand, and never suffered to come
in contact with the earth.<a id="footnotetag25" name=
"footnotetag25"></a><a href="#footnote25"><sup>25</sup></a> The
Cherokees and kindred Indian tribes of the United States used to
have certain sacred boxes or arks, which they regularly took with
them to war. Such a holy ark consisted of a square wooden box,
which contained "certain consecrated vessels made by beloved
superannuated women, and of such various antiquated forms, as would
have puzzled Adam to have given significant names to each." The
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page12" name="page12"></a>[pg
12]</span> leader of a war party and his attendant bore the ark by
turns, but they never set it on the ground nor would they
themselves sit on the bare earth while they were carrying it
against the enemy. Where stones were plentiful they rested the ark
on them; but where no stones were to be found, they deposited it on
short logs. "The Indian ark is deemed so sacred and dangerous to be
touched, either by their own sanctified warriors, or the spoiling
enemy, that they durst not touch it upon any account. It is not to
be meddled with by any, except the war chieftain and his waiter,
under the penalty of incurring great evil. Nor would the most
inveterate enemy touch it in the woods, for the very same reason."
After their return home they used to hang the ark on the leader's
red-painted war pole.<a id="footnotetag26" name=
"footnotetag26"></a><a href="#footnote26"><sup>26</sup></a> At
Sipi, near Simla, in Northern India, an annual fair is held, at
which men purchase wives. A square box with a domed top figures
prominently at the fair. It is fixed on two poles to be carried on
men's shoulders, and long heavily-plaited petticoats hang from it
nearly to the ground. Three sides of the box are adorned with the
head and shoulders of a female figure and the fourth side with a
black yak's tail. Four men bear the poles, each carrying an axe in
his right hand. They dance round, with a swinging rhythmical step,
to the music of drums and a pipe. The dance goes on for hours and
is thought to avert ill-luck from the fair. It is said that the box
is brought to Simla from a place sixty miles off by relays of men,
who may not stop nor set the box on the ground the whole way.<a id=
"footnotetag27" name="footnotetag27"></a><a href=
"#footnote27"><sup>27</sup></a> In Scotland, when water was carried
from sacred wells to sick people, the water-vessel might not touch
the earth.<a id="footnotetag28" name="footnotetag28"></a><a href=
"#footnote28"><sup>28</sup></a> In some parts of Aberdeenshire the
last bunch of standing corn, which is commonly viewed as very
sacred, being the last refuge of the corn-spirit retreating before
the reapers, is not suffered to touch the ground; the master or
"gueedman" sits down and receives each handful of corn as it is cut
on his lap.<a id="footnotetag29" name="footnotetag29"></a><a href=
"#footnote29"><sup>29</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page13" name="page13"></a>[pg
13]</span> <a id="sacredfood" name="sacredfood"></a>
<p>[Sacred food not allowed to touch the earth.]</p>
<p>Again, sacred food may not under certain circumstances be
brought into contact with the earth. Some of the aborigines of
Victoria used to regard the fat of the emu as sacred, believing
that it had once been the fat of the black man. In taking it from
the bird or giving it to another they handled it reverently. Any
one who threw away the fat or flesh of the emu was held accursed.
"The late Mr. Thomas observed on one occasion, at
Nerre-nerre-Warreen, a remarkable exhibition of the effects of this
superstition. An aboriginal child&mdash;one attending the
school&mdash;having eaten some part of the flesh of an emu, threw
away the skin. The skin fell to the ground, and this being observed
by his parents, they showed by their gestures every token of
horror. They looked upon their child as one utterly lost. His
desecration of the bird was regarded as a sin for which there was
no atonement."<a id="footnotetag30" name=
"footnotetag30"></a><a href="#footnote30"><sup>30</sup></a> The
Roumanians of Transylvania believe that "every fresh-baked loaf of
wheaten bread is sacred, and should a piece inadvertently fall to
the ground, it is hastily picked up, carefully wiped and kissed,
and if soiled, thrown into the fire&mdash;partly as an offering to
the dead, and partly because it were a heavy sin to throw away or
tread upon any particle of it."<a id="footnotetag31" name=
"footnotetag31"></a><a href="#footnote31"><sup>31</sup></a> At
certain festivals in south-eastern Borneo the food which is
consumed in the common house may not touch the ground; hence, a
little before the festivals take place, foot-bridges made of thin
poles are constructed from the private dwellings to the common
house.<a id="footnotetag32" name="footnotetag32"></a><a href=
"#footnote32"><sup>32</sup></a> When Hall was living with the
Esquimaux and grew tired of eating walrus, one of the women brought
the head and neck of a reindeer for him to eat. This venison had to
be completely wrapt up before it was brought into the house, and
once in the house it could only be placed on the platform which
served as a bed. "To have placed it on the floor or on the platform
behind the fire-lamp, among the walrus, musk-ox, and polar-bear
meat which occupy a goodly portion of both of these places, would
have horrified the whole town, as, according to the actual
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page14" name="page14"></a>[pg
14]</span> belief of the Innuits, not another walrus could be
secured this year, and there would ever be trouble in catching any
more."<a id="footnotetag33" name="footnotetag33"></a><a href=
"#footnote33"><sup>33</sup></a> But in this case the real scruple
appears to have been felt not so much at placing the venison on the
ground as at bringing it into contact with walrus meat.<a id=
"footnotetag34" name="footnotetag34"></a><a href=
"#footnote34"><sup>34</sup></a></p>
<a id="magicalimplements" name="magicalimplements"></a>
<p>[Magical implements and remedies thought to lose their virtue by
contact with the ground.]</p>
<p>Sometimes magical implements and remedies are supposed to lose
their virtue by contact with the ground, the volatile essence with
which they are impregnated being no doubt drained off into the
earth. Thus in the Boulia district of Queensland the magical bone,
which the native sorcerer points at his victim as a means of
killing him, is never by any chance allowed to touch the
earth.<a id="footnotetag35" name="footnotetag35"></a><a href=
"#footnote35"><sup>35</sup></a> The wives of rajahs in Macassar, a
district of southern Celebes, pride themselves on their luxuriant
tresses and are at great pains to oil and preserve them. Should the
hair begin to grow thin, the lady resorts to many devices to stay
the ravages of time; among other things she applies to her locks a
fat extracted from crocodiles and venomous snakes. The unguent is
believed to be very efficacious, but during its application the
woman's feet may not come into contact with the ground, or all the
benefit of the nostrum would be lost.<a id="footnotetag36" name=
"footnotetag36"></a><a href="#footnote36"><sup>36</sup></a> Some
people in antiquity believed that a woman in hard labour would be
delivered if a spear, which had been wrenched from a man's body
without touching the ground, were thrown over the house where the
sufferer lay. Again, according to certain ancient writers, arrows
which had been extracted from a body without coming into contact
with the earth and laid under sleepers, acted as a
love-charm.<a id="footnotetag37" name="footnotetag37"></a><a href=
"#footnote37"><sup>37</sup></a> Among the peasantry of the
north-east of Scotland the prehistoric <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page15" name="page15"></a>[pg 15]</span> weapons called celts went
by the name of "thunderbolts" and were coveted as the sure bringers
of success, always provided that they were not allowed to fall to
the ground.<a id="footnotetag38" name="footnotetag38"></a><a href=
"#footnote38"><sup>38</sup></a></p>
<a id="serpentseggs" name="serpentseggs"></a>
<p>[Serpents eggs or Snake Stones.]</p>
<p>In ancient Gaul certain glass or paste beads attained great
celebrity as amulets under the name of serpents' eggs; it was
believed that serpents, coiling together in a wriggling, writhing
mass, generated them from their slaver and shot them into the air
from their hissing jaws. If a man was bold and dexterous enough to
catch one of these eggs in his cloak before it touched the ground,
he rode off on horseback with it at full speed, pursued by the
whole pack of serpents, till he was saved by the interposition of a
river, which the snakes could not pass. The proof of the egg being
genuine was that if it were thrown into a stream it would float up
against the current, even though it were hooped in gold. The Druids
held these beads in high esteem; according to them, the precious
objects could only be obtained on a certain day of the moon, and
the peculiar virtue that resided in them was to secure success in
law suits and free access to kings. Pliny knew of a Gaulish knight
who was executed by the emperor Claudius for wearing one of these
amulets.<a id="footnotetag39" name="footnotetag39"></a><a href=
"#footnote39"><sup>39</sup></a> Under the name of Snake Stones
(<i>glain neidr</i>) or Adder Stones the beads are still known in
those parts of our own country where the Celtic population has
lingered, with its immemorial superstitions, down to the present or
recent times; and the old story of the origin of the beads from the
slaver of serpents was believed by the modern peasantry of
Cornwall, Wales, and Scotland as by the Druids of ancient Gaul. In
Cornwall the time when the serpents united to fashion the beads was
commonly said to be at or about Midsummer Eve; in Wales it was
usually thought to be spring, especially the Eve of May Day, and
even within recent years persons in the Principality have affirmed
that they witnessed the great <span class="pagenum"><a id="page16"
name="page16"></a>[pg 16]</span> vernal congress of the snakes and
saw the magic stone in the midst of the froth. The Welsh peasants
believe the beads to possess medicinal virtues of many sorts and to
be particularly efficacious for all maladies of the eyes. In Wales
and Ireland the beads sometimes went by the name of the Magician's
or Druid's Glass (<i>Gleini na Droedh</i> and <i>Glaine nan
Druidhe</i>). Specimens of them may be seen in museums; some have
been found in British barrows. They are of glass of various
colours, green, blue, pink, red, brown, and so forth, some plain
and some ribbed. Some are streaked with brilliant hues. The beads
are perforated, and in the Highlands of Scotland the hole is
explained by saying that when the bead has just been conflated by
the serpents jointly, one of the reptiles sticks his tail through
the still viscous glass. An Englishman who visited Scotland in 1699
found many of these beads in use throughout the country. They were
hung from children's necks to protect them from whooping cough and
other ailments. Snake Stones were, moreover, a charm to ensure
prosperity in general and to repel evil spirits. When one of these
priceless treasures was not on active service, the owner kept it in
an iron box to guard it against fairies, who, as is well known,
cannot abide iron.<a id="footnotetag40" name=
"footnotetag40"></a><a href="#footnote40"><sup>40</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page17" name="page17"></a>[pg
17]</span> <a id="medicinalplants" name="medicinalplants"></a>
<p>[Medicinal plants, water, are not allowed to touch the
earth.]</p>
<p>Pliny mentions several medicinal plants, which, if they were to
retain their healing virtue, ought not to be allowed to touch the
earth.<a id="footnotetag41" name="footnotetag41"></a><a href=
"#footnote41"><sup>41</sup></a> The curious medical treatise of
Marcellus, a native of Bordeaux in the fourth century of our era,
abounds with prescriptions of this sort; and we can well believe
the writer when he assures us that he borrowed many of his quaint
remedies from the lips of common folk and peasants rather than from
the books of the learned.<a id="footnotetag42" name=
"footnotetag42"></a><a href="#footnote42"><sup>42</sup></a> Thus he
tells us that certain white stones found in the stomachs of young
swallows assuage the most persistent headache, always provided that
their virtue be not impaired by contact with the ground.<a id=
"footnotetag43" name="footnotetag43"></a><a href=
"#footnote43"><sup>43</sup></a> Another of his cures for the same
malady is a wreath of fleabane placed on the head, but it must not
touch the earth.<a id="footnotetag44" name=
"footnotetag44"></a><a href="#footnote44"><sup>44</sup></a> On the
same condition a decoction of the root of elecampane in wine kills
worms; a fern, found growing on a tree, relieves the stomach-ache;
and the pastern-bone of a hare is an infallible remedy for colic,
provided, first, it be found in the dung of a wolf, second, that it
docs not touch the ground, and, third, that it is not touched by a
woman.<a id="footnotetag45" name="footnotetag45"></a><a href=
"#footnote45"><sup>45</sup></a> Another cure for colic is effected
by certain hocus-pocus with a scrap of wool from the forehead of a
first-born lamb, if only the lamb, instead of being allowed to fall
to the ground, has been caught by hand as it dropped from its
dam.<a id="footnotetag46" name="footnotetag46"></a><a href=
"#footnote46"><sup>46</sup></a> In Andjra, a district of Morocco,
the people attribute many magical virtues to rain-water which has
fallen on the twenty-seventh day of April, Old Style; accordingly
they collect it and use it for a variety of purposes. Mixed with
tar and sprinkled on the door-posts it prevents snakes and
scorpions from entering the house: sprinkled on heaps of threshed
corn it protects them from the evil eye: mixed with an egg, henna,
and seeds of cress it is an invaluable medicine for sick cows:
poured over a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page18" name=
"page18"></a>[pg 18]</span> plate, on which a passage of the Koran
has been written, it strengthens the memory of schoolboys who drink
it; and if you mix it with cowdung and red earth and paint rings
with the mixture round the trunks of your fig-trees at sunset on
Midsummer Day, you may depend on it that the trees will bear an
excellent crop and will not shed their fruit untimely on the
ground. But in order to preserve these remarkable properties it is
absolutely essential that the water should on no account be allowed
to touch the ground; some say too that it should not be exposed to
the sun nor breathed upon by anybody.<a id="footnotetag47" name=
"footnotetag47"></a><a href="#footnote47"><sup>47</sup></a> Again,
the Moors ascribe great magical efficacy to what they call "the
sultan of the oleander," which is a stalk of oleander with a
cluster of four pairs of leaves springing from it. They think that
the magical virtue is greatest if the stalk has been cut
immediately before midsummer. But when the plant is brought into
the house, the branches may not touch the ground, lest they should
lose their marvellous qualities.<a id="footnotetag48" name=
"footnotetag48"></a><a href="#footnote48"><sup>48</sup></a> In the
olden days, before a Lithuanian or Prussian farmer went forth to
plough for the first time in spring, he called in a wizard to
perform a certain ceremony for the good of the crops. The sage
seized a mug of beer with his teeth, quaffed the liquor, and then
tossed the mug over his head. This signified that the corn in that
year should grow taller than a man. But the mug might not fall to
the ground; it had to be caught by somebody stationed at the
wizard's back, for if it fell to the ground the consequence
naturally would be that the corn also would be laid low on the
earth.<a id="footnotetag49" name="footnotetag49"></a><a href=
"#footnote49"><sup>49</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect1-2" name="sect1-2">&sect; 2. <i>Not to see the
Sun</i></a></h4>
<a id="sacredpersons" name="sacredpersons"></a>
<p>[Sacred persons not allowed to see the sun.]</p>
<p>The second rule to be here noted is that the sun may not shine
upon the divine person. This rule was observed <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page19" name="page19"></a>[pg 19]</span> both by
the Mikado and by the pontiff of the Zapotecs. The latter "was
looked upon as a god whom the earth was not worthy to hold, nor the
sun to shine upon."<a id="footnotetag50" name=
"footnotetag50"></a><a href="#footnote50"><sup>50</sup></a> The
Japanese would not allow that the Mikado should expose his sacred
person to the open air, and the sun was not thought worthy to shine
on his head.<a id="footnotetag51" name="footnotetag51"></a><a href=
"#footnote51"><sup>51</sup></a> The Indians of Granada, in South
America, "kept those who were to be rulers or commanders, whether
men or women, locked up for several years when they were children,
some of them seven years, and this so close that they were not to
see the sun, for if they should happen to see it they forfeited
their lordship, eating certain sorts of food appointed; and those
who were their keepers at certain times went into their retreat or
prison and scourged them severely."<a id="footnotetag52" name=
"footnotetag52"></a><a href="#footnote52"><sup>52</sup></a> Thus,
for example, the heir to the throne of Bogota, who was not the son
but the sister's son of the king, had to undergo a rigorous
training from his infancy: he lived in complete retirement in a
temple, where he might not see the sun nor eat salt nor converse
with a woman: he was surrounded by guards who observed his conduct
and noted all his actions: if he broke a single one of the rules
laid down for him, he was deemed infamous and forfeited all his
rights to the throne.<a id="footnotetag53" name=
"footnotetag53"></a><a href="#footnote53"><sup>53</sup></a> So,
too, the heir to the kingdom of Sogamoso, before succeeding to the
crown, had to fast for seven years in the temple, being shut up in
the dark and not allowed to see the sun or light.<a id=
"footnotetag54" name="footnotetag54"></a><a href=
"#footnote54"><sup>54</sup></a> The prince who was to become Inca
of Peru had to fast for a month without seeing light.<a id=
"footnotetag55" name="footnotetag55"></a><a href=
"#footnote55"><sup>55</sup></a> On <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page20" name="page20"></a>[pg 20]</span> the day when a Brahman
student of the Veda took a bath, to signify that the time of his
studentship was at an end, he entered a cow-shed before sunrise,
hung over the door a skin with the hair inside, and sat there; on
that day the sun should not shine upon him.<a id="footnotetag56"
name="footnotetag56"></a><a href=
"#footnote56"><sup>56</sup></a></p>
<a id="tabooedpersons" name="tabooedpersons"></a> <a id=
"certainpersons" name="certainpersons"></a>
<p>[Tabooed persons not allowed to see the sun; certain persons
forbidden to see fire.]</p>
<p>Again, women after childbirth and their offspring are more or
less tabooed all the world over; hence in Corea the rays of the sun
are rigidly excluded from both mother and child for a period of
twenty-one or a hundred days, according to their rank, after the
birth has taken place.<a id="footnotetag57" name=
"footnotetag57"></a><a href="#footnote57"><sup>57</sup></a> Among
some of the tribes on the north-west coast of New Guinea a woman
may not leave the house for months after childbirth. When she does
go out, she must cover her head with a hood or mat; for if the sun
were to shine upon her, it is thought that one of her male
relations would die.<a id="footnotetag58" name=
"footnotetag58"></a><a href="#footnote58"><sup>58</sup></a> Again,
mourners are everywhere taboo; accordingly in mourning the Ainos of
Japan wear peculiar caps in order that the sun may not shine upon
their heads.<a id="footnotetag59" name="footnotetag59"></a><a href=
"#footnote59"><sup>59</sup></a> During a solemn fast of three days
the Indians of Costa Rica eat no salt, speak as little as possible,
light no fires, and stay strictly indoors, or if they go out during
the day they carefully cover themselves from the light of the sun,
believing that exposure to the sun's rays would turn them
black.<a id="footnotetag60" name="footnotetag60"></a><a href=
"#footnote60"><sup>60</sup></a> On Yule Night it has been customary
in parts of Sweden from time immemorial to go on pilgrimage,
whereby people learn many secret things and know what is to happen
in the coming year. As a preparation for this pilgrimage, "some
secrete themselves for three days previously in a dark cellar, so
as to be shut out altogether from the light of <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page21" name="page21"></a>[pg 21]</span> heaven.
Others retire at an early hour of the preceding morning to some
out-of-the-way place, such as a hay-loft, where they bury
themselves in the hay, that they may neither see nor hear any
living creature; and here they remain, in silence and fasting,
until after sundown; whilst there are those who think it sufficient
if they rigidly abstain from food on the day before commencing
their wanderings. During this period of probation a man ought not
to see fire, but should this have happened, he must strike a light
with flint and steel, whereby the evil that would otherwise have
ensued will be obviated."<a id="footnotetag61" name=
"footnotetag61"></a><a href="#footnote61"><sup>61</sup></a> During
the sixteen days that a Pima Indian is undergoing purification for
killing an Apache he may not see a blazing fire.<a id=
"footnotetag62" name="footnotetag62"></a><a href=
"#footnote62"><sup>62</sup></a></p>
<a id="princesunless" name="princesunless"></a>
<p>[The story of Prince Sunless.]</p>
<p>Acarnanian peasants tell of a handsome prince called Sunless,
who would die if he saw the sun. So he lived in an underground
palace on the site of the ancient Oeniadae, but at night he came
forth and crossed the river to visit a famous enchantress who dwelt
in a castle on the further bank. She was loth to part with him
every night long before the sun was up, and as he turned a deaf ear
to all her entreaties to linger, she hit upon the device of cutting
the throats of all the cocks in the neighbourhood. So the prince,
whose ear had learned to expect the shrill clarion of the birds as
the signal of the growing light, tarried too long, and hardly had
he reached the ford when the sun rose over the Aetolian mountains,
and its fatal beams fell on him before he could regain his dark
abode.<a id="footnotetag63" name="footnotetag63"></a><a href=
"#footnote63"><sup>63</sup></a></p>
<p>Notes:</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1" name=
"footnote1"></a> <b>Footnote 1</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag1">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, i. 44.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2" name=
"footnote2"></a> <b>Footnote 2</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag2">(return)</a>
<p>H.H. Bancroft, <i>Native Races of the Pacific States</i>
(London, 1875-1876), ii. 142; Brasseur de Bourbourg, <i>Histoire
des Nations civilis&eacute;es du Mexique et de
l'Am&eacute;rique-Centrale</i> (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 29.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote3" name=
"footnote3"></a> <b>Footnote 3</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag3">(return)</a>
<p><i>Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l'origine des Indiens</i>,
publi&eacute; par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), p. 108; J. de Acosta,
<i>The Natural and Moral History of the Indies</i>, bk. vii. chap.
22, vol. ii. p. 505 of E. Grimston's translation, edited by (Sir)
Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4" name=
"footnote4"></a> <b>Footnote 4</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag4">(return)</a>
<p><i>Memorials of the Empire of Japon in the XVI. and XVII.
Centuries</i>, edited by T. Rundall (Hakluyt Society, London,
1850), pp. 14, 141; B. Varenius, <i>Descriptio regni Japoniae et
Siam</i> (Cambridge, 1673), p. 11; Caron, "Account of Japan," in
John Pinkerton's <i>Voyages and Travels</i> (London, 1808-1814),
vii. 613; Kaempfer, "History of Japan," in <i>id.</i> vii. 716.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5" name=
"footnote5"></a> <b>Footnote 5</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag5">(return)</a>
<p>W. Ellis, <i>Polynesian Researches</i>, Second Edition (London,
1832-1836), iii. 102 <i>sq.</i>; Captain James Wilson,
<i>Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean</i> (London,
1799), p. 329.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote6" name=
"footnote6"></a> <b>Footnote 6</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag6">(return)</a>
<p>A. Bastian, <i>Der Mensch in der Geschichte</i> (Leipsic, 1860),
iii. 81.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote7" name=
"footnote7"></a> <b>Footnote 7</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag7">(return)</a>
<p>Athenaeus, xii. 8, p. 514 c.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote8" name=
"footnote8"></a> <b>Footnote 8</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag8">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Voiages and Travels of John Struys</i> (London, 1684), p.
30.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote9" name=
"footnote9"></a> <b>Footnote 9</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag9">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, "Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda," <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxii.
(1902) pp. 62, 67; <i>id., The Baganda</i> (London, 1911), pp. 154
<i>sq.</i> Compare L. Decle, <i>Three Years in Savage Africa</i>
(London, 1898), p. 445 note: "Before horses had been introduced
into Uganda the king and his mother never walked, but always went
about perched astride the shoulders of a slave&mdash;a most
ludicrous sight. In this way they often travelled hundreds of
miles." The use both of horses and of chariots by royal personages
may often have been intended to prevent their sacred feet from
touching the ground.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote10" name=
"footnote10"></a> <b>Footnote 10</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag10">(return)</a>
<p>E. Torday et T.A. Joyce, <i>Les Bushongo</i> (Brussels, 1910),
p. 61.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote11" name=
"footnote11"></a> <b>Footnote 11</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag11">(return)</a>
<p>Northcote W. Thomas, <i>Anthropological Report on the
Ibo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria</i> (London, 1913), i. 57
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote12" name=
"footnote12"></a> <b>Footnote 12</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag12">(return)</a>
<p><i>Satapatha Br&acirc;hmana</i>, translated by Julius Eggeling,
Part iii. (Oxford, 1894) pp. 81, 91, 92, 102, 128 <i>sq. (Sacred
Books of the East</i>, vol. xli.).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote13" name=
"footnote13"></a> <b>Footnote 13</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag13">(return)</a>
<p>A.W. Nieuwenhuis, <i>Quer durch Borneo</i> (Leyden, 1904-1907),
i. 172.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote14" name=
"footnote14"></a> <b>Footnote 14</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag14">(return)</a>
<p>Letter of Missionary Krick, in <i>Annales de la Propagation de
la Foi</i>, xxvi. (1854) pp. 86-88.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote15" name=
"footnote15"></a> <b>Footnote 15</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag15">(return)</a>
<p>Pechuel-Loesche, "Indiscretes aus Loango," <i>Zeitschrift
f&uuml;r Ethnologie</i>, x. (1878) pp. 29 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote16" name=
"footnote16"></a> <b>Footnote 16</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag16">(return)</a>
<p>Edgar Thurston, <i>Ethnographic Notes in Southern India</i>
(Madras, 1906), p. 70.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote17" name=
"footnote17"></a> <b>Footnote 17</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag17">(return)</a>
<p>M.C. Schadee, "Het familieleven en familierecht der Dajaks van
Landak en Tajan," <i>Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indi&eacute;</i>, lxiii. (1910) p. 433.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote18" name=
"footnote18"></a> <b>Footnote 18</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag18">(return)</a>
<p>James Adair, <i>History of the American Indians</i> (London,
1775), p. 382; <i>Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John
Tanner</i> (London, 1830), p. 123. As to the taboos to which
warriors are subject see <i>Taboo and the Perils of the Soul</i>,
pp. 157 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote19" name=
"footnote19"></a> <b>Footnote 19</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag19">(return)</a>
<p>Etienne Aymonier, <i>Notes sur le Laos</i> (Saigon, 1885), p.
26.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote20" name=
"footnote20"></a> <b>Footnote 20</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag20">(return)</a>
<p><i>Die gestritgelte Rockenphilosophie</i>,<sup>5</sup>
(Chemnitz, 1759), pp. 586 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote21" name=
"footnote21"></a> <b>Footnote 21</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag21">(return)</a>
<p>Baldwin Spencer and F.J. Gillen, <i>Native Tribes of Central
Australia</i> (London, 1899), pp. 364, 370 <i>sqq.</i>, 629;
<i>id., Across Australia</i> (London, 1912), ii. 280, 285
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote22" name=
"footnote22"></a> <b>Footnote 22</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag22">(return)</a>
<p>C.G. Seligmann, M.D., <i>The Melanesians of British New
Guinea</i> (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 589-599.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote23" name=
"footnote23"></a> <b>Footnote 23</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag23">(return)</a>
<p>George Brown, D.D., <i>Melanesians and Polynesians</i> (London,
1910), pp. 60 <i>sq.</i>, 64. As to the Duk-duk society, see below,
vol. ii. pp. 246 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote24" name=
"footnote24"></a> <b>Footnote 24</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag24">(return)</a>
<p>John Keast Lord, <i>The Naturalist in Vancouver Island and
British Columbia</i> (London, 1866), ii. 237.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote25" name=
"footnote25"></a> <b>Footnote 25</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag25">(return)</a>
<p>Edwin James, <i>Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the
Rocky Mountains</i> (London, 1823), ii. 47; Rev. J. Owen Dorsey,
"Omaha Sociology," <i>Third Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology</i> (Washington, 1884), p. 226.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote26" name=
"footnote26"></a> <b>Footnote 26</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag26">(return)</a>
<p>James Adair, <i>History of the American Indians</i> (London,
1775), pp. 161-163.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote27" name=
"footnote27"></a> <b>Footnote 27</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag27">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) Henry Babington Smith, in <i>Folk-lore</i>, v. (1894) p.
340.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote28" name=
"footnote28"></a> <b>Footnote 28</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag28">(return)</a>
<p>Miss C.F. Gordon Cumming, <i>In the Hebrides</i> (London, 1883),
p. 211.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote29" name=
"footnote29"></a> <b>Footnote 29</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag29">(return)</a>
<p>W. Gregor, "Quelques coutumes du Nord-est du Comt&eacute;
d'Aberdeen," <i>Revue des Traditions populaires</i>, iii. (1888) p.
485 B. Compare <i>Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild</i>, i. 158
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote30" name=
"footnote30"></a> <b>Footnote 30</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag30">(return)</a>
<p>R. Brough Smyth, <i>Aborigines of Victoria</i> (Melbourne and
London, 1878), i. 450.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote31" name=
"footnote31"></a> <b>Footnote 31</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag31">(return)</a>
<p>E. Gerard, <i>The Land beyond the Forest</i> (Edinburgh and
London, 1888), ii. 7.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote32" name=
"footnote32"></a> <b>Footnote 32</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag32">(return)</a>
<p>F. Grabowsky, "Der Distrikt Dusson Timor in S&uuml;dost-Borneo
und seine Bewohner," <i>Das Ausland</i>, 1884, No. 24, p. 470.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote33" name=
"footnote33"></a> <b>Footnote 33</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag33">(return)</a>
<p><i>Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition made by Charles F.
Hall</i>, edited by Prof. J.E. Nourse (Washington, 1879), pp. 110
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote34" name=
"footnote34"></a> <b>Footnote 34</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag34">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>Taboo and Perils of the Soul</i>, pp. 207 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote35" name=
"footnote35"></a> <b>Footnote 35</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag35">(return)</a>
<p>Walter E. Roth, <i>Ethnological Studies among the
North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines</i> (Brisbane and London,
1897), p. 156, &sect; 265. The custom of killing a man by pointing
a bone or stick at him, while the sorcerer utters appropriate
curses, is common among the tribes of Central Australia; but
amongst them there seems to be no objection to place the bone or
stick on the ground; on the contrary, an Arunta wizard inserts the
bone or stick in the ground while he invokes death and destruction
on his enemy. See Baldwin Spencer and F.J. Gillen, <i>Native Tribes
of Central Australia</i> (London, 1899), pp. 534 <i>sqq.; id.,
Northern Tribes of Central Australia</i> (London, 1904), pp. 455
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote36" name=
"footnote36"></a> <b>Footnote 36</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag36">(return)</a>
<p>Hugh Low, <i>Sarawak</i> (London, 1848), pp. 145 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote37" name=
"footnote37"></a> <b>Footnote 37</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag37">(return)</a>
<p>Pliny, <i>Naturalis Historia</i> xxviii. 33 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote38" name=
"footnote38"></a> <b>Footnote 38</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag38">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East
of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), p. 184. As to the superstitions
attaching to stone arrowheads and axeheads (celts), commonly known
as "thunderbolts," in the British Islands, see W.W. Skeat,
"Snakestones and Stone Thunderbolts," <i>Folklore</i>, xxiii.
(1912) pp. 60 <i>sqq.</i>; and as to such superstitions in general,
see Chr. Blinkenberg, <i>The Thunderweapon in Religion and
Folklore</i> (Cambridge, 1911).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote39" name=
"footnote39"></a> <b>Footnote 39</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag39">(return)</a>
<p>Pliny, <i>Naturalis Historia</i>, xxix. 52-54.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote40" name=
"footnote40"></a> <b>Footnote 40</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag40">(return)</a>
<p>W. Borlase, <i>Antiquities, Historical and Monumental, of the
County of Cornwall</i> (London, 1769), pp. 142 <i>sq.</i>; J.
Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 322; J.G. Dalyell, <i>Darker Superstitions of
Scotland</i> (Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 140 <i>sq.</i>; Daniel Wilson,
<i>The Archaeology and Prehistoric Annals of Scotland</i>
(Edinburgh, 1851), pp. 303 <i>sqq.</i>; Lieut.-Col. Forbes Leslie,
<i>The Early Races of Scotland and their Monuments</i> (Edinburgh,
1866), i. 75 <i>sqq.</i>; J.G. Campbell, <i>Witchcraft and Second
Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902),
pp. 84-88; Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of
Wales</i> (London, 1909), pp. 170 <i>sq.</i>; J.C. Davies,
<i>Folk-lore of West and Mid-Wales</i> (Aberystwyth, 1911), p. 76.
Compare W.W. Skeat, "Snakestones and Stone Thunderbolts,"
<i>Folk-lore,</i> xxiii. (1912) pp. 45 <i>sqq.</i> The superstition
is described as follows by Edward Lhwyd in a letter quoted by W.
Borlase (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 142): "In most parts of Wales, and
throughout all Scotland, and in Cornwall, we find it a common
opinion of the vulgar, that about Midsummer-Eve (though in the time
they do not all agree) it is usual for snakes to meet in companies;
and that, by joining heads together, and hissing, a kind of bubble
is formed, which the rest, by continual hissing, blow on till it
passes quite through the body, and then it immediately hardens, and
resembles a glass-ring, which whoever finds (as some old women and
children are persuaded) shall prosper in all his undertakings. The
rings thus generated, are called <i>Gleineu Nadroeth</i>; in
English, Snake-stones. They are small glass amulets, commonly about
half as wide as our finger-rings, but much thicker, of a green
colour usually, though sometimes blue, and waved with red and
white."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote41" name=
"footnote41"></a> <b>Footnote 41</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag41">(return)</a>
<p>Pliny, <i>Naturalis Historia</i> xxiv. 12 and 68, xxv. 171.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote42" name=
"footnote42"></a> <b>Footnote 42</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag42">(return)</a>
<p>Marcellus, <i>De medicamentis</i>, ed. G. Helmreich (Leipsic,
1889), preface, p. i.: "<i>Nec solum veteres medicinae artis
auctores Latino dumtaxat sermone perscriptos ... lectione scrutatus
sum, sed etiam ab agrestibus et plebeis remedia fortuita atque
simplicia, quae experimentis probaverant didici</i>." As to
Marcellus and his work, see Jacob Grimm, "Ueber Marcellus
Burdigalensis," <i>Abhandlungen der koniglichen Akademie der
Wissenschaft zu Berlin</i>, 1847, pp. 429-460; <i>id.</i>, "Ueber
die Marcellischen Formeln," <i>ibid.</i>. 1855, pp. 50-68.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote43" name=
"footnote43"></a> <b>Footnote 43</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag43">(return)</a>
<p>Marcellus, <i>De medicamentis</i>, i. 68.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote44" name=
"footnote44"></a> <b>Footnote 44</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag44">(return)</a>
<p>Marcellus, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 76.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote45" name=
"footnote45"></a> <b>Footnote 45</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag45">(return)</a>
<p>Marcellus, <i>op. cit.</i> xxviii. 28 and 71, xxix. 35.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote46" name=
"footnote46"></a> <b>Footnote 46</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag46">(return)</a>
<p>Marcellus, <i>op. cit.</i> xxix. 51.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote47" name=
"footnote47"></a> <b>Footnote 47</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag47">(return)</a>
<p>Edward Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folklore</i>, xvi. (1905) pp. 32 <i>sq.</i>; <i>id., Ceremonies
and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, certain Dates of the Solar
Year, and the Weather in Morocco</i> (Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 75
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote48" name=
"footnote48"></a> <b>Footnote 48</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag48">(return)</a>
<p>E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905) p. 35 <i>id., Ceremonies and Beliefs
connected with Agriculture, certain Dates of the Solar Year, and
the Weather in Morocco</i> (Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 88
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote49" name=
"footnote49"></a> <b>Footnote 49</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag49">(return)</a>
<p>Matth&auml;us Pr&auml;torius, <i>Deliciae Prussicae</i>,
herausgegeben von Dr. W. Pierson (Berlin, 1871), p. 54.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote50" name=
"footnote50"></a> <b>Footnote 50</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag50">(return)</a>
<p>H.H. Bancroft, <i>Native Races of the Pacific States</i>
(London, 1875-1876), ii. 142; Brasseur de Bourbourg, <i>Histoire
des Nations civilis&eacute;es du Mexique et de l'Am&eacute;rique
Centrale</i> (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 29.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote51" name=
"footnote51"></a> <b>Footnote 51</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag51">(return)</a>
<p>Kaempfer, "History of Japan," in J. Pinkerton's <i>Voyages and
Travels</i>, vii. 717; Caron, "Account of Japan," <i>ibid.</i> vii.
613; B. Varenius, <i>Descriptio regni Japoniae et Siam</i>
(Cambridge, 1673), p. 11: <i>"Radiis solis caput nunquam
illustrabatur: in apertum acrem non procedebat."</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote52" name=
"footnote52"></a> <b>Footnote 52</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag52">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Herrera, <i>General History of the vast Continent and
Islands of America,</i> trans, by Capt. John Stevens (London,
1725-1726), v. 88.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote53" name=
"footnote53"></a> <b>Footnote 53</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag53">(return)</a>
<p>H. Ternaux-Compans, <i>Essai sur l'ancien Cundinamarca</i>
(Paris, N.D.), p. 56; Theodor Waitz, <i>Anthropologie der
Naturv&ouml;lker</i> iv. (Leipsic, 1864) p. 359.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote54" name=
"footnote54"></a> <b>Footnote 54</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag54">(return)</a>
<p>Alonzo de Zurita, "Rapport sur les differentes classes de chefs
de la Nouvelle-Espagne," p. 30, in H. Ternaux-Compans's <i>Voyages,
Relations et M&eacute;moires originaux, pour servir &agrave;
l'Histoire de la D&eacute;couvertede l'Am&eacute;rique</i> (Paris,
1840); Th. Waitz, <i>l.c.</i>; A. Bastian, <i>Die Culturl&auml;nder
des alten Amerika</i> (Berlin, 1878), ii. 204.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote55" name=
"footnote55"></a> <b>Footnote 55</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag55">(return)</a>
<p>Cieza de Leon, <i>Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru</i>
(Hakluyt Society, London, 1883), p. 18.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote56" name=
"footnote56"></a> <b>Footnote 56</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag56">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Grihya S&ucirc;tras</i>, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part
ii. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 165, 275 (<i>Sacred Books of the East</i>,
vol. xxx.). Umbrellas appear to have been sometimes used in ritual
for the purpose of preventing the sunlight from falling on sacred
persons or things. See W. Caland, <i>Altindisches Zauberritual</i>
(Amsterdam, 1900), p. 110 note 12. At an Athenian festival called
Scira the priestess of Athena, the priest of Poseidon, and the
priest of the Sun walked from the Acropolis under the shade of a
huge white umbrella which was borne over their heads by the
Eteobutads. See Harpocration and Suidas, <i>s.v.</i> [Greek:
Skiron]; Scholiast on Aristophanes, <i>Eccles.</i> 18.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote57" name=
"footnote57"></a> <b>Footnote 57</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag57">(return)</a>
<p>Mrs. Bishop, <i>Korea and her Neighbours</i> (London, 1898), ii.
248.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote58" name=
"footnote58"></a> <b>Footnote 58</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag58">(return)</a>
<p>J.L. van Hasselt, "Eenige aanteekeningen aangaande de bewoners
der N. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea," <i>Tijdschrift voor Indische
Taal-Landen Volkenkunde</i>, xxxi. (1886) p. 587.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote59" name=
"footnote59"></a> <b>Footnote 59</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag59">(return)</a>
<p>A. Bastian, <i>Die V&ouml;lker des &ouml;stlichen Asien</i>, v.
(Jena, 1869) p. 366.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote60" name=
"footnote60"></a> <b>Footnote 60</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag60">(return)</a>
<p>W.M. Gabb, "On the Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica,"
<i>Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society held at
Philadelphia</i>, xiv. (Philadelphia, 1876), p. 510.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote61" name=
"footnote61"></a> <b>Footnote 61</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag61">(return)</a>
<p>L. Lloyd, <i>Peasant Life in Sweden</i> (London, 1870), p.
194.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote62" name=
"footnote62"></a> <b>Footnote 62</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag62">(return)</a>
<p>H.H. Bancroft, <i>Native Races of the Pacific States</i>, i.
553. See <i>Taboo and the Perils of the Soul</i>, p. 182.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote63" name=
"footnote63"></a> <b>Footnote 63</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag63">(return)</a>
<p>L. Heuzey, <i>Le Mont Olympe et l'Acarnanie</i> (Paris, 1860),
pp. 458 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page22" name="page22"></a>[pg
22]</span>
<h2><a id="chap2" name="chap2">CHAPTER II</a></h2>
<h3>THE SECLUSION OF GIRLS AT PUBERTY</h3>
<h4><a id="sect2-1" name="sect2-1">&sect; 1. <i>Seclusion of Girls
at Puberty in Africa</i></a></h4>
<a id="puberty" name="puberty"></a> <a id="seclusionakamba" name=
"seclusionakamba"></a> <a id="seclusionbaganda" name=
"seclusionbaganda"></a>
<p>[Girls at puberty forbidden to touch the ground and to see the
sun; seclusion of girls at puberty among the A-Kamba; seclusion of
girls at puberty among the Baganda.]</p>
<p>Now it is remarkable that the foregoing two rules&mdash;not to
touch the ground and not to see the sun&mdash;are observed either
separately or conjointly by girls at puberty in many parts of the
world. Thus amongst the negroes of Loango girls at puberty are
confined in separate huts, and they may not touch the ground with
any part of their bare body.<a id="footnotetag64" name=
"footnotetag64"></a><a href="#footnote64"><sup>64</sup></a> Among
the Zulus and kindred tribes of South Africa, when the first signs
of puberty shew themselves "while a girl is walking, gathering
wood, or working in the field, she runs to the river and hides
herself among the reeds for the day, so as not to be seen by men.
She covers her head carefully with her blanket that the sun may not
shine on it and shrivel her up into a withered skeleton, as would
result from exposure to the sun's beams. After dark she returns to
her home and is secluded" in a hut for some time.<a id=
"footnotetag65" name="footnotetag65"></a><a href=
"#footnote65"><sup>65</sup></a> During her seclusion, which lasts
for about a fortnight, neither she nor the girls who wait upon her
may drink any milk, lest the cattle should die. And should she be
overtaken by the first flow while she is in the fields, she must,
after hiding in the bush, scrupulously avoid all pathways in
returning home.<a id="footnotetag66" name=
"footnotetag66"></a><a href="#footnote66"><sup>66</sup></a> A
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page23" name="page23"></a>[pg
23]</span> reason for this avoidance is assigned by the A-Kamba of
British East Africa, whose girls under similar circumstances
observe the same rule. "A girl's first menstruation is a very
critical period of her life according to A-Kamba beliefs. If this
condition appears when she is away from the village, say at work in
the fields, she returns at once to her village, but is careful to
walk through the grass and not on a path, for if she followed a
path and a stranger accidentally trod on a spot of blood and then
cohabited with a member of the opposite sex before the girl was
better again, it is believed that she would never bear a child."
She remains at home till the symptoms have ceased, and during this
time she may be fed by none but her mother. When the flux is over,
her father and mother are bound to cohabit with each other, else it
is believed that the girl would be barren all her life.<a id=
"footnotetag67" name="footnotetag67"></a><a href=
"#footnote67"><sup>67</sup></a> Similarly, among the Baganda, when
a girl menstruated for the first time she was secluded and not
allowed to handle food; and at the end of her seclusion the kinsman
with whom she was staying (for among the Baganda young people did
not reside with their parents) was obliged to jump over his wife,
which with the Baganda is regarded as equivalent to having
intercourse with her. Should the girl happen to be living near her
parents at the moment when she attained to puberty, she was
expected on her recovery to inform them of the fact, whereupon her
father jumped over her mother. Were this custom omitted, the
Baganda, like the A-Kamba, thought that the girl would never have
children or that they would die in infancy.<a id="footnotetag68"
name="footnotetag68"></a><a href="#footnote68"><sup>68</sup></a>
Thus the pretence of sexual intercourse between the parents or
other relatives of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page24" name=
"page24"></a>[pg 24]</span> the girl was a magical ceremony to
ensure her fertility. It is significant that among the Baganda the
first menstruation was often called a marriage, and the girl was
spoken of as a bride.<a id="footnotetag69" name=
"footnotetag69"></a><a href="#footnote69"><sup>69</sup></a> These
terms so applied point to a belief like that of the Siamese, that a
girl's first menstruation results from her defloration by one of a
host of aerial spirits, and that the wound thus inflicted is
repeated afterwards every month by the same ghostly agency.<a id=
"footnotetag70" name="footnotetag70"></a><a href=
"#footnote70"><sup>70</sup></a> For a like reason, probably, the
Baganda imagine that a woman who does not menstruate exerts a
malign influence on gardens and makes them barren<a id=
"footnotetag71" name="footnotetag71"></a><a href=
"#footnote71"><sup>71</sup></a> if she works in them. For not being
herself fertilized by a spirit, how can she fertilize the
garden?</p>
<a id="seclusiontangayika" name="seclusiontangayika"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the tribes of the
Tanganyika plateau.]</p>
<p>Among the Amambwe, Winamwanga, Alungu, and other tribes of the
great plateau to the west of Lake Tanganyika, "when a young girl
knows that she has attained puberty, she forthwith leaves her
mother's hut, and hides herself in the long grass near the village,
covering her face with a cloth and weeping bitterly. Towards sunset
one of the older women&mdash;who, as directress of the ceremonies,
is called <i>nachimbusa</i>&mdash;follows her, places a cooking-pot
by the cross-roads, and boils therein a concoction of various
herbs, with which she anoints the neophyte. At nightfall the girl
is carried on the old woman's back to her mother's hut. When the
customary period of a few days has elapsed, she is allowed to cook
again, after first whitewashing the floor of the hut. But, by the
following month, the preparations for her initiation are complete.
The novice must remain in her hut throughout the whole period of
initiation, and is carefully guarded by the old women, who
accompany her whenever she leaves her quarters, veiling her head
with a native cloth. The ceremonies last for at least one month."
During this period of seclusion, drumming and songs are kept up
within the mother's hut by the village women, and no male, except,
it is said, the father of twins, is allowed to enter. The
directress of the rites and the older women instruct the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page25" name="page25"></a>[pg
25]</span> young girl as to the elementary facts of life, the
duties of marriage, and the rules of conduct, decorum, and
hospitality to be observed by a married woman. Amongst other things
the damsel must submit to a series of tests such as leaping over
fences, thrusting her head into a collar made of thorns, and so on.
The lessons which she receives are illustrated by mud figures of
animals and of the common objects of domestic life. Moreover, the
directress of studies embellishes the walls of the hut with rude
pictures, each with its special significance and song, which must
be understood and learned by the girl.<a id="footnotetag72" name=
"footnotetag72"></a><a href="#footnote72"><sup>72</sup></a> In the
foregoing account the rule that a damsel at puberty may neither see
the sun nor touch the ground seems implied by the statement that on
the first discovery of her condition she hides in long grass and is
carried home after sunset on the back of an old woman.</p>
<a id="seclusionbritishcentral" name="seclusionbritishcentral"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the tribes of British
Central Africa.]</p>
<p>Among the Nyanja-speaking tribes of Central Angoniland, in
British Central Africa, when a young girl finds that she has become
a woman, she stands silent by the pathway leading to the village,
her face wrapt in her calico. An old woman, finding her there,
takes her off to a stream to bathe; after that the girl is secluded
for six days in the old woman's hut. She eats her porridge out of
an old basket and her relish, in which no salt is put, from a
potsherd. The basket is afterwards thrown away. On the seventh day
the aged matrons gather together, go with the girl to a stream, and
throw her into the water. In returning they sing songs, and the old
woman, who directs the proceedings, carries the maiden on her back.
Then they spread a mat and fetch her husband and set the two down
on the mat and shave his head. When it is dark, the old women
escort the girl to her husband's hut. There the <i>ndiwo</i> relish
is cooking on the fire. During the night the woman rises and puts
some salt in the pot. Next morning, before dawn, while all is dark
and the villagers have not yet opened their doors, the young
married woman goes off and gives some of the relish to her mother
and to the old woman who was mistress of the ceremony. This relish
she sets down at the doors of their <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page26" name="page26"></a>[pg 26]</span> houses and goes away. And
in the morning, when the sun has risen and all is light in the
village, the two women open their doors, and there they find the
relish with the salt in it; and they take of it and rub it on their
feet and under their arm-pits; and if there are little children in
the house, they eat of it. And if the young wife has a kinsman who
is absent from the village, some of the relish is put on a splinter
of bamboo and kept against his return, that when he comes he, too,
may rub his feet with it. But if the woman finds that her husband
is impotent, she does not rise betimes and go out in the dark to
lay the relish at the doors of her mother and the old woman. And in
the morning, when the sun is up and all the village is light, the
old women open their doors, and see no relish there, and they know
what has happened, and so they go wilily to work. For they persuade
the husband to consult the diviner that he may discover how to cure
his impotence; and while he is closeted with the wizard, they fetch
another man, who finishes the ceremony with the young wife, in
order that the relish may be given out and that people may rub
their feet with it. But if it happens that when a girl comes to
maturity she is not yet betrothed to any man, and therefore has no
husband to go to, the matrons tell her that she must go to a lover
instead. And this is the custom which they call <i>chigango</i>. So
in the evening she takes her cooking pot and relish and hies away
to the quarters of the young bachelors, and they very civilly sleep
somewhere else that night. And in the morning the girl goes back to
the <i>kuka</i> hut.<a id="footnotetag73" name=
"footnotetag73"></a><a href="#footnote73"><sup>73</sup></a></p>
<a id="abstinencesalt" name="abstinencesalt"></a>
<p>[Abstinence from salt associated with a rule of chastity in many
tribes.]</p>
<p>From the foregoing account it appears that among these tribes no
sooner has a girl attained to womanhood than she is expected and
indeed required to give proof of her newly acquired powers by
cohabiting with a man, whether her husband or another. And the
abstinence from salt during the girl's seclusion is all the more
remarkable because as soon as the seclusion is over she has to use
salt for a particular purpose, to which the people evidently attach
very great importance, since in the event of her husband proving
impotent she is even compelled, apparently, to commit <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page27" name="page27"></a>[pg 27]</span> adultery
in order that the salted relish may be given out as usual. In this
connexion it deserves to be noted that among the Wagogo of German
East Africa women at their monthly periods may not sleep with their
husbands and may not put salt in food.<a id="footnotetag74" name=
"footnotetag74"></a><a href="#footnote74"><sup>74</sup></a> A
similar rule is observed by the Nyanja-speaking tribes of Central
Angoniland, with whose puberty customs we are here concerned. Among
them, we are told, "some superstition exists with regard to the use
of salt. A woman during her monthly sickness must on no account put
salt into any food she is cooking, lest she give her husband or
children a disease called <i>tsempo</i> (<i>chitsoko soko</i>) but
calls a child to put it in, or, as the song goes, '<i>Natira
nichere ni bondo chifukwa n'kupanda mwana</i>' and pours in the
salt by placing it on her knee, because there is no child handy.
Should a party of villagers have gone to make salt, all sexual
intercourse is forbidden among the people of the village, until the
people who have gone to make the salt (from grass) return. When
they do come back, they must make their entry into the village at
night, and no one must see them. Then one of the elders of the
village sleeps with his wife. She then cooks some relish, into
which she puts some of the salt. This relish is handed round to the
people who went to make the salt, who rub it on their feet and
under their armpits."<a id="footnotetag75" name=
"footnotetag75"></a><a href="#footnote75"><sup>75</sup></a> Hence
it would seem that in the mind of these people abstinence from salt
is somehow associated with the idea of chastity. The same
association meets us in the customs of many peoples in various
parts of the world. For example, ancient Hindoo ritual prescribed
that for three nights after a husband had brought his bride home,
the two should sleep on the ground, remain chaste, and eat no
salt.<a id="footnotetag76" name="footnotetag76"></a><a href=
"#footnote76"><sup>76</sup></a> Among the Baganda, when a man was
making a net, he had to refrain from eating salt and meat and from
living with his wife; these restrictions he observed until the net
took its first catch of fish. Similarly, so long as a fisherman's
nets or traps were in the water, he must live apart from his wife,
and neither he nor she nor their children might eat salt or
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page28" name="page28"></a>[pg
28]</span> meat.<a id="footnotetag77" name=
"footnotetag77"></a><a href="#footnote77"><sup>77</sup></a>
Evidence of the same sort could be multiplied,<a id="footnotetag78"
name="footnotetag78"></a><a href="#footnote78"><sup>78</sup></a>
but without going into it further we may say that for some reason
which is not obvious to us primitive man connects salt with the
intercourse of the sexes and therefore forbids the use of that
condiment in a variety of circumstances in which he deems
continence necessary or desirable. As there is nothing which the
savage regards as a greater bar between the sexes than the state of
menstruation, he naturally prohibits the use of salt to women and
girls at their monthly periods.</p>
<a id="seclusionnyassa" name="seclusionnyassa"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the tribes about Lake
Nyassa and on the Zambesi.]</p>
<p>With the Awa-nkonde, a tribe at the northern end of Lake Nyassa,
it is a rule that after her first menstruation a girl must be kept
apart, with a few companions of her own sex, in a darkened house.
The floor is covered with dry banana leaves, but no fire may be lit
in the house, which is called "the house of the Awasungu," that is,
"of maidens who have no hearts."<a id="footnotetag79" name=
"footnotetag79"></a><a href="#footnote79"><sup>79</sup></a> When a
girl reaches puberty, the Wafiomi of Eastern Africa hold a festival
at which they make a noise with a peculiar kind of rattle. After
that the girl remains for a year in the large common hut
(<i>tembe</i>), where she occupies a special compartment screened
off from the men's quarters. She may not cut her hair or touch
food, but is fed by other women. At night, however, she quits the
hut and dances with young men.<a id="footnotetag80" name=
"footnotetag80"></a><a href="#footnote80"><sup>80</sup></a> Among
the Barotse or Marotse of the upper Zambesi, "when a girl arrives
at the age of puberty she is sent into the fields, where a hut is
constructed far from the village. There, with two or three
companions, she spends a month, returning home late and starting
before dawn in order not to be seen by the men. The women of the
village visit her, bringing food and honey, and singing and dancing
to amuse her. At the end of a month her husband comes and fetches
her. It is only after this ceremony that women have the right to
smear themselves with ochre."<a id="footnotetag81" name=
"footnotetag81"></a><a href="#footnote81"><sup>81</sup></a> We may
suspect that the chief reason why <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page29" name="page29"></a>[pg 29]</span> the girl during her
seclusion may visit her home only by night is a fear, not so much
lest she should be seen by men, as that she might be seen by the
sun. Among the Wafiomi, as we have just learned, the young woman in
similar circumstances is even free to dance with men, provided
always that the dance is danced at night. The ceremonies among the
Barotse or Marotse are somewhat more elaborate for a girl of the
royal family. She is shut up for three months in a place which is
kept secret from the public; only the women of her family know
where it is. There she sits alone in the darkness of the hut,
waited on by female slaves, who are strictly forbidden to speak and
may communicate with her and with each other only by signs. During
all this time, though she does nothing, she eats much, and when at
last she comes forth, her appearance is quite changed, so fat has
she grown. She is then led by night to the river and bathed in
presence of all the women of the village. Next day she flaunts
before the public in her gayest attire, her head bedecked with
ornaments and her face mottled with red paint. So everybody knows
what has happened.<a id="footnotetag82" name=
"footnotetag82"></a><a href="#footnote82"><sup>82</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionthonga" name="seclusionthonga"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Thonga on Delagoa
Bay.]</p>
<p>Among the northern clans of the Thonga tribe, in South-Eastern
Africa, about Delagoa Bay, when a girl thinks that the time of her
nubility is near, she chooses an adoptive mother, perhaps in a
neighbouring village. When the symptoms appear, she flies away from
her own village and repairs to that of her adopted mother "to weep
near her." After that she is secluded with several other girls in
the same condition for a month. They are shut up in a hut, and
whenever they come outside they must wear a dirty greasy cloth over
their faces as a veil. Every morning they are led to a pool and
plunged in the water up to their necks. Initiated girls or women
accompany them, singing obscene songs and driving away with sticks
any man who meets them; for no man may see a girl during this time
of seclusion. If he saw her, it is said that he would be struck
blind. On their return from the river, the girls are again
imprisoned in the hut, where they remain wet and shivering, for
they may not go near the fire to warm themselves. During their
seclusion they listen to lascivious songs sung by <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page30" name="page30"></a>[pg 30]</span> grown
women and are instructed in sexual matters. At the end of the month
the adoptive mother brings the girl home to her true mother and
presents her with a pot of beer.<a id="footnotetag83" name=
"footnotetag83"></a><a href="#footnote83"><sup>83</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusioncaffre" name="seclusioncaffre"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Caffre tribes of South
Africa.]</p>
<p>Among the Caffre tribes of South Africa the period of a girl's
seclusion at puberty varies with the rank of her father. If he is a
rich man, it may last twelve days; if he is a chief, it may last
twenty-four days.<a id="footnotetag84" name=
"footnotetag84"></a><a href="#footnote84"><sup>84</sup></a> And
when it is over, the girl rubs herself over with red earth, and
strews finely powdered red earth on the ground, before she leaves
the hut where she has been shut up. Finally, though she was
forbidden to drink milk all the days of her separation, she washes
out her mouth with milk, and is from that moment regarded as a
full-grown woman.<a id="footnotetag85" name=
"footnotetag85"></a><a href="#footnote85"><sup>85</sup></a>
Afterwards, in the dusk of the evening, she carries away all the
objects with which she came into contact in the hut during her
seclusion and buries them secretly in a sequestered spot.<a id=
"footnotetag86" name="footnotetag86"></a><a href=
"#footnote86"><sup>86</sup></a> When the girl is a chief's daughter
the ceremonies at her liberation from the hut are more elaborate
than usual. She is led forth from the hut by a son of her father's
councillor, who, wearing the wings of a blue crane, the badge of
bravery, on his head, escorts her to the cattle kraal, where cows
are slaughtered and dancing takes place. Large skins full of milk
are sent to the spot from neighbouring villages; and after the
dances are over the girl drinks milk for the first time since the
day she entered into retreat. But the first mouthful is drunk by
the girl's aunt or other female relative who had charge of her
during her seclusion; and a little of it is poured on the
fire-place.<a id="footnotetag87" name="footnotetag87"></a><a href=
"#footnote87"><sup>87</sup></a> Amongst the Zulus, when the girl
was a princess royal, the end of her time of separation was
celebrated by a sort of saturnalia: law and order were for the time
being in abeyance: every man, woman, and child might appropriate
any article of property: the king abstained from interfering; and
if during this reign of misrule he was robbed of anything he valued
he could only <span class="pagenum"><a id="page31" name=
"page31"></a>[pg 31]</span> recover it by paying a fine.<a id=
"footnotetag88" name="footnotetag88"></a><a href=
"#footnote88"><sup>88</sup></a> Among the Basutos, when girls at
puberty are bathed as usual by the matrons in a river, they are
hidden separately in the turns and bends of the stream, and told to
cover their heads, as they will be visited by a large serpent.
Their limbs are then plastered with clay, little masks of straw are
put on their faces, and thus arrayed they daily follow each other
in procession, singing melancholy airs, to the fields, there to
learn the labours of husbandry in which a great part of their adult
life will be passed.<a id="footnotetag89" name=
"footnotetag89"></a><a href="#footnote89"><sup>89</sup></a> We may
suppose, though we are not told, that the straw masks which they
wear in these processions are intended to hide their faces from the
gaze of men and the rays of the sun.</p>
<a id="seclusionlowercongo" name="seclusionlowercongo"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty in the Lower Congo.]</p>
<p>Among the tribes in the lower valley of the Congo, such as the
Bavili, when a girl arrives at puberty, she has to pass two or
three months in seclusion in a small hut built for the purpose. The
hair of her head is shaved off, and every day the whole of her body
is smeared with a red paint (<i>takulla</i>) made from a powdered
wood mixed with water. Some of her companions reside in the hut
with her and prepare the paint for her use. A woman is appointed to
take charge of the hut and to keep off intruders. At the end of her
confinement she is taken to water by the women of her family and
bathed; the paint is rubbed off her body, her arms and legs are
loaded with brass rings, and she is led in solemn procession under
an umbrella to her husband's house. If these ceremonies were not
performed, the people believe that the girl would be barren or
would give birth to monsters, that the rain would cease to fall,
the earth to bear fruit, and the fishing to be successful.<a id=
"footnotetag90" name="footnotetag90"></a><a href=
"#footnote90"><sup>90</sup></a> Such serious importance do these
savages <span class="pagenum"><a id="page32" name="page32"></a>[pg
32]</span> ascribe to the performance of rites which to us seem so
childish.</p>
<h4><a id="sect2-2" name="sect2-2">&sect; 2. <i>Seclusion of Girls
at Puberty in New Ireland, New Guinea, and Indonesia</i></a></h4>
<a id="seclusionnewireland" name="seclusionnewireland"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty in New Ireland.]</p>
<p>In New Ireland girls are confined for four or five years in
small cages, being kept in the dark and not allowed to set foot on
the ground. The custom has been thus described by an eye-witness.
"I heard from a teacher about some strange custom connected with
some of the young girls here, so I asked the chief to take me to
the house where they were. The house was about twenty-five feet in
length, and stood in a reed and bamboo enclosure, across the
entrance to which a bundle of dried grass was suspended to show
that it was strictly '<i>tabu</i>.' Inside the house were three
conical structures about seven or eight feet in height, and about
ten or twelve feet in circumference at the bottom, and for about
four feet from the ground, at which point they tapered off to a
point at the top. These cages were made of the broad leaves of the
pandanus-tree, sewn quite close together so that no light and
little or no air could enter. On one side of each is an opening
which is closed by a double door of plaited cocoa-nut tree and
pandanus-tree leaves. About three feet from the ground there is a
stage of bamboos which forms the floor. In each of these cages we
were told there was a young woman confined, each of whom had to
remain for at least four or five years, without ever being allowed
to go outside the house. I could scarcely credit the story when I
heard it; the whole thing seemed too horrible to be true. I spoke
to the chief, and told him that I wished to see the inside of the
cages, and also to see the girls that I might make them a present
of a few beads. He told me that it was '<i>tabu</i>,' forbidden for
any men but their own relations to look at them; but I suppose the
promised beads <span class="pagenum"><a id="page33" name=
"page33"></a>[pg 33]</span> acted as an inducement, and so he sent
away for some old lady who had charge, and who alone is allowed to
open the doors. While we were waiting we could hear the girls
talking to the chief in a querulous way as if objecting to
something or expressing their fears. The old woman came at length
and certainly she did not seem a very pleasant jailor or guardian;
nor did she seem to favour the request of the chief to allow us to
see the girls, as she regarded us with anything but pleasant looks.
However, she had to undo the door when the chief told her to do so,
and then the girls peeped out at us, and, when told to do so, they
held out their hands for the beads. I, however, purposely sat at
some distance away and merely held out the beads to them, as I
wished to draw them quite outside, that I might inspect the inside
of the cages. This desire of mine gave rise to another difficulty,
as these girls were not allowed to put their feet to the ground all
the time they were confined in these places. However, they wished
to get the beads, and so the old lady had to go outside and collect
a lot of pieces of wood and bamboo, which she placed on the ground,
and then going to one of the girls, she helped her down and held
her hand as she stepped from one piece of wood to another until she
came near enough to get the beads I held out to her. I then went to
inspect the inside of the cage out of which she had come, but could
scarcely put my head inside of it, the atmosphere was so hot and
stifling. It was clean and contained nothing but a few short
lengths of bamboo for holding water. There was only room for the
girl to sit or lie down in a crouched position on the bamboo
platform, and when the doors are shut it must be nearly or quite
dark inside. The girls are never allowed to come out except once a
day to bathe in a dish or wooden bowl placed close to each cage.
They say that they perspire profusely. They are placed in these
stifling cages when quite young, and must remain there until they
are young women, when they are taken out and have each a great
marriage feast provided for them. One of them was about fourteen or
fifteen years old, and the chief told us that she had been there
for five years, but would soon be taken out now. The other two were
about eight and ten years old, and they have to stay there for
several years <span class="pagenum"><a id="page34" name=
"page34"></a>[pg 34]</span> longer."<a id="footnotetag91" name=
"footnotetag91"></a><a href="#footnote91"><sup>91</sup></a> A more
recent observer has described the custom as it is observed on the
western coast of New Ireland. He says: "A <i>buck</i> is the name
of a little house, not larger than an ordinary hen-coop, in which a
little girl is shut up, sometimes for weeks only, and at other
times for months.... Briefly stated, the custom is this. Girls, on
attaining puberty or betrothal, are enclosed in one of these little
coops for a considerable time. They must remain there night and
day. We saw two of these girls in two coops; the girls were not
more than ten years old, still they were lying in a doubled-up
position, as their little houses would not admit of them lying in
any other way. These two coops were inside a large house; but the
chief, in consideration of a present of a couple of tomahawks,
ordered the ends to be torn out of the house to admit the light, so
that we might photograph the <i>buck</i>. The occupant was allowed
to put her face through an opening to be photographed, in
consideration of another present."<a id="footnotetag92" name=
"footnotetag92"></a><a href="#footnote92"><sup>92</sup></a> As a
consequence of their long enforced idleness in the shade the girls
grow fat and their dusky complexion bleaches to a more pallid hue.
Both their corpulence and their pallor are regarded as
beauties.<a id="footnotetag93" name="footnotetag93"></a><a href=
"#footnote93"><sup>93</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page35" name="page35"></a>[pg
35]</span> <a id="seclusionnewguinea" name=
"seclusionnewguinea"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty in New Guinea, Borneo, Ceram and
Yap.]</p>
<p>In Kabadi, a district of British New Guinea, "daughters of
chiefs, when they are about twelve or thirteen years of age, are
kept indoors for two or three years, never being allowed, under any
pretence, to descend from the house, and the house is so shaded
that the sun cannot shine on them."<a id="footnotetag94" name=
"footnotetag94"></a><a href="#footnote94"><sup>94</sup></a> Among
the Yabim and Bukaua, two neighbouring and kindred tribes on the
coast of German New Guinea, a girl at puberty is secluded for some
five or six weeks in an inner part of the house; but she may not
sit on the floor, lest her uncleanness should cleave to it, so a
log of wood is placed for her to squat on. Moreover, she may not
touch the ground with her feet; hence if she is obliged to quit the
house for a short time, she is muffled up in mats and walks on two
halves of a coconut shell, which are fastened like sandals to her
feet by creeping plants. During her seclusion she is in charge of
her aunts or other female relatives. At the end of the time she
bathes, her person is loaded with ornaments, her face is
grotesquely painted with red stripes on a white ground, and thus
adorned she is brought forth in public to be admired by everybody.
She is now marriageable.<a id="footnotetag95" name=
"footnotetag95"></a><a href="#footnote95"><sup>95</sup></a> Among
the Ot Danoms of Borneo girls at the age of eight or ten years are
shut up in a little room or cell of the house, and cut off from all
intercourse with the world for a long time. The cell, like the rest
of the house, is raised on piles above the ground, and is lit by a
single small window opening on a lonely place, so that the girl is
in almost total darkness. She may not leave the room on any pretext
whatever, not even for the most necessary purposes. None of her
family may see her all the time she is shut up, but a single slave
woman is appointed to wait on her. During her lonely confinement,
which often lasts seven years, the girl occupies herself in weaving
mats or with other handiwork. Her bodily growth is stunted by the
long want of exercise, and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page36"
name="page36"></a>[pg 36]</span> when, on attaining womanhood, she
is brought out, her complexion is pale and wax-like. She is now
shewn the sun, the earth, the water, the trees, and the flowers, as
if she were newly born. Then a great feast is made, a slave is
killed, and the girl is smeared with his blood.<a id=
"footnotetag96" name="footnotetag96"></a><a href=
"#footnote96"><sup>96</sup></a> In Ceram girls at puberty were
formerly shut up by themselves in a hut which was kept dark.<a id=
"footnotetag97" name="footnotetag97"></a><a href=
"#footnote97"><sup>97</sup></a> In Yap, one of the Caroline
Islands, should a girl be overtaken by her first menstruation on
the public road, she may not sit down on the earth, but must beg
for a coco-nut shell to put under her. She is shut up for several
days in a small hut at a distance from her parents' house, and
afterwards she is bound to sleep for a hundred days in one of the
special houses which are provided for the use of menstruous
women.<a id="footnotetag98" name="footnotetag98"></a><a href=
"#footnote98"><sup>98</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect2-3" name="sect2-3">&sect; 3. <i>Seclusion of Girls
at Puberty in the Torres Straits Islands and Northern
Australia</i></a></h4>
<a id="seclusionmabuiag" name="seclusionmabuiag"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty in Mabuiag, Torres Straits.]</p>
<p>In the island of Mabuiag, Torres Straits, when the signs of
puberty appear on a girl, a circle of bushes is made in a dark
corner of the house. Here, decked with shoulder-belts, armlets,
leglets just below the knees, and anklets, wearing a chaplet on her
head, and shell ornaments in her ears, on her chest, and on her
back, she squats in the midst of the bushes, which are piled so
high round about her that only her head is visible. In this state
of seclusion she must remain for three months. All this time the
sun may not shine upon her, but at night she is allowed to slip out
of the hut, and the bushes that hedge her in are then changed. She
may not feed herself or handle food, but is fed by one or two old
women, her maternal aunts, who are especially appointed to look
after her. One of these women cooks food for her at a special fire
in the forest. The girl is forbidden to eat turtle or <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page37" name="page37"></a>[pg 37]</span> turtle
eggs during the season when the turtles are breeding; but no
vegetable food is refused her. No man, not even her own father, may
come into the house while her seclusion lasts; for if her father
saw her at this time he would certainly have bad luck in his
fishing, and would probably smash his canoe the very next time he
went out in it. At the end of the three months she is carried down
to a fresh-water creek by her attendants, hanging on to their
shoulders in such a way that her feet do not touch the ground,
while the women of the tribe form a ring round her, and thus escort
her to the beach. Arrived at the shore, she is stripped of her
ornaments, and the bearers stagger with her into the creek, where
they immerse her, and all the other women join in splashing water
over both the girl and her bearers. When they come out of the water
one of the two attendants makes a heap of grass for her charge to
squat upon. The other runs to the reef, catches a small crab, tears
off its claws, and hastens back with them to the creek. Here in the
meantime a fire has been kindled, and the claws are roasted at it.
The girl is then fed by her attendants with the roasted claws.
After that she is freshly decorated, and the whole party marches
back to the village in a single rank, the girl walking in the
centre between her two old aunts, who hold her by the wrists. The
husbands of her aunts now receive her and lead her into the house
of one of them, where all partake of food, and the girl is allowed
once more to feed herself in the usual manner. A dance follows, in
which the girl takes a prominent part, dancing between the husbands
of the two aunts who had charge of her in her retirement.<a id=
"footnotetag99" name="footnotetag99"></a><a href=
"#footnote99"><sup>99</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionnorthernaustralia" name=
"seclusionnorthernaustralia"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty in Northern Australia.]</p>
<p>Among the Yaraikanna tribe of Cape York Peninsula, in Northern
Queensland, a girl at puberty is said to live by herself for a
month or six weeks; no man may see her, though any woman may. She
stays in a hut or shelter specially made for her, on the floor of
which she lies supine. She may not see the sun, and towards sunset
she must keep her eyes shut until the sun has gone down, otherwise
it is thought that her nose will be diseased. During her seclusion
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page38" name="page38"></a>[pg
38]</span> she may eat nothing that lives in salt water, or a snake
would kill her. An old woman waits upon her and supplies her with
roots, yams, and water.<a id="footnotetag100" name=
"footnotetag100"></a><a href="#footnote100"><sup>100</sup></a> Some
tribes are wont to bury their girls at such seasons more or less
deeply in the ground, perhaps in order to hide them from the light
of the sun. Thus the Larrakeeyah tribe in the northern territory of
South Australia used to cover a girl up with dirt for three days at
her first monthly period.<a id="footnotetag101" name=
"footnotetag101"></a><a href="#footnote101"><sup>101</sup></a> In
similar circumstances the Otati tribe, on the east coast of the
Cape York Peninsula, make an excavation in the ground, where the
girl squats. A bower is then built over the hole, and sand is
thrown on the young woman till she is covered up to the hips. In
this condition she remains for the first day, but comes out at
night. So long as the period lasts, she stays in the bower during
the day-time, but is not again covered with sand. Afterwards her
body is painted red and white from the head to the hips, and she
returns to the camp, where she squats first on the right side, then
on the left side, and then on the lap of her future husband, who
has been previously selected for her.<a id="footnotetag102" name=
"footnotetag102"></a><a href="#footnote102"><sup>102</sup></a>
Among the natives of the Pennefather River, in the Cape York
Peninsula, Queensland, when a girl menstruates for the first time,
her mother takes her away from the camp to some secluded spot,
where she digs a circular hole in the sandy soil under the shade of
a tree. In this hole the girl squats with crossed legs and is
covered with sand from the waist downwards. A digging-stick is
planted firmly in the sand on each side of her, and the place is
surrounded by a fence of bushes except in front, where her mother
kindles a fire. Here the girl stays all day, sitting with her arms
crossed and the palms of her hands resting on the sand. She may not
move her arms except to take food from her mother or to scratch
herself; and in scratching herself she may not touch herself with
her own hands, but must use for the purpose a splinter of wood,
which, when it is not in use, is stuck in her hair. She may speak
to nobody but her mother; indeed nobody else would <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page39" name="page39"></a>[pg 39]</span> think of
coming near her. At evening she lays hold of the two digging-sticks
and by their help frees herself from the superincumbent weight of
sand and returns to the camp. Next morning she is again buried in
the sand under the shade of the tree and remains there again till
evening. This she does daily for five days. On her return at
evening on the fifth day her mother decorates her with a
waist-band, a forehead-band, and a necklet of pearl-shell, ties
green parrot feathers round her arms and wrists and across her
chest, and smears her body, back and front, from the waist upwards
with blotches of red, white, and yellow paint. She has in like
manner to be buried in the sand at her second and third
menstruations, but at the fourth she is allowed to remain in camp,
only signifying her condition by wearing a basket of empty shells
on her back.<a id="footnotetag103" name=
"footnotetag103"></a><a href="#footnote103"><sup>103</sup></a>
Among the Kia blacks of the Prosperine River, on the east coast of
Queensland, a girl at puberty has to sit or lie down in a shallow
pit away from the camp; a rough hut of bushes is erected over her
to protect her from the inclemency of the weather. There she stays
for about a week, waited on by her mother and sister, the only
persons to whom she may speak. She is allowed to drink water, but
may not touch it with her hands; and she may scratch herself a
little with a mussel-shell. This seclusion is repeated at her
second and third monthly periods, but when the third is over she is
brought to her husband bedecked with savage finery. Eagle-hawk or
cockatoo feathers are stuck in her hair: a shell hangs over her
forehead: grass bugles encircle her neck and an apron of opossum
skin her waist: strings are tied to her arms and wrists; and her
whole body is mottled with patterns drawn in red, white, and yellow
pigments and charcoal.<a id="footnotetag104" name=
"footnotetag104"></a><a href="#footnote104"><sup>104</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiontorres" name="seclusiontorres"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty in the islands of Torres
Straits.]</p>
<p>Among the Uiyumkwi tribe in Red Island the girl lies at full
length in a shallow trench dug in the foreshore, and sand is
lightly thrown over her legs and body up to the breasts, which
appear not to be covered. A rough shelter of boughs is then built
over her, and thus she <span class="pagenum"><a id="page40" name=
"page40"></a>[pg 40]</span> remains lying for a few hours. Then she
and her attendant go into the bush and look for food, which they
cook at a fire close to the shelter. They sleep under the boughs,
the girl remaining secluded from the camp but apparently not being
again buried. At the end of the symptoms she stands over hot stones
and water is poured over her, till, trickling from her body on the
stones, it is converted into steam and envelops her in a cloud of
vapour. Then she is painted with red and white stripes and returns
to the camp. If her future husband has already been chosen, she
goes to him and they eat some food together, which the girl has
previously brought from the bush.<a id="footnotetag105" name=
"footnotetag105"></a><a href="#footnote105"><sup>105</sup></a> In
Prince of Wales Island, Torres Strait, the treatment of the patient
is similar, but lasts for about two months. During the day she lies
covered up with sand in a shallow hole on the beach, over which a
hut is built. At night she may get out of the hole, but she may not
leave the hut. Her paternal aunt looks after her, and both of them
must abstain from eating turtle, dugong, and the heads of fish.
Were they to eat the heads of fish no more fish would be caught.
During the time of the girl's seclusion, the aunt who waits upon
her has the right to enter any house and take from it anything she
likes without payment, provided she does so before the sun rises.
When the time of her retirement has come to an end, the girl bathes
in the sea while the morning star is rising, and after performing
various other ceremonies is readmitted to society.<a id=
"footnotetag106" name="footnotetag106"></a><a href=
"#footnote106"><sup>106</sup></a> In Saibai, another island of
Torres Straits, at her first monthly sickness a girl lives secluded
in the forest for about a fortnight, during which no man may see
her; even the women who have spoken to her in the forest must wash
in salt water before they speak to a man. Two girls wait upon and
feed the damsel, putting the food into her mouth, <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page41" name="page41"></a>[pg 41]</span> for she
is not allowed to touch it with her own hands. Nor may she eat
dugong and turtle. At the end of a fortnight the girl and her
attendants bathe in salt water while the tide is running out.
Afterwards they are clean, may again speak to men without ceremony,
and move freely about the village. In Yam and Tutu a girl at
puberty retires for a month to the forest, where no man nor even
her own mother may look upon her. She is waited on by women who
stand to her in a certain relationship (<i>mowai</i>), apparently
her paternal aunts. She is blackened all over with charcoal and
wears a long petticoat reaching below her knees. During her
seclusion the married women of the village often assemble in the
forest and dance, and the girl's aunts relieve the tedium of the
proceedings by thrashing her from time to time as a useful
preparation for matrimony. At the end of a month the whole party go
into the sea, and the charcoal is washed off the girl. After that
she is decorated, her body blackened again, her hair reddened with
ochre, and in the evening she is brought back to her father's
house, where she is received with weeping and lamentation because
she has been so long away.<a id="footnotetag107" name=
"footnotetag107"></a><a href="#footnote107"><sup>107</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect2-4" name="sect2-4">&sect; 4. <i>Seclusion of Girls
at Puberty among the Indians of North America</i></a></h4>
<a id="seclusioncaliformia" name="seclusioncaliformia"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Indians of
California]</p>
<p>Among the Indians of California a girl at her first menstruation
"was thought to be possessed of a particular degree of supernatural
power, and this was not always regarded as entirely defiling or
malevolent. Often, however, there was a strong feeling of the power
of evil inherent in her condition. Not only was she secluded from
her family and the community, but an attempt was made to seclude
the world from her. One of the injunctions most strongly laid upon
her was not to look about her. She kept her head bowed and was
forbidden to see the world and the sun. Some tribes covered her
with a blanket. Many of the customs in this connection resembled
those of the North Pacific Coast most strongly, such as the
prohibition to the girl to touch or scratch her head with her hand,
a special implement being furnished her for the purpose. Sometimes
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page42" name="page42"></a>[pg
42]</span> she could eat only when fed and in other cases fasted
altogether. Some form of public ceremony, often accompanied by a
dance and sometimes by a form of ordeal for the girl, was practised
nearly everywhere. Such ceremonies were well developed in Southern
California, where a number of actions symbolical of the girl's
maturity and subsequent life were performed."<a id="footnotetag108"
name="footnotetag108"></a><a href="#footnote108"><sup>108</sup></a>
Thus among the Maidu Indians of California a girl at puberty
remained shut up in a small separate hut. For five days she might
not eat flesh or fish nor feed herself, but was fed by her mother
or other old woman. She had a basket, plate, and cup for her own
use, and a stick with which to scratch her head, for she might not
scratch it with her fingers. At the end of five days she took a
warm bath and, while she still remained in the hut and plied the
scratching-stick on her head, was privileged to feed herself with
her own hands. After five days more she bathed in the river, after
which her parents gave a great feast in her honour. At the feast
the girl was dressed in her best, and anybody might ask her parents
for anything he pleased, and they had to give it, even if it was
the hand of their daughter in marriage. During the period of her
seclusion in the hut the girl was allowed to go by night to her
parents' house and listen to songs sung by her friends and
relations, who assembled for the purpose. Among the songs were some
that related to the different roots and seeds which in these tribes
it is the business of women to gather for food. While the singers
sang, she sat by herself in a corner of the house muffled up
completely in mats and skins; no man or boy might come near
her.<a id="footnotetag109" name="footnotetag109"></a><a href=
"#footnote109"><sup>109</sup></a> Among the Hupa, another Indian
tribe of California, when a girl had reached maturity her male
relatives danced all night for nine successive nights, while the
girl remained apart, eating no meat and blindfolded. But on the
tenth night she entered the house and took part in the last
dance.<a id="footnotetag110" name="footnotetag110"></a><a href=
"#footnote110"><sup>110</sup></a> Among the Wintun, <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page43" name="page43"></a>[pg 43]</span> another
Californian tribe, a girl at puberty was banished from the camp and
lived alone in a distant booth, fasting rigidly from animal food;
it was death to any person to touch or even approach her.<a id=
"footnotetag111" name="footnotetag111"></a><a href=
"#footnote111"><sup>111</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionwashington" name="seclusionwashington"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Indians of Washington
State.]</p>
<p>In the interior of Washington State, about Colville, "the
customs of the Indians, in relation to the treatment of females,
are singular. On the first appearance of the menses, they are
furnished with provisions, and sent into the woods, to remain
concealed for two days; for they have a superstition, that if a man
should be seen or met with during that time, death will be the
consequence. At the end of the second day, the woman is permitted
to return to the lodge, when she is placed in a hut just large
enough for her to lie in at full length, in which she is compelled
to remain for twenty days, cut off from all communication with her
friends, and is obliged to hide her face at the appearance of a
man. Provisions are supplied her daily. After this, she is required
to perform repeated ablutions, before she can resume her place in
the family. At every return, the women go into seclusion for two or
more days."<a id="footnotetag112" name=
"footnotetag112"></a><a href="#footnote112"><sup>112</sup></a>
Among the Chinook Indians who inhabited the coast of Washington
State, from Shoalwater Bay as far as Grey's Harbour, when a chief's
daughter attained to puberty, she was hidden for five days from the
view of the people; she might not look at them nor at the sky, nor
might she pick berries. It was believed that if she were to look at
the sky, the weather would be bad; that if she picked berries, it
would rain; and that when she hung her towel of cedar-bark on a
spruce-tree, the tree withered up at once. She went out of the
house by a separate door and bathed in a creek far from the
village. She fasted for some days, and for many days more she might
not eat fresh food.<a id="footnotetag113" name=
"footnotetag113"></a><a href="#footnote113"><sup>113</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionnootka" name="seclusionnootka"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Nootka Indians of
Vancouver Island.]</p>
<p>Amongst the Aht or Nootka Indians of Vancouver Island, when
girls reach puberty they are placed in a sort of gallery in the
house "and are there surrounded <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page44" name="page44"></a>[pg 44]</span> completely with mats, so
that neither the sun nor any fire can be seen. In this cage they
remain for several days. Water is given them, but no food. The
longer a girl remains in this retirement the greater honour is it
to the parents; but she is disgraced for life if it is known that
she has seen fire or the sun during this initiatory ordeal."<a id=
"footnotetag114" name="footnotetag114"></a><a href=
"#footnote114"><sup>114</sup></a> Pictures of the mythical
thunder-bird are painted on the screens behind which she hides.
During her seclusion she may neither move nor lie down, but must
always sit in a squatting posture. She may not touch her hair with
her hands, but is allowed to scratch her head with a comb or a
piece of bone provided for the purpose. To scratch her body is also
forbidden, as it is believed that every scratch would leave a scar.
For eight months after reaching maturity she may not eat any fresh
food, particularly salmon; moreover, she must eat by herself, and
use a cup and dish of her own.<a id="footnotetag115" name=
"footnotetag115"></a><a href="#footnote115"><sup>115</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionhaida" name="seclusionhaida"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Haida Indians of the
Queen Charlotte Islands.]</p>
<p>Among the Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands girls at
puberty were secluded behind screens in the house for about twenty
days. In some parts of the islands separate fires were provided for
the girls, and they went out and in by a separate door at the back
of the house. If a girl at such a time was obliged to go out by the
front door, all the weapons, gambling-sticks, medicine, and other
articles had to be removed from the house till her return, for
otherwise it was thought that they would be unlucky; and if there
was a good hunter in the house, he also had to go out at the same
time on pain of losing his good luck if he remained. During several
months or even half a year the girl was bound to wear a peculiar
cloak or hood made of cedar-bark, nearly conical in shape and
reaching <span class="pagenum"><a id="page45" name="page45"></a>[pg
45]</span> down below the breast, but open before the face. After
the twenty days were over the girl took a bath; none of the water
might be spilled, it had all to be taken back to the woods, else
the girl would not live long. On the west coast of the islands the
damsel might eat nothing but black cod for four years; for the
people believed that other kinds of fish would become scarce if she
partook of them. At Kloo the young woman at such times was
forbidden to look at the sea, and for forty days she might not gaze
at the fire; for a whole year she might not walk on the beach below
high-water mark, because then the tide would come in, covering part
of the food supply, and there would be bad weather. For five years
she might not eat salmon, or the fish would be scarce; and when her
family went to a salmon-creek, she landed from the canoe at the
mouth of the creek and came to the smoke-house from behind; for
were she to see a salmon leap, all the salmon might leave the
creek. Among the Haidas of Masset it was believed that if the girl
looked at the sky, the weather would be bad, and that if she
stepped over a salmon-creek, all the salmon would disappear.<a id=
"footnotetag116" name="footnotetag116"></a><a href=
"#footnote116"><sup>116</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiontlingit" name="seclusiontlingit"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Tlingit Indians of
Alaska.]</p>
<p>Amongst the Tlingit (Thlinkeet) or Kolosh Indians of Alaska,
when a girl shewed signs of womanhood she used to be confined to a
little hut or cage, which was completely blocked up with the
exception of a small air-hole. In this dark and filthy abode she
had to remain a year, without fire, exercise, or associates. Only
her mother and a female slave might supply her with nourishment.
Her food was put in at the little window; she had to drink out of
the wing-bone of a white-headed eagle. The time of her seclusion
was afterwards reduced in some places to six or three months or
even less. She had to wear a sort of hat with long flaps,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page46" name="page46"></a>[pg
46]</span> that her gaze might not pollute the sky; for she was
thought unfit for the sun to shine upon, and it was imagined that
her look would destroy the luck of a hunter, fisher, or gambler,
turn things to stone, and do other mischief. At the end of her
confinement her old clothes were burnt, new ones were made, and a
feast was given, at which a slit was cut in her under lip parallel
to the mouth, and a piece of wood or shell was inserted to keep the
aperture open.<a id="footnotetag117" name=
"footnotetag117"></a><a href="#footnote117"><sup>117</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiontsetsaut" name="seclusiontsetsaut"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Tsetsaut and Bella
Coola Indians of British Columbia.]</p>
<p>In the Tsetsaut tribe of British Columbia a girl at puberty
wears a large hat of skin which comes down over her face and
screens it from the sun. It is believed that if she were to expose
her face to the sun or to the sky, rain would fall. The hat
protects her face also against the fire, which ought not to strike
her skin; to shield her hands she wears mittens. In her mouth she
carries the tooth of an animal to prevent her own teeth from
becoming hollow. For a whole year she may not see blood unless her
face is blackened; otherwise she would grow blind. For two years
she wears the hat and lives in a hut by herself, although she is
allowed to see other people. At the end of two years a man takes
the hat from her head and throws it away.<a id="footnotetag118"
name="footnotetag118"></a><a href="#footnote118"><sup>118</sup></a>
In the Bilqula or Bella Coola tribe of British Columbia, when a
girl attains puberty she must stay in the shed which serves as her
bedroom, where she has a separate fireplace. She is not allowed to
descend to the main part of the house, and may not sit by the fire
of the family. For four days she is <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page47" name="page47"></a>[pg 47]</span> bound to remain
motionless in a sitting posture. She fasts during the day, but is
allowed a little food and drink very early in the morning. After
the four days' seclusion she may leave her room, but only through a
separate opening cut in the floor, for the houses are raised on
piles. She may not yet come into the chief room. In leaving the
house she wears a large hat which protects her face against the
rays of the sun. It is believed that if the sun were to shine on
her face her eyes would suffer. She may pick berries on the hills,
but may not come near the river or sea for a whole year. Were she
to eat fresh salmon she would lose her senses, or her mouth would
be changed into a long beak.<a id="footnotetag119" name=
"footnotetag119"></a><a href="#footnote119"><sup>119</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiontinneh" name="seclusiontinneh"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Tinneh Indians of
British Columbia.]</p>
<p>Among the Tinneh Indians about Stuart Lake, Babine Lake, and
Fraser Lake in British Columbia "girls verging on maturity, that is
when their breasts begin to form, take swans' feathers mixed with
human hair and plait bands, which they tie round their wrists and
ankles to secure long life. At this time they are careful that the
dishes out of which they eat, are used by no other person, and
wholly devoted to their own use; during this period they eat
nothing but dog fish, and starvation <i>only</i> will drive them to
eat either fresh fish or meat. When their first periodical sickness
comes on, they are fed by their mothers or nearest female relation
by <i>themselves</i>, and on no account will they touch their food
with their own hands. They are at this time also careful not to
touch their heads with their hands, and keep a small stick to
scratch their heads with. They remain outside the lodge, all the
time they are in this state, in a hut made for the purpose. During
all this period they wear a skull-cap made of skin to fit very
tight; this is never taken off until their first monthly sickness
ceases; they also wear a strip of black paint about one inch wide
across their eyes, and wear a fringe of shells, bones, etc.,
hanging down from their foreheads to below their eyes; and this is
never taken off <span class="pagenum"><a id="page48" name=
"page48"></a>[pg 48]</span> till the second monthly period arrives
and ceases, when the nearest male relative makes a feast; after
which she is considered a fully matured woman; but she has to
refrain from eating anything fresh for one year after her first
monthly sickness; she may however eat partridge, but it must be
cooked in the crop of the bird to render it harmless. I would have
thought it impossible to perform this feat had I not seen it done.
The crop is blown out, and a small bent willow put round the mouth;
it is then filled with water, and the meat being first minced up,
put in also, then put on the fire and boiled till cooked. Their
reason for hanging fringes before their eyes, is to hinder any bad
medicine man from harming them during this critical period: they
are very careful not to drink whilst facing a medicine man, and do
so only when their backs are turned to him. All these habits are
left off when the girl is a recognised woman, with the exception of
their going out of the lodge and remaining in a hut, every time
their periodical sickness comes on. This is a rigidly observed law
with both single and married women."<a id="footnotetag120" name=
"footnotetag120"></a><a href="#footnote120"><sup>120</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiontinnehalaska" name="seclusiontinnehalaska"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Tinneh Indians of
Alaska.]</p>
<p>Among the Hareskin Tinneh a girl at puberty was secluded for
five days in a hut made specially for the purpose; she might only
drink out of a tube made from a swan's bone, and for a month she
might not break a hare's bones, nor taste blood, nor eat the heart
or fat of animals, nor birds' eggs.<a id="footnotetag121" name=
"footnotetag121"></a><a href="#footnote121"><sup>121</sup></a>
Among the Tinneh Indians of the middle Yukon valley, in Alaska, the
period of the girl's seclusion lasts exactly a lunar month; for the
day of the moon on which the symptoms first occur is noted, and she
is sequestered until the same day of the next moon. If the season
is winter, a corner of the house is curtained off for her use by a
blanket or a sheet of canvas; if it is summer, a small tent is
erected for her near the common one. Here she lives and sleeps. She
wears a long robe and a large <span class="pagenum"><a id="page49"
name="page49"></a>[pg 49]</span> hood, which she must pull down
over her eyes whenever she leaves the hut, and she must keep it
down till she returns. She may not speak to a man nor see his face,
much less touch his clothes or anything that belongs to him; for if
she did so, though no harm would come to her, he would grow
unmanly. She has her own dishes for eating out of and may use no
other; at Kaltag she must suck the water through a swan's bone
without applying her lips to the cup. She may eat no fresh meat or
fish except the flesh of the porcupine. She may not undress, but
sleeps with all her clothes on, even her mittens. In her socks she
wears, next to the skin, the horny soles cut from the feet of a
porcupine, in order that for the rest of her life her shoes may
never wear out. Round her waist she wears a cord to which are tied
the heads of femurs of a porcupine; because of all animals known to
the Tinneh the porcupine suffers least in parturition, it simply
drops its young and continues to walk or skip about as if nothing
had happened. Hence it is easy to see that a girl who wears these
portions of a porcupine about her waist, will be delivered just as
easily as the animal. To make quite sure of this, if anybody
happens to kill a porcupine big with young while the girl is
undergoing her period of separation, the foetus is given to her,
and she lets it slide down between her shirt and her body so as to
fall on the ground like an infant.<a id="footnotetag122" name=
"footnotetag122"></a><a href="#footnote122"><sup>122</sup></a> Here
the imitation of childbirth is a piece of homoeopathic or imitative
magic designed to facilitate the effect which it simulates.<a id=
"footnotetag123" name="footnotetag123"></a><a href=
"#footnote123"><sup>123</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionthompson" name="seclusionthompson"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Thompson Indians of
British Columbia.]</p>
<p>Among the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, when a girl
attained puberty, she was at once separated from all the people. A
conical hut of fir branches and bark was erected at some little
distance from the other houses, and in it the girl had to squat on
her heels during the day. Often a deep circular hole was dug in the
hut and the girl squatted in the hole, with her head projecting
above the surface of the ground. She might quit the hut for various
purposes in the early morning, but had always to be back at
sunrise. On the first appearance of the symptoms her face was
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page50" name="page50"></a>[pg
50]</span> painted red all over, and the paint was renewed every
morning during her term of seclusion. A heavy blanket swathed her
body from top to toe, and during the first four days she wore a
conical cap made of small fir branches, which reached below the
breast but left an opening for the face. In her hair was fastened
an implement made of deer-bone with which she scratched herself.
For the first four days she might neither wash nor eat, but a
little water was given her in a birch-bark cup painted red, and she
sucked up the liquid through a tube made out of the leg of a crane,
a swan, or a goose, for her lips might not touch the surface of the
water. After the four days she was allowed, during the rest of the
period of isolation, to eat, to wash, to lie down, to comb her
hair, and to drink of streams and springs. But in drinking at these
sources she had still to use her tube, otherwise the spring would
dry up. While her seclusion lasted she performed by night various
ceremonies, which were supposed to exert a beneficial influence on
her future life. For example, she ran as fast as she could, praying
at the same time to the Earth or Nature that she might be fleet of
foot and tireless of limb. She dug trenches, in order that in after
life she might be able to dig well and to work hard. These and
other ceremonies she repeated for four nights or mornings in
succession, four times each morning, and each time she supplicated
the Dawn of the Day. Among the Lower Thompson Indians she carried a
staff for one night; and when the day was breaking she leaned the
staff against the stump of a tree and prayed to the Dawn that she
might be blessed with a good husband, who was symbolized by the
staff. She also wandered some nights to lonely parts of the
mountains, where she would dance, imploring the spirits to pity and
protect her during her future life; then, the dance and prayer
over, she would lie down on the spot and fall asleep. Again, she
carried four stones in her bosom to a spring, where she spat upon
the stones and threw them one after the other into the water,
praying that all disease might leave her, as these stones did. Also
she ran four times in the early morning with two small stones in
her bosom; and as she ran the stones slipped down between her bare
body and her clothes and fell to the <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page51" name="page51"></a>[pg 51]</span> ground. At the same time
she prayed to the Dawn that when she should be with child, she
might be delivered as easily as she was delivered of these stones.
But whatever exercises she performed or prayers she offered on the
lonely mountains during the hours of darkness or while the morning
light was growing in the east, she must always be back in her
little hut before the sun rose. There she often passed the tedious
hours away picking the needles, one by one, from the cones on two
large branches of fir, which hung from the roof of her hut on
purpose to provide her with occupation. And as she picked she
prayed to the fir-branch that she might never be lazy, but always
quick and active at work. During her seclusion, too, she had to
make miniatures of all the articles that Indian women make, or used
to make, such as baskets, mats, ropes, and thread. This she did in
order that afterwards she might be able to make the real things
properly. Four large fir-branches also were placed in front of the
hut, so that when she went out or in, she had to step over them.
The branches were renewed every morning and the old ones thrown
away into the water, while the girl prayed, "May I never bewitch
any man, nor my fellow-women! May it never happen!" The first four
times that she went out and in, she prayed to the fir-branches,
saying, "If ever I step into trouble or difficulties or step
unknowingly inside the magical spell of some person, may you help
me, O Fir-branches, with your power!" Every day she painted her
face afresh, and she wore strings of parts of deer-hoofs round her
ankles and knees, and tied to her waistband on either side, which
rattled when she walked or ran. Even the shape of the hut in which
she lived was adapted to her future rather than to her present
needs and wishes. If she wished to be tall, the hut was tall; if
she wished to be short, it was low, sometimes so low that there was
not room in it for her to stand erect, and she would lay the palm
of her hand on the top of her head and pray to the Dawn that she
might grow no taller. Her seclusion lasted four months. The Indians
say that long ago it extended over a year, and that fourteen days
elapsed before the girl was permitted to wash for the first time.
The dress which she wore during her time of separation was
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page52" name="page52"></a>[pg
52]</span> afterwards taken to the top of a hill and burned, and
the rest of her clothes were hung up on trees.<a id=
"footnotetag124" name="footnotetag124"></a><a href=
"#footnote124"><sup>124</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionlillooet" name="seclusionlillooet"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Lillooet Indians of
British Columbia.]</p>
<p>Among the Lillooet Indians of British Columbia, neighbours of
the Thompsons, the customs observed by girls at puberty were
similar. The damsels were secluded for a period of not less than
one year nor more than four years, according to their own
inclination and the wishes of their parents. Among the Upper
Lillooets the hut in which the girl lodged was made of bushy
fir-trees set up like a conical tent, the inner branches being
lopped off, while the outer branches were closely interwoven and
padded to form a roof. Every month or half-month the hut was
shifted to another site or a new one erected. By day the girl sat
in the hut; for the first month she squatted in a hole dug in the
middle of it; and she passed the time making miniature baskets of
birch-bark and other things, praying that she might be able to make
the real things well in after years. At the dusk of the evening she
left the hut and wandered about all night, but she returned before
the sun rose. Before she quitted the hut at nightfall to roam
abroad, she painted her face red and put on a mask of fir-branches,
and in her hand, as she walked, she carried a basket-rattle to
frighten ghosts and guard herself from evil. Among the Lower
Lillooets, the girl's mask was often made of goat-skin, covering
her head, neck, shoulders and breast, and leaving only a narrow
opening from the brow to the chin. During the nocturnal hours she
performed many ceremonies. Thus she put two smooth stones in her
bosom and ran, and as they fell down between her body and her
clothes, she prayed, saying, "May I always have easy child-births!"
Now one of these stones represented her future child and the other
represented the afterbirth. Also she dug trenches, praying that in
the years to come she might be strong and tireless in digging
roots; she picked leaves and needles from the fir-trees, praying
that her fingers might be nimble in picking berries; and she tore
sheets of birch-bark into <span class="pagenum"><a id="page53"
name="page53"></a>[pg 53]</span> shreds, dropping the shreds as she
walked and asking that her hands might never tire and that she
might make neat and fine work of birch-bark. Moreover, she ran and
walked much that she might be light of foot. And every evening,
when the shadows were falling, and every morning, when the day was
breaking, she prayed to the Dusk of the Evening or to the Dawn of
Day, saying, "O Dawn of Day!" or "O Dusk," as it might be, "may I
be able to dig roots fast and easily, and may I always find
plenty!" All her prayers were addressed to the Dusk of the Evening
or the Dawn of Day. She supplicated both, asking for long life,
health, wealth, and happiness.<a id="footnotetag125" name=
"footnotetag125"></a><a href="#footnote125"><sup>125</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionshuswap" name="seclusionshuswap"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Shuswap Indians of
British Columbia.]</p>
<p>Among the Shuswap Indians of British Columbia, who are
neighbours of the Thompsons and Lillooets, "a girl on reaching
maturity has to go through a great number of ceremonies. She must
leave the village and live alone in a small hut on the mountains.
She cooks her own food, and must not eat anything that bleeds. She
is forbidden to touch her head, for which purpose she uses a comb
with three points. Neither is she allowed to scratch her body,
except with a painted deer-bone. She wears the bone and the comb
suspended from her belt. She drinks out of a painted cup of
birch-bark, and neither more nor less than the quantity it holds.
Every night she walks about her hut, and plants willow twigs, which
she has painted, and to the ends of which she has attached pieces
of cloth, into the ground. It is believed that thus she will become
rich in later life. In order to become strong she should climb
trees and try to break off their points. She plays with
<i>lehal</i> sticks that her future husbands might have good luck
when gambling."<a id="footnotetag126" name=
"footnotetag126"></a><a href="#footnote126"><sup>126</sup></a>
During the day the girl stays in her hut and occupies herself in
making miniature bags, mats, and baskets, in sewing and embroidery,
in manufacturing thread, twine, and so forth; in short she makes a
beginning of all kinds of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page54"
name="page54"></a>[pg 54]</span> woman's work, in order that she
may be a good housewife in after life. By night she roams the
mountains and practises running, climbing, carrying burdens, and
digging trenches, so that she may be expert at digging roots. If
she has wandered far and daylight overtakes her, she hides herself
behind a veil of fir branches; for no one, except her instructor or
nearest relatives, should see her face during her period of
seclusion. She wore a large robe painted red on the breast and
sides, and her hair was done up in a knot at each ear.<a id=
"footnotetag127" name="footnotetag127"></a><a href=
"#footnote127"><sup>127</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiondelaware" name="seclusiondelaware"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Delaware and Cheyenne
Indians.]</p>
<p>Ceremonies of the same general type were probably observed by
girls at puberty among all the Indian tribes of North America. But
the record of them is far less full for the Central and Eastern
tribes, perhaps because the settlers who first came into contact
with the Red Man in these regions were too busy fighting him to
find leisure, even if they had the desire, to study his manners and
customs. However, among the Delaware Indians, a tribe in the
extreme east of the continent, we read that "when a Delaware girl
has her first monthly period, she must withdraw into a hut at some
distance from the village. Her head is wrapped up for twelve days,
so that she can see nobody, and she must submit to frequent vomits
and fasting, and abstain from all labor. After this she is washed
and new clothed, but confined to a solitary life for two months, at
the close of which she is declared marriageable."<a id=
"footnotetag128" name="footnotetag128"></a><a href=
"#footnote128"><sup>128</sup></a> Again, among the Cheyennes, an
Indian tribe of the Missouri valley, a girl at her first
menstruation is painted red all over her body and secluded in a
special little lodge for four days. However, she may remain in her
father's lodge provided that there are no charms ("medicine"), no
sacred bundle, and no shield in it, or that these and all other
objects invested with a sacred character have been removed. For
four days she may not eat boiled meat; the flesh of which she
partakes must be roasted over coals. Young men will not eat from
the dish nor drink from the pot, which has been used by her;
because <span class="pagenum"><a id="page55" name="page55"></a>[pg
55]</span> they believe that were they to do so they would be
wounded in the next fight. She may not handle nor even touch any
weapon of war or any sacred object. If the camp moves, she may not
ride a horse, but is mounted on a mare.<a id="footnotetag129" name=
"footnotetag129"></a><a href="#footnote129"><sup>129</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionesquimaux" name="seclusionesquimaux"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Esquimaux.]</p>
<p>Among the Esquimaux also, in the extreme north of the continent,
who belong to an entirely different race from the Indians, the
attainment of puberty in the female sex is, or used to be, the
occasion of similar observances. Thus among the Koniags, an
Esquimau people of Alaska, a girl at puberty was placed in a small
hut in which she had to remain on her hands and knees for six
months; then the hut was enlarged a little so as to allow her to
straighten her back, but in this posture she had to remain for six
months more. All this time she was regarded as an unclean being
with whom no one might hold intercourse. At the end of the year she
was received back by her parents and a great feast held.<a id=
"footnotetag130" name="footnotetag130"></a><a href=
"#footnote130"><sup>130</sup></a> Again, among the Malemut, and
southward from the lower Yukon and adjacent districts, when a girl
reaches the age of puberty she is considered unclean for forty days
and must therefore live by herself in a corner of the house with
her face to the wall, always keeping her hood over her head and her
hair hanging dishevelled over her eyes. But if it is summer, she
commonly lives in a rough shelter outside the house. She may not go
out by day, and only once at night, when every one else is asleep.
At the end of the period she bathes and is clothed in new garments,
whereupon she may be taken in marriage. During her seclusion she is
supposed to be enveloped in a peculiar atmosphere of such a sort
that were a young man to come near enough for it to touch him, it
would render him visible to every animal he might hunt, so that his
luck as a hunter would be gone.<a id="footnotetag131" name=
"footnotetag131"></a><a href="#footnote131"><sup>131</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page56" name="page56"></a>[pg
56]</span>
<h4><a id="sect2-5" name="sect2-5">&sect; 5. <i>Seclusion of Girls
at Puberty among the Indians of South America</i></a></h4>
<a id="seclusionguaranis" name="seclusionguaranis"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Guaranis, Chiriguanos,
and Lengua Indians of South America.]</p>
<p>When symptoms of puberty appeared on a girl for the first time,
the Guaranis of Southern Brazil, on the borders of Paraguay, used
to sew her up in her hammock, leaving only a small opening in it to
allow her to breathe. In this condition, wrapt up and shrouded like
a corpse, she was kept for two or three days or so long as the
symptoms lasted, and during this time she had to observe a most
rigorous fast. After that she was entrusted to a matron, who cut
the girl's hair and enjoined her to abstain most strictly from
eating flesh of any kind until her hair should be grown long enough
to hide her ears. Meanwhile the diviners drew omens of her future
character from the various birds or animals that flew past or
crossed her path. If they saw a parrot, they would say she was a
chatterbox; if an owl, she was lazy and useless for domestic
labours, and so on.<a id="footnotetag132" name=
"footnotetag132"></a><a href="#footnote132"><sup>132</sup></a> In
similar circumstances the Chiriguanos of southeastern Bolivia
hoisted the girl in her hammock to the roof, where she stayed for a
month: the second month the hammock was let half-way down from the
roof; and in the third month old women, armed with sticks, entered
the hut and ran about striking everything they met, saying they
were hunting the snake that had wounded the girl.<a id=
"footnotetag133" name="footnotetag133"></a><a href=
"#footnote133"><sup>133</sup></a> The Lengua Indians of the
Paraguayan Chaco under similar circumstances hang the girl in her
hammock from the roof of the house, but they leave her there only
three days and nights, during which they give her nothing to eat
but a little Paraguay tea or boiled maize. Only her mother or
grandmother has access to her; nobody else approaches or speaks to
her. If she is obliged to leave the hammock for a little,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page57" name="page57"></a>[pg
57]</span> her friends take great care to prevent her from touching
the <i>Boyrusu</i>, which is an imaginary serpent that would
swallow her up. She must also be very careful not to set foot on
the droppings of fowls or animals, else she would suffer from sores
on the throat and breast. On the third day they let her down from
the hammock, cut her hair, and make her sit in a corner of the room
with her face turned to the wall. She may speak to nobody, and must
abstain from flesh and fish. These rigorous observances she must
practise for nearly a year. Many girls die or are injured for life
in consequence of the hardships they endure at this time. Their
only occupations during their seclusion are spinning and
weaving.<a id="footnotetag134" name="footnotetag134"></a><a href=
"#footnote134"><sup>134</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionyuracares" name="seclusionyuracares"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Yuracares of
Bolivia.]</p>
<p>Among the Yuracares, an Indian tribe of Bolivia, at the eastern
foot of the Andes, when a girl perceives the signs of puberty, she
informs her parents. The mother weeps and the father constructs a
little hut of palm leaves near the house. In this cabin he shuts up
his daughter so that she cannot see the light, and there she
remains fasting rigorously for four days. Meantime the mother,
assisted by the women of the neighbourhood, has brewed a large
quantity of the native intoxicant called <i>chicha</i>, and poured
it into wooden troughs and palm leaves. On the morning of the
fourth day, three hours before the dawn, the girl's father, having
arrayed himself in his savage finery, summons all his neighbours
with loud cries. The damsel is seated on a stone, and every guest
in turn cuts off a lock of her hair, and running away hides it in
the hollow trunk of a tree in the depths of the forest. When they
have all done so and seated themselves again gravely in the circle,
the girl offers <span class="pagenum"><a id="page58" name=
"page58"></a>[pg 58]</span> to each of them a calabash full of very
strong <i>chicha</i>. Before the wassailing begins, the various
fathers perform a curious operation on the arms of their sons, who
are seated beside them. The operator takes a very sharp bone of an
ape, rubs it with a pungent spice, and then pinching up the skin of
his son's arm he pierces it with the bone through and through, as a
surgeon might introduce a seton. This operation he repeats till the
young man's arm is riddled with holes at regular intervals from the
shoulder to the wrist. Almost all who take part in the festival are
covered with these wounds, which the Indians call <i>culucute</i>.
Having thus prepared themselves to spend a happy day, they drink,
play on flutes, sing and dance till evening. Rain, thunder, and
lightning, should they befall, have no effect in damping the
general enjoyment or preventing its continuance till after the sun
has set. The motive for perforating the arms of the young men is to
make them skilful hunters; at each perforation the sufferer is
cheered by the promise of another sort of game or fish which the
surgical operation will infallibly procure for him. The same
operation is performed on the arms and legs of the girls, in order
that they may be brave and strong; even the dogs are operated on
with the intention of making them run down the game better. For
five or six months afterwards the damsel must cover her head with
bark and refrain from speaking to men. The Yuracares think that if
they did not submit a young girl to this severe ordeal, her
children would afterwards perish by accidents of various kinds,
such as the sting of a serpent, the bite of a jaguar, the fall of a
tree, the wound of an arrow, or what not.<a id="footnotetag135"
name="footnotetag135"></a><a href=
"#footnote135"><sup>135</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiongranchaco" name="seclusiongranchaco"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Indians of the Gran
Chaco.]</p>
<p>Among the Matacos or Mataguayos, an Indian tribe of the Gran
Chaco, a girl at puberty has to remain in seclusion for some time.
She lies covered up with branches or other things in a corner of
the hut, seeing no one and speaking to no one, and during this time
she may eat neither flesh nor fish. Meantime a man beats a drum in
front of the house.<a id="footnotetag136" name=
"footnotetag136"></a><a href="#footnote136"><sup>136</sup></a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page59" name="page59"></a>[pg
59]</span> Similarly among the Tobas, another Indian tribe of the
same region, when a chief's daughter has just attained to
womanhood, she is shut up for two or three days in the house, all
the men of the tribe scour the country to bring in game and fish
for a feast, and a Mataco Indian is engaged to drum, sing, and
dance in front of the house without cessation, day and night, till
the festival is over. As the merrymaking lasts for two or three
weeks, the exhaustion of the musician at the end of it may be
readily conceived. Meat and drink are supplied to him on the spot
where he pays his laborious court to the Muses. The proceedings
wind up with a saturnalia and a drunken debauch.<a id=
"footnotetag137" name="footnotetag137"></a><a href=
"#footnote137"><sup>137</sup></a> Among the Yaguas, an Indian tribe
of the Upper Amazon, a girl at puberty is shut up for three months
in a lonely hut in the forest, where her mother brings her food
daily.<a id="footnotetag138" name="footnotetag138"></a><a href=
"#footnote138"><sup>138</sup></a> When a girl of the Peguenches
tribe perceives in herself the first signs of womanhood, she is
secluded by her mother in a corner of the hut screened off with
blankets, and is warned not to lift up her eyes on any man. Next
day, very early in the morning and again after sunset, she is taken
out by two women and made to run till she is tired; in the interval
she is again secluded in her corner. On the following day she lays
three packets of wool beside the path near the house to signify
that she is now a woman.<a id="footnotetag139" name=
"footnotetag139"></a><a href="#footnote139"><sup>139</sup></a>
Among the Passes, Mauhes, and other tribes of Brazil the young
woman in similar circumstances is hung in her hammock from the roof
and has to fast there for a month or as long as she can hold
out.<a id="footnotetag140" name="footnotetag140"></a><a href=
"#footnote140"><sup>140</sup></a> One of the early settlers in
Brazil, about the middle of the sixteenth century, has described
the severe ordeal which damsels at puberty had to undergo among the
Indians on the south-east coast of that country, near what is now
Rio de Janeiro. When a girl had reached this critical period of
life, her hair was burned or shaved off close to the head.
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page60" name="page60"></a>[pg
60]</span> Then she was placed on a flat stone and cut with the
tooth of an animal from the shoulders all down the back, till she
ran with blood. Next the ashes of a wild gourd were rubbed into the
wounds; the girl was bound hand and foot, and hung in a hammock,
being enveloped in it so closely that no one could see her. Here
she had to stay for three days without eating or drinking. When the
three days were over, she stepped out of the hammock upon the flat
stone, for her feet might not touch the ground. If she had a call
of nature, a female relation took the girl on her back and carried
her out, taking with her a live coal to prevent evil influences
from entering the girl's body. Being replaced in her hammock, she
was now allowed to get some flour, boiled roots, and water, but
might not taste salt or flesh. Thus she continued to the end of the
first monthly period, at the expiry of which she was gashed on the
breast and belly as well as all down the back. During the second
month she still stayed in her hammock, but her rule of abstinence
was less rigid, and she was allowed to spin. The third month she
was blackened with a certain pigment and began to go about as
usual.<a id="footnotetag141" name="footnotetag141"></a><a href=
"#footnote141"><sup>141</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionguiana" name="seclusionguiana"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Indians of Guiana;
custom of beating the girls and of causing them to be stung by
ants.]</p>
<p>Amongst the Macusis of British Guiana, when a girl shews the
first signs of puberty, she is hung in a hammock at the highest
point of the hut. For the first few days she may not leave the
hammock by day, but at night she must come down, light a fire, and
spend the night beside it, else she would break out in sores on her
neck, throat, and other parts of her body. So long as the symptoms
are at their height, she must fast rigorously. When they have
abated, she may come down and take up her abode in a little
compartment that is made for her in the darkest corner of the hut.
In the morning she may cook her food, but it must be at a separate
fire and in a vessel of her own. After about ten days the magician
comes and undoes the spell by muttering charms and breathing on her
and on the more valuable of the things with which she has come in
contact. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page61" name="page61"></a>[pg
61]</span> The pots and drinking-vessels which she used are broken
and the fragments buried. After her first bath, the girl must
submit to be beaten by her mother with thin rods without uttering a
cry. At the end of the second period she is again beaten, but not
afterwards. She is now "clean," and can mix again with
people.<a id="footnotetag142" name="footnotetag142"></a><a href=
"#footnote142"><sup>142</sup></a> Other Indians of Guiana, after
keeping the girl in her hammock at the top of the hut for a month,
expose her to certain large ants, whose bite is very painful.<a id=
"footnotetag143" name="footnotetag143"></a><a href=
"#footnote143"><sup>143</sup></a> Sometimes, in addition to being
stung with ants, the sufferer has to fast day and night so long as
she remains slung up on high in her hammock, so that when she comes
down she is reduced to a skeleton. The intention of stinging her
with ants is said to be to make her strong to bear the burden of
maternity.<a id="footnotetag144" name="footnotetag144"></a><a href=
"#footnote144"><sup>144</sup></a> Amongst the Uaupes of Brazil a
girl at puberty is secluded in the house for a month, and allowed
only a small quantity of bread and water. Then she is taken out
into the midst of her relations and friends, each of whom gives her
four or five blows with pieces of <i>sipo</i> (an elastic climber),
till she falls senseless or dead. If she recovers, the operation is
repeated four times at intervals of six hours, and it is considered
an offence to the parents not to strike hard. Meantime, pots of
meats and fish have been made ready; the <i>sipos</i> are dipped
into them and then given to the girl to lick, who is now considered
a marriageable woman.<a id="footnotetag145" name=
"footnotetag145"></a><a href="#footnote145"><sup>145</sup></a></p>
<a id="ants" name="ants"></a>
<p>[Custom in South America of causing young men to be stung with
ants as an initiatory rite.]</p>
<p>The custom of stinging the girl at such times with ants or
beating her with rods is intended, we may be sure, not as a
punishment or a test of endurance, but as a purification, the
object being to drive away the malignant influences with which a
girl in this condition is believed to be beset and enveloped.
Examples of purification, by beating, by incisions in the flesh,
and by <span class="pagenum"><a id="page62" name="page62"></a>[pg
62]</span> stinging with ants, have already come before us.<a id=
"footnotetag146" name="footnotetag146"></a><a href=
"#footnote146"><sup>146</sup></a> In some Indian tribes of Brazil
and Guiana young men do not rank as warriors and may not marry till
they have passed through a terrible ordeal, which consists in being
stung by swarms of venomous ants whose bite is like fire. Thus
among the Mauhes on the Tapajos river, a southern tributary of the
Amazon, boys of eight to ten years are obliged to thrust their arms
into sleeves stuffed with great ferocious ants, which the Indians
call <i>tocandeira</i> (<i>Cryptocerus atratus</i>, F.). When the
young victim shrieks with pain, an excited mob of men dances round
him, shouting and encouraging him till he falls exhausted to the
ground. He is then committed to the care of old women, who treat
his fearfully swollen arms with fresh juice of the manioc; and on
his recovery he has to shew his strength and skill in bending a
bow. This cruel ordeal is commonly repeated again and again, till
the lad has reached his fourteenth year and can bear the agony
without betraying any sign of emotion. Then he is a man and can
marry. A lad's age is reckoned by the number of times he has passed
through the ordeal.<a id="footnotetag147" name=
"footnotetag147"></a><a href="#footnote147"><sup>147</sup></a> An
eye-witness has described how a young Mauhe hero bore the torture
with an endurance more than Spartan, dancing and singing, with his
arms cased in the terrible mittens, before every cabin of the great
common house, till pallid, staggering, and with chattering teeth he
triumphantly laid the gloves before the old chief and received the
congratulations of the men and the caresses of the women; then
breaking away from his friends and admirers he threw himself into
the river and remained in its cool soothing water till
nightfall.<a id="footnotetag148" name="footnotetag148"></a><a href=
"#footnote148"><sup>148</sup></a> Similarly among the Ticunas of
the Upper Amazon, on the border of Peru, the young man who would
take his place among the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page63" name=
"page63"></a>[pg 63]</span> warriors must plunge his arm into a
sort of basket full of venomous ants and keep it there for several
minutes without uttering a cry. He generally falls backwards and
sometimes succumbs to the fever which ensues; hence as soon as the
ordeal is over the women are prodigal of their attentions to him,
and rub the swollen arm with a particular kind of herb.<a id=
"footnotetag149" name="footnotetag149"></a><a href=
"#footnote149"><sup>149</sup></a> Ordeals of this sort appear to be
in vogue among the Indians of the Rio Negro as well as of the
Amazon.<a id="footnotetag150" name="footnotetag150"></a><a href=
"#footnote150"><sup>150</sup></a> Among the Rucuyennes, a tribe of
Indians in the north of Brazil, on the borders of Guiana, young men
who are candidates for marriage must submit to be stung all over
their persons not only with ants but with wasps, which are applied
to their naked bodies in curious instruments of trellis-work shaped
like fantastic quadrupeds or birds. The patient invariably falls
down in a swoon and is carried like dead to his hammock, where he
is tightly lashed with cords. As they come to themselves, they
writhe in agony, so that their hammocks rock violently to and fro,
causing the hut to shake as if it were about to collapse. This
dreadful ordeal is called by the Indians a
<i>marak&eacute;</i>.<a id="footnotetag151" name=
"footnotetag151"></a><a href="#footnote151"><sup>151</sup></a></p>
<a id="antscharacter" name="antscharacter"></a>
<p>[Custom of causing men and women to be stung with ants to
improve their character and health or to render them
invulnerable.]</p>
<p>The same ordeal, under the same name, is also practised by the
Wayanas, an Indian tribe of French Guiana, but with them, we are
told, it is no longer deemed an indispensable preliminary to
marriage; "it is rather a sort of national medicine administered
chiefly to the youth of both sexes." Applied to men, the
<i>marak&eacute;</i>, as it is called, "sharpens them, prevents
them from being heavy and lazy, makes them active, brisk,
industrious, imparts strength, and helps them to shoot well with
the bow; without it the Indians would always be slack and rather
sickly, would always have a little fever, and would lie perpetually
in their hammocks. As for the women, the <i>marak&eacute;</i> keeps
them from going to sleep, renders them active, alert, brisk,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page64" name="page64"></a>[pg
64]</span> gives them strength and a liking for work, makes them
good housekeepers, good workers at the stockade, good makers of
<i>cachiri</i>. Every one undergoes the <i>marak&eacute;</i> at
least twice in his life, sometimes thrice, and oftener if he likes.
It may be had from the age of about eight years and upward, and no
one thinks it odd that a man of forty should voluntarily submit to
it."<a id="footnotetag152" name="footnotetag152"></a><a href=
"#footnote152"><sup>152</sup></a> Similarly the Indians of St. Juan
Capistrano in California used to be branded on some part of their
bodies, generally on the right arm, but sometimes on the leg also,
not as a proof of manly fortitude, but because they believed that
the custom "added greater strength to the nerves, and gave a better
pulse for the management of the bow." Afterwards "they were whipped
with nettles, and covered with ants, that they might become robust,
and the infliction was always performed in summer, during the
months of July and August, when the nettle was in its most fiery
state. They gathered small bunches, which they fastened together,
and the poor deluded Indian was chastised, by inflicting blows with
them upon his naked limbs, until unable to walk; and then he was
carried to the nest of the nearest and most furious species of
ants, and laid down among them, while some of his friends, with
sticks, kept annoying the insects to make them still more violent.
What torments did they not undergo! What pain! What hellish
inflictions! Yet their faith gave them power to endure all without
a murmur, and they remained as if dead. Having undergone these
dreadful ordeals, they were considered as invulnerable, and
believed that the arrows of their enemies could no longer harm
them."<a id="footnotetag153" name="footnotetag153"></a><a href=
"#footnote153"><sup>153</sup></a> Among the Alur, a tribe
inhabiting the south-western region of the upper Nile, to bury a
man in an ant-hill and leave him there for a while is the regular
treatment for insanity.<a id="footnotetag154" name=
"footnotetag154"></a><a href="#footnote154"><sup>154</sup></a></p>
<a id="beatingpurification" name="beatingpurification"></a>
<p>[In such cases the beating or stinging was originally a
purification; at a later time it is interpreted as a test of
courage and endurance.]</p>
<p>In like manner it is probable that beating or scourging as a
religious or ceremonial rite was originally a <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page65" name="page65"></a>[pg 65]</span> mode of
purification. It was meant to wipe off and drive away a dangerous
contagion, whether personified as demoniacal or not, which was
supposed to be adhering physically, though invisibly, to the body
of the sufferer.<a id="footnotetag155" name=
"footnotetag155"></a><a href="#footnote155"><sup>155</sup></a> The
pain inflicted on the person beaten was no more the object of the
beating than it is of a surgical operation with us; it was a
necessary accident, that was all. In later times such customs were
interpreted otherwise, and the pain, from being an accident, became
the prime object of the ceremony, which was now regarded either as
a test of endurance imposed upon persons at critical epochs of
life, or as a mortification of the flesh well pleasing to the god.
But asceticism, under any shape or form, is never primitive.
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page66" name="page66"></a>[pg
66]</span> The savage, it is true, in certain circumstances will
voluntarily subject himself to pains and privations which appear to
us wholly needless; but he never acts thus unless he believes that
some solid temporal advantage is to be gained by so doing. Pain for
the sake of pain, whether as a moral discipline in this life or as
a means of winning a glorious immortality hereafter, is not an
object which he sets himself deliberately to pursue.</p>
<a id="beatingconfirmed" name="beatingconfirmed"></a>
<p>[This explanation confirmed with reference to the beating of
girls at puberty among the South American Indians; treatment of a
girl at puberty among the Banivas of the Orinoco; symptoms of
puberty in a girl regarded as wounds inflicted by a demon.]</p>
<p>If this view is correct, we can understand why so many Indian
tribes of South America compel the youth of both sexes to submit to
these painful and sometimes fatal ordeals. They imagine that in
this way they rid the young folk of certain evils inherent in
youth, especially at the critical age of puberty; and when they
picture to themselves the evils in a personal form as dangerous
spirits or demons, the ceremony of their expulsion may in the
strict sense be termed an exorcism. This certainly appears to be
the interpretation which the Banivas of the Orinoco put upon the
cruel scourgings which they inflict on girls at puberty. At her
first menstruation a Baniva girl must pass several days and nights
in her hammock, almost motionless and getting nothing to eat and
drink but water and a little manioc. While she lies there, the
suitors for her hand apply to her father, and he who can afford to
give most for her or can prove himself the best man, is promised
the damsel in marriage. The fast over, some old men enter the hut,
bandage the girl's eyes, cover her head with a bonnet of which the
fringes fall on her shoulders, and then lead her forth and tie her
to a post set up in an open place. The head of the post is carved
in the shape of a grotesque face. None but the old men may witness
what follows. Were a woman caught peeping and prying, it would go
ill with her; she would be marked out for the vengeance of the
demon, who would make her expiate her crime at the very next moon
by madness or death. Every participant in the ceremony comes armed
with a scourge of cords or of fish skins; some of them reinforce
the virtue of the instrument by tying little sharp stones to the
end of the thongs. Then, to the dismal and deafening notes of
shell-trumpets blown by two or three supernumeraries, the men
circle round and round the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page67"
name="page67"></a>[pg 67]</span> post, every one applying his
scourge as he passes to the girl's back, till it streams with
blood. At last the musicians, winding tremendous blasts on their
trumpets against the demon, advance and touch the post in which he
is supposed to be incorporate. Then the blows cease to descend; the
girl is untied, often in a fainting state, and carried away to have
her wounds washed and simples applied to them. The youngest of the
executioners, or rather of the exorcists, hastens to inform her
betrothed husband of the happy issue of the exorcism. "The spirit,"
he says, "had cast thy beloved into a sleep as deep almost as that
of death. But we have rescued her from his attacks, and laid her
down in such and such a place. Go seek her." Then going from house
to house through the village he cries to the inmates, "Come, let us
burn the demon who would have taken possession of such and such a
girl, our friend." The bridegroom at once carries his wounded and
suffering bride to his own house; and all the people gather round
the post for the pleasure of burning it and the demon together. A
great pile of firewood has meanwhile been heaped up about it, and
the women run round the pyre cursing in shrill voices the wicked
spirit who has wrought all this evil. The men join in with hoarser
cries and animate themselves for the business in hand by deep
draughts of an intoxicant which has been provided for the occasion
by the parents-in-law. Soon the bridegroom, having committed the
bride to the care of his mother, appears on the scene brandishing a
lighted torch. He addresses the demon with bitter mockery and
reproaches; informs him that the fair creature on whom he, the
demon, had nefarious designs, is now his, the bridegroom's,
blooming spouse; and shaking his torch at the grinning head on the
post, he screams out, "This is how the victims of thy persecution
take vengeance on thee!" With these words he puts a light to the
pyre. At once the drums strike up, the trumpets blare, and men,
women, and children begin to dance. In two long rows they dance,
the men on one side, the women on the other, advancing till they
almost touch and then retiring again. After that the two rows join
hands, and forming a huge circle trip it round and round the blaze,
till the post with its grotesque face is consumed in the flames
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page68" name="page68"></a>[pg
68]</span> and nothing of the pyre remains but a heap of red and
glowing embers. "The evil spirit has been destroyed. Thus delivered
from her persecutor, the young wife will be free from sickness,
will not die in childbed, and will bear many children to her
husband."<a id="footnotetag156" name="footnotetag156"></a><a href=
"#footnote156"><sup>156</sup></a> From this account it appears that
the Banivas attribute the symptoms of puberty in girls to the
wounds inflicted on them by an amorous devil, who, however, can be
not only exorcised but burnt to ashes at the stake.</p>
<h4><a id="sect2-6" name="sect2-6">&sect; 6. <i>Seclusion of Girls
at Puberty in India and Cambodia</i></a></h4>
<a id="seclusionhindoos" name="seclusionhindoos"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty among the Hindoos; seclusion of
girls at puberty in Southern India.]</p>
<p>When a Hindoo maiden reaches maturity she is kept in a dark room
for four days, and is forbidden to see the sun. She is regarded as
unclean; no one may touch her. Her diet is restricted to boiled
rice, milk, sugar, curd, and tamarind without salt. On the morning
of the fifth day she goes to a neighbouring tank, accompanied by
five women whose husbands are alive. Smeared with turmeric water,
they all bathe and return home, throwing away the mat and other
things that were in the room.<a id="footnotetag157" name=
"footnotetag157"></a><a href="#footnote157"><sup>157</sup></a> The
Rarhi Brahmans of Bengal compel a girl at puberty to live alone,
and do not allow her to see the face of any male. For three days
she remains shut up in a dark room, and has to undergo certain
penances. Fish, flesh, and sweetmeats are forbidden her; she must
live upon rice and ghee.<a id="footnotetag158" name=
"footnotetag158"></a><a href="#footnote158"><sup>158</sup></a>
Among the Tiyans of Malabar a girl is thought to be polluted for
four days from the beginning of her first menstruation. During this
time she must keep to the north side of the house, where she sleeps
on a grass mat of a particular kind, in a room festooned with
garlands of young coco-nut leaves. Another girl keeps her company
and sleeps with her, but she may <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page69" name="page69"></a>[pg 69]</span> not touch any other
person, tree or plant. Further, she may not see the sky, and woe
betide her if she catches sight of a crow or a cat! Her diet must
be strictly vegetarian, without salt, tamarinds, or chillies. She
is armed against evil spirits by a knife, which is placed on the
mat or carried on her person.<a id="footnotetag159" name=
"footnotetag159"></a><a href="#footnote159"><sup>159</sup></a>
Among the Kappiliyans of Madura and Tinnevelly a girl at her first
monthly period remains under pollution for thirteen days, either in
a corner of the house, which is screened off for her use by her
maternal uncle, or in a temporary hut, which is erected by the same
relative on the common land of the village. On the thirteenth day
she bathes in a tank, and, on entering the house, steps over a
pestle and a cake. Near the entrance some food is placed and a dog
is allowed to partake of it; but his enjoyment is marred by
suffering, for while he eats he receives a sound thrashing, and the
louder he howls the better, for the larger will be the family to
which the young woman will give birth; should there be no howls,
there will be no children. The temporary hut in which the girl
passed the days of her seclusion is burnt down, and the pots which
she used are smashed to shivers.<a id="footnotetag160" name=
"footnotetag160"></a><a href="#footnote160"><sup>160</sup></a>
Similarly among the Parivarams of Madura, when a girl attains to
puberty she is kept for sixteen days in a hut, which is guarded at
night by her relations; and when her sequestration is over the hut
is burnt down and the pots she used are broken into very small
pieces, because they think that if rain-water gathered in any of
them, the girl would be childless.<a id="footnotetag161" name=
"footnotetag161"></a><a href="#footnote161"><sup>161</sup></a> The
Pulayars of Travancore build a special hut in the jungle for the
use of a girl at puberty; there she remains for seven days. No one
else may enter the hut, not even her mother. Women stand a little
way off and lay down food for her. At the end of the time she is
brought home, clad in a new or clean cloth, and friends are treated
to betel-nut, toddy, and arack.<a id="footnotetag162" name=
"footnotetag162"></a><a href="#footnote162"><sup>162</sup></a>
Among the Singhalese a girl at her first menstruation is confined
to a room, where she may neither see nor be seen by any male. After
being thus secluded for two weeks she is taken out, with her face
covered, and is bathed by women at the back <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page70" name="page70"></a>[pg 70]</span> of the
house. Near the bathing-place are kept branches of any milk-bearing
tree, usually of the <i>jak</i>-tree. In some cases, while the time
of purification or uncleanness lasts, the maiden stays in a
separate hut, which is afterwards burnt down.<a id="footnotetag163"
name="footnotetag163"></a><a href=
"#footnote163"><sup>163</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusioncambodia" name="seclusioncambodia"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of girls at puberty in Cambodia.]</p>
<p>In Cambodia a girl at puberty is put to bed under a mosquito
curtain, where she should stay a hundred days. Usually, however,
four, five, ten, or twenty days are thought enough; and even this,
in a hot climate and under the close meshes of the curtain, is
sufficiently trying.<a id="footnotetag164" name=
"footnotetag164"></a><a href="#footnote164"><sup>164</sup></a>
According to another account, a Cambodian maiden at puberty is said
to "enter into the shade." During her retirement, which, according
to the rank and position of her family, may last any time from a
few days to several years, she has to observe a number of rules,
such as not to be seen by a strange man, not to eat flesh or fish,
and so on. She goes nowhere, not even to the pagoda. But this state
of seclusion is discontinued during eclipses; at such times she
goes forth and pays her devotions to the monster who is supposed to
cause eclipses by catching the heavenly bodies between his
teeth.<a id="footnotetag165" name="footnotetag165"></a><a href=
"#footnote165"><sup>165</sup></a> This permission to break her rule
of retirement and appear abroad during an eclipse seems to shew how
literally the injunction is interpreted which forbids maidens
entering on womanhood to look upon the sun.</p>
<h4><a id="sect2-7" name="sect2-7">&sect; 7. <i>Seclusion of Girls
at Puberty in Folk-tales</i></a></h4>
<a id="seclusiondanish" name="seclusiondanish"></a>
<p>[Traces of the seclusion of girls at puberty in folk-tales.
Danish story of the girl who might not see the sun.]</p>
<p>A superstition so widely diffused as this might be expected to
leave traces in legends and folk-tales. And it has done so. In a
Danish story we read of a princess who was fated to be carried off
by a warlock if ever the sun shone on her before she had passed her
thirtieth year; so the king her father kept her shut up in the
palace, and had all the windows on the east, south, and west sides
blocked up, lest a sunbeam should fall on his darling child, and he
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page71" name="page71"></a>[pg
71]</span> should thus lose her for ever. Only at evening, when the
sun was down, might she walk for a little in the beautiful garden
of the castle. In time a prince came a-wooing, followed by a train
of gorgeous knights and squires on horses all ablaze with gold and
silver. The king said the prince might have his daughter to wife on
condition that he would not carry her away to his home till she was
thirty years old but would live with her in the castle, where the
windows looked out only to the north. The prince agreed, so married
they were. The bride was only fifteen, and fifteen more long weary
years must pass before she might step out of the gloomy donjon,
breathe the fresh air, and see the sun. But she and her gallant
young bridegroom loved each other and they were happy. Often they
sat hand in hand at the window looking out to the north and talked
of what they would do when they were free. Still it was a little
dull to look out always at the same window and to see nothing but
the castle woods, and the distant hills, and the clouds drifting
silently over them. Well, one day it happened that all the people
in the castle had gone away to a neighbouring castle to witness a
tournament and other gaieties, and the two young folks were left as
usual all alone at the window looking out to the north. They sat
silent for a time gazing away to the hills. It was a grey sad day,
the sky was overcast, and the weather seemed to draw to rain. At
last the prince said, "There will be no sunshine to-day. What if we
were to drive over and join the rest at the tournament?" His young
wife gladly consented, for she longed to see more of the world than
those eternal green woods and those eternal blue hills, which were
all she ever saw from the window. So the horses were put into the
coach, and it rattled up to the door, and in they got and away they
drove. At first all went well. The clouds hung low over the woods,
the wind sighed in the trees, a drearier day you could hardly
imagine. So they joined the rest at the other castle and took their
seats to watch the jousting in the lists. So intent were they in
watching the gay spectacle of the prancing steeds, the fluttering
pennons, and the glittering armour of the knights, that they failed
to mark the change, the fatal change, in the <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page72" name="page72"></a>[pg 72]</span> weather.
For the wind was rising and had begun to disperse the clouds, and
suddenly the sun broke through, and the glory of it fell like an
aureole on the young wife, and at once she vanished away. No sooner
did her husband miss her from his side than he, too, mysteriously
disappeared. The tournament broke up in confusion, the bereft
father hastened home, and shut himself up in the dark castle from
which the light of life had departed. The green woods and the blue
hills could still be seen from the window that looked to the north,
but the young faces that had gazed out of it so wistfully were
gone, as it seemed, for ever.<a id="footnotetag166" name=
"footnotetag166"></a><a href="#footnote166"><sup>166</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusiontyrolese" name="seclusiontyrolese"></a>
<p>[Tyrolese story of the girl who might not see the sun.]</p>
<p>A Tyrolese story tells how it was the doom of a lovely maiden
with golden hair to be transported into the belly of a whale if
ever a sunbeam fell on her. Hearing of the fame of her beauty the
king of the country sent for her to be his bride, and her brother
drove the fair damsel to the palace in a carefully closed coach,
himself sitting on the box and handling the reins. On the way they
overtook two hideous witches, who pretended they were weary and
begged for a lift in the coach. At first the brother refused to
take them in, but his tender-hearted sister entreated him to have
compassion on the two poor footsore women; for you may easily
imagine that she was not acquainted with their true character. So
down he got rather surlily from the box, opened the coach door, and
in the two witches stepped, laughing in their sleeves. But no
sooner had the brother mounted the box and whipped up the horses,
than one of the two wicked witches bored a hole in the closed
coach. A sunbeam at once shot through the hole and fell on the fair
damsel. So she vanished from the coach and was spirited away into
the belly of a whale in the neighbouring sea. You can imagine the
consternation of the king, when the coach door opened and instead
of his blooming bride out bounced two hideous hags!<a id=
"footnotetag167" name="footnotetag167"></a><a href=
"#footnote167"><sup>167</sup></a></p>
<a id="seclusionmoderngreek" name="seclusionmoderngreek"></a>
<p>[Modern Greek stories of the maid who might not see the
sun.]</p>
<p>In a modern Greek folk-tale the Fates predict that in her
fifteenth year a princess must be careful not to let the sun
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page73" name="page73"></a>[pg
73]</span> shine on her, for if this were to happen she would be
turned into a lizard.<a id="footnotetag168" name=
"footnotetag168"></a><a href="#footnote168"><sup>168</sup></a> In
another modern Greek tale the Sun bestows a daughter upon a
childless woman on condition of taking the child back to himself
when she is twelve years old. So, when the child was twelve, the
mother closed the doors and windows, and stopped up all the chinks
and crannies, to prevent the Sun from coming to fetch away her
daughter. But she forgot to stop up the key-hole, and a sunbeam
streamed through it and carried off the girl.<a id="footnotetag169"
name="footnotetag169"></a><a href="#footnote169"><sup>169</sup></a>
In a Sicilian story a seer foretells that a king will have a
daughter who, in her fourteenth year, will conceive a child by the
Sun. So, when the child was born, the king shut her up in a lonely
tower which had no window, lest a sunbeam should fall on her. When
she was nearly fourteen years old, it happened that her parents
sent her a piece of roasted kid, in which she found a sharp bone.
With this bone she scraped a hole in the wall, and a sunbeam shot
through the hole and got her with child.<a id="footnotetag170"
name="footnotetag170"></a><a href=
"#footnote170"><sup>170</sup></a></p>
<a id="danae" name="danae"></a>
<p>[The story of Danae and its parallel in a Kirghiz legend.]</p>
<p>The old Greek story of Danae, who was confined by <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page74" name="page74"></a>[pg 74]</span> her
father in a subterranean chamber or a brazen tower, but impregnated
by Zeus, who reached her in the shape of a shower of gold,<a id=
"footnotetag171" name="footnotetag171"></a><a href=
"#footnote171"><sup>171</sup></a> perhaps belongs to the same class
of tales. It has its counterpart in the legend which the Kirghiz of
Siberia tell of their ancestry. A certain Khan had a fair daughter,
whom he kept in a dark iron house, that no man might see her. An
old woman tended her; and when the girl was grown to maidenhood she
asked the old woman, "Where do you go so often?" "My child," said
the old dame, "there is a bright world. In that bright world your
father and mother live, and all sorts of people live there. That is
where I go." The maiden said, "Good mother, I will tell nobody, but
shew me that bright world." So the old woman took the girl out of
the iron house. But when she saw the bright world, the girl
tottered and fainted; and the eye of God fell upon her, and she
conceived. Her angry father put her in a golden chest and sent her
floating away (fairy gold can float in fairyland) over the wide
sea.<a id="footnotetag172" name="footnotetag172"></a><a href=
"#footnote172"><sup>172</sup></a> The shower of gold in the Greek
story, and the eye of God in the Kirghiz legend, probably stand for
sunlight and the sun.</p>
<a id="sunimpregnation" name="sunimpregnation"></a>
<p>[Impregnation of women by the sun in legends.]</p>
<p>The idea that women may be impregnated by the sun is not
uncommon in legends. Thus, for example, among the Indians of
Guacheta in Colombia, it is said, a report once ran that the sun
would impregnate one of their maidens, who should bear a child and
yet remain a virgin. The chief had two daughters, and was very
desirous that one of them should conceive in this miraculous
manner. So every day he made them climb a hill to the east of his
house in order to be touched by the first beams of the rising sun.
His wishes were fulfilled, for one of the damsels conceived and
after nine months gave birth to an emerald. So she wrapped it in
cotton and placed it in her bosom, and in a few days it turned into
a child, who received the name of Garanchacha and was universally
recognized as a son of the sun.<a id="footnotetag173" name=
"footnotetag173"></a><a href="#footnote173"><sup>173</sup></a>
Again, the Samoans tell of a woman named Mangamangai, <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page75" name="page75"></a>[pg 75]</span> who
became pregnant by looking at the rising sun. Her son grew up and
was named "Child of the Sun." At his marriage he applied to his
mother for a dowry, but she bade him apply to his father, the sun,
and told him how to go to him. So one morning he took a long vine
and made a noose in it; then climbing up a tree he threw the noose
over the sun and caught him fast. Thus arrested in his progress,
the luminary asked him what he wanted, and being told by the young
man that he wanted a present for his bride, the sun obligingly
packed up a store of blessings in a basket, with which the youth
descended to the earth.<a id="footnotetag174" name=
"footnotetag174"></a><a href="#footnote174"><sup>174</sup></a></p>
<a id="marriagecustoms" name="marriagecustoms"></a>
<p>[Traces in marriage customs of the belief that women can be
impregnated by the sun.]</p>
<p>Even in the marriage customs of various races we may perhaps
detect traces of this belief that women can be impregnated by the
sun. Thus amongst the Chaco Indians of South America a newly
married couple used to sleep the first night on a mare's or
bullock's skin with their heads towards the west, "for the marriage
is not considered ratified till the rising sun shines on their feet
the succeeding morning."<a id="footnotetag175" name=
"footnotetag175"></a><a href="#footnote175"><sup>175</sup></a> At
old Hindoo marriages the first ceremony was the "Impregnation-rite"
(<i>Garbh[=a]dh[=a]na</i>); during the previous day the bride was
made to look towards the sun or to be in some way exposed to its
rays.<a id="footnotetag176" name="footnotetag176"></a><a href=
"#footnote176"><sup>176</sup></a> Amongst the Turks of Siberia it
was formerly the custom on the morning after the marriage to lead
the young couple out of the hut to greet the rising sun. The same
custom is said to be still practised in Iran and Central Asia under
a belief that the beams of the rising sun are the surest means of
impregnating the new bride.<a id="footnotetag177" name=
"footnotetag177"></a><a href="#footnote177"><sup>177</sup></a></p>
<a id="moonimpregnation" name="moonimpregnation"></a>
<p>[Belief in the impregnation of women by the moon.]</p>
<p>And as some people think that women may be gotten with child by
the sun, so others imagine that they can conceive by the moon.
According to the Greenlanders <span class="pagenum"><a id="page76"
name="page76"></a>[pg 76]</span> the moon is a young man, and he
"now and then comes down to give their wives a visit and caress
them; for which reason no woman dare sleep lying upon her back,
without she first spits upon her fingers and rubs her belly with
it. For the same reason the young maids are afraid to stare long at
the moon, imagining they may get a child by the bargain."<a id=
"footnotetag178" name="footnotetag178"></a><a href=
"#footnote178"><sup>178</sup></a> Similarly Breton peasants are
reported to believe that women or girls who expose their persons to
the moonlight may be impregnated by it and give birth to
monsters.<a id="footnotetag179" name="footnotetag179"></a><a href=
"#footnote179"><sup>179</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect2-8" name="sect2-8">&sect; 8. <i>Reasons for the
Seclusion of Girls at Puberty</i></a></h4>
<a id="reasondread" name="reasondread"></a>
<p>[The reason for the seclusion of women at puberty is the dread
of menstruous blood.]</p>
<p>The motive for the restraints so commonly imposed on girls at
puberty is the deeply engrained dread which primitive man
universally entertains of menstruous blood. He fears it at all
times but especially on its first appearance; hence the
restrictions under which women lie at their first menstruation are
usually more stringent than those which they have to observe at any
subsequent recurrence of the mysterious flow. Some evidence of the
fear and of the customs based on it has been cited in an earlier
part of this work;<a id="footnotetag180" name=
"footnotetag180"></a><a href="#footnote180"><sup>180</sup></a> but
as the terror, for it is nothing less, which the phenomenon
periodically strikes into the mind of the savage has deeply
influenced his life and institutions, it may be well to illustrate
the subject with some further examples.</p>
<a id="dreadaustralia" name="dreadaustralia"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the aborigines of
Australia.]</p>
<p>Thus in the Encounter Bay tribe of South Australia there is, or
used to be, a "superstition which obliges a woman to separate
herself from the camp at the time of her monthly illness, when, if
a young man or boy should approach, she calls out, and he
immediately makes a circuit to avoid her. If she is neglectful upon
this point, she exposes herself to scolding, and sometimes to
severe beating by her husband or nearest relation, because the boys
are told from their infancy, that if they see the blood they will
early become grey-headed, and their strength will fail
prematurely."<a id="footnotetag181" name=
"footnotetag181"></a><a href="#footnote181"><sup>181</sup></a> And
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page77" name="page77"></a>[pg
77]</span> of the South Australian aborigines in general we read
that there is a "custom requiring all boys and uninitiated young
men to sleep at some distance from the huts of the adults, and to
remove altogether away in the morning as soon as daylight dawns,
and the natives begin to move about. This is to prevent their
seeing the women, some of whom may be menstruating; and if looked
upon by the young males, it is supposed that dire results will
follow."<a id="footnotetag182" name="footnotetag182"></a><a href=
"#footnote182"><sup>182</sup></a> And amongst these tribes women in
their courses "are not allowed to eat fish of any kind, or to go
near the water at all; it being one of their superstitions, that if
a female, in that state, goes near the water, no success can be
expected by the men in fishing."<a id="footnotetag183" name=
"footnotetag183"></a><a href="#footnote183"><sup>183</sup></a>
Similarly, among the natives of the Murray River, menstruous women
"were not allowed to go near water for fear of frightening the
fish. They were also not allowed to eat them, for the same reason.
A woman during such periods would never cross the river in a canoe,
or even fetch water for the camp. It was sufficient for her to say
<i>Thama</i>, to ensure her husband getting the water
himself."<a id="footnotetag184" name="footnotetag184"></a><a href=
"#footnote184"><sup>184</sup></a> The Dieri of Central Australia
believe that if women at these times were to eat fish or bathe in a
river, the fish would all die and the water would dry up. In this
tribe a mark made with red ochre round a woman's mouth indicates
that she has her courses; no one would offer fish to such a
woman.<a id="footnotetag185" name="footnotetag185"></a><a href=
"#footnote185"><sup>185</sup></a> The Arunta of Central Australia
forbid menstruous women to gather the <i>irriakura</i> bulbs, which
form a staple article of diet for both men and women. They believe
that were a woman to break this rule, the supply of bulbs would
fail.<a id="footnotetag186" name="footnotetag186"></a><a href=
"#footnote186"><sup>186</sup></a> Among the aborigines of Victoria
the wife at her monthly periods had to sleep on the opposite side
of the fire from her husband; she might partake of nobody's food,
and nobody would partake of hers, for people thought that if they
ate or drank anything that had been touched by a woman in her
courses, it would make them weak or ill. Unmarried girls
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page78" name="page78"></a>[pg
78]</span> and widows at such times had to paint their heads and
the upper parts of their bodies red,<a id="footnotetag187" name=
"footnotetag187"></a><a href="#footnote187"><sup>187</sup></a> no
doubt as a danger signal.</p>
<p>[Severe penalties inflicted for breaches of the custom of
seclusion.]</p>
<p>In some Australian tribes the seclusion of menstruous women was
even more rigid, and was enforced by severer penalties than a
scolding or a beating. Thus with regard to certain tribes of New
South Wales and Southern Queensland we are told that "during the
monthly illness, the woman is not allowed to touch anything that
men use, or even to walk on a path that any man frequents, on pain
of death."<a id="footnotetag188" name="footnotetag188"></a><a href=
"#footnote188"><sup>188</sup></a> Again, "there is a regulation
relating to camps in the Wakelbura tribe which forbids the women
coming into the encampment by the same path as the men. Any
violation of this rule would in a large camp be punished with
death. The reason for this is the dread with which they regard the
menstrual period of women. During such a time, a woman is kept
entirely away from the camp, half a mile at least. A woman in such
a condition has boughs of some tree of her totem tied round her
loins, and is constantly watched and guarded, for it is thought
that should any male be so unfortunate as to see a woman in such a
condition, he would die. If such a woman were to let herself be
seen by a man, she would probably be put to death. When the woman
has recovered, she is painted red and white, her head covered with
feathers, and returns to the camp."<a id="footnotetag189" name=
"footnotetag189"></a><a href="#footnote189"><sup>189</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadtorres" name="dreadtorres"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women in the Torres Straits
Islands, New Guinea, Galela, and Sumatra.]</p>
<p>In Muralug, one of the Torres Straits Islands, a menstruous
woman may not eat anything that lives in the sea, else the natives
believe that the fisheries would fail. Again, in Mabuiag, another
of these islands, women who have their courses on them may not eat
turtle flesh nor turtle eggs, probably for a similar reason. And
during the season when the turtles are pairing the restrictions
laid on <span class="pagenum"><a id="page79" name="page79"></a>[pg
79]</span> such a woman are much severer. She may not even enter a
house in which there is turtle flesh, nor approach a fire on which
the flesh is cooking; she may not go near the sea and she should
not walk on the beach below high-water mark. Nay, the infection
extends to her husband, who may not himself harpoon or otherwise
take an active part in catching turtle; however, he is permitted to
form one of the crew on a turtling expedition, provided he takes
the precaution of rubbing his armpits with certain leaves, to which
no doubt a disinfectant virtue is ascribed.<a id="footnotetag190"
name="footnotetag190"></a><a href="#footnote190"><sup>190</sup></a>
Among the Kai of German New Guinea women at their monthly sickness
must live in little huts built for them in the forest; they may not
enter the cultivated fields, for if they did go to them, and the
pigs were to taste of the blood, it would inspire the animals with
an irresistible desire to go likewise into the fields, where they
would commit great depredations on the growing crops. Hence the
issue from women at these times is carefully buried to prevent the
pigs from getting at it. And conversely, if the pigs often break
into the fields, the blame is laid on the women who by the neglect
of these elementary precautions have put temptation in the way of
the swine.<a id="footnotetag191" name="footnotetag191"></a><a href=
"#footnote191"><sup>191</sup></a> In Galela, to the west of New
Guinea, women at their monthly periods may not enter a
tobacco-field, or the plants would be attacked by disease.<a id=
"footnotetag192" name="footnotetag192"></a><a href=
"#footnote192"><sup>192</sup></a> The Minangkabauers of Sumatra are
persuaded that if a woman in her unclean state were to go near a
rice-field, the crop would be spoiled.<a id="footnotetag193" name=
"footnotetag193"></a><a href="#footnote193"><sup>193</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadsouthafrica" name="dreadsouthafrica"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the tribes of
South Africa.]</p>
<p>The Bushmen of South Africa think that, by a glance of a girl's
eye at the time when she ought to be kept in strict retirement, men
become fixed in whatever position they happen to occupy, with
whatever they were holding in their hands, and are changed into
trees that talk.<a id="footnotetag194" name=
"footnotetag194"></a><a href="#footnote194"><sup>194</sup></a>
Cattle-rearing <span class="pagenum"><a id="page80" name=
"page80"></a>[pg 80]</span> tribes of South Africa hold that their
cattle would die if the milk were drunk by a menstruous
woman;<a id="footnotetag195" name="footnotetag195"></a><a href=
"#footnote195"><sup>195</sup></a> and they fear the same disaster
if a drop of her blood were to fall on the ground and the oxen were
to pass over it. To prevent such a calamity women in general, not
menstruous women only, are forbidden to enter the cattle enclosure;
and more than that, they may not use the ordinary paths in entering
the village or in passing from one hut to another. They are obliged
to make circuitous tracks at the back of the huts in order to avoid
the ground in the middle of the village where the cattle stand or
lie down. These women's tracks may be seen at every Caffre
village.<a id="footnotetag196" name="footnotetag196"></a><a href=
"#footnote196"><sup>196</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadcentralafrica" name="dreadcentralafrica"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the tribes of
Central and East Africa.]</p>
<p>Similarly among the Bahima, a cattle-breeding tribe of Ankole,
in Central Africa, no menstruous woman may drink milk, lest by so
doing she should injure the cows; and she may not lie on her
husband's bed, no doubt lest she should injure him. Indeed she is
forbidden to lie on a bed at all and must sleep on the ground. Her
diet is restricted to vegetables and beer.<a id="footnotetag197"
name="footnotetag197"></a><a href="#footnote197"><sup>197</sup></a>
Among the Baganda, in like manner, no menstruous woman might drink
milk or come into contact with any milk-vessel;<a id=
"footnotetag198" name="footnotetag198"></a><a href=
"#footnote198"><sup>198</sup></a> and she might not touch anything
that belonged to her husband, nor sit on his mat, nor cook his
food. If she touched anything of his at such a time it was deemed
equivalent to wishing him dead or to actually working magic for his
destruction.<a id="footnotetag199" name=
"footnotetag199"></a><a href="#footnote199"><sup>199</sup></a> Were
she to handle any article of his, he would surely fall ill; were
she to handle his weapons, he would certainly be killed in the next
battle. Even a woman <span class="pagenum"><a id="page81" name=
"page81"></a>[pg 81]</span> who did not menstruate was believed by
the Baganda to be a source of danger to her husband, indeed capable
of killing him. Hence, before he went to war, he used to wound her
slightly with his spear so as to draw blood; this was thought to
ensure his safe return.<a id="footnotetag200" name=
"footnotetag200"></a><a href="#footnote200"><sup>200</sup></a>
Apparently the notion was that if the wife did not lose blood in
one way or another, her husband would be bled in war to make up for
her deficiency; so by way of guarding against this undesirable
event, he took care to relieve her of a little superfluous blood
before he repaired to the field of honour. Further, the Baganda
would not suffer a menstruous woman to visit a well; if she did so,
they feared that the water would dry up, and that she herself would
fall sick and die, unless she confessed her fault and the
medicine-man made atonement for her.<a id="footnotetag201" name=
"footnotetag201"></a><a href="#footnote201"><sup>201</sup></a>
Among the Akikuyu of British East Africa, if a new hut is built in
a village and the wife chances to menstruate in it on the day she
lights the first fire there, the hut must be broken down and
demolished the very next day. The woman may on no account sleep a
second night in it; there is a curse (<i>thahu</i>) both on her and
on it.<a id="footnotetag202" name="footnotetag202"></a><a href=
"#footnote202"><sup>202</sup></a> In the Suk tribe of British East
Africa warriors may not eat anything that has been touched by
menstruous women. If they did so, it is believed that they would
lose their virility; "in the rain they will shiver and in the heat
they will faint." Suk men and women take their meals apart, because
the men fear that one or more of the women may be
menstruating.<a id="footnotetag203" name=
"footnotetag203"></a><a href="#footnote203"><sup>203</sup></a> The
Anyanja of British Central Africa, at the southern end of Lake
Nyassa, think that a man who should sleep with a woman in her
courses would fall sick and die, unless some remedy were applied in
time. And with them it is a rule that at such times a woman should
not put any salt into the food she is cooking, otherwise the people
who partook of the food salted by her would suffer from a certain
disease called <span class="pagenum"><a id="page82" name=
"page82"></a>[pg 82]</span> <i>tsempo</i>; hence to obviate the
danger she calls a child to put the salt into the dish.<a id=
"footnotetag204" name="footnotetag204"></a><a href=
"#footnote204"><sup>204</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadwestafrica" name="dreadwestafrica"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the tribes of
West Africa.]</p>
<p>Among the Hos, a tribe of Ewe negroes of Togoland in West
Africa, so long as a wife has her monthly sickness she may not cook
for her husband, nor lie on his bed, nor sit on his stool; an
infraction of these rules would assuredly, it is believed, cause
her husband to die. If her husband is a priest, or a magician, or a
chief, she may not pass the days of her uncleanness in the house,
but must go elsewhere till she is clean.<a id="footnotetag205"
name="footnotetag205"></a><a href="#footnote205"><sup>205</sup></a>
Among the Ewe negroes of this region each village has its huts
where women who have their courses on them must spend their time
secluded from intercourse with other people. Sometimes these huts
stand by themselves in public places; sometimes they are mere
shelters built either at the back or front of the ordinary
dwelling-houses. A woman is punishable if she does not pass the
time of her monthly sickness in one of these huts or shelters
provided for her use. Thus, if she shews herself in her own house
or even in the yard of the house, she may be fined a sheep, which
is killed, its flesh divided among the people, and its blood poured
on the image of the chief god as a sin-offering to expiate her
offence. She is also forbidden to go to the place where the
villagers draw water, and if she breaks the rule, she must give a
goat to be killed; its flesh is distributed, and its blood, diluted
with water and mixed with herbs, is sprinkled on the watering-place
and on the paths leading to it. Were any woman to disregard these
salutary precautions, the chief fetish-man in the village would
fall sick and die, which would be an irreparable loss to
society.<a id="footnotetag206" name="footnotetag206"></a><a href=
"#footnote206"><sup>206</sup></a></p>
<a id="arablegend" name="arablegend"></a>
<p>[Powerful influence ascribed to menstruous blood in Arab
legend.]</p>
<p>The miraculous virtue ascribed to menstruous blood is well
illustrated in a story told by the Arab chronicler Tabari. He
relates how Sapor, king of Persia, besieged the strong city of
Atrae, in the desert of Mesopotamia, for several years without
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page83" name="page83"></a>[pg
83]</span> being able to take it. But the king of the city, whose
name was Daizan, had a daughter, and when it was with her after the
manner of women she went forth from the city and dwelt for a time
in the suburb, for such was the custom of the place. Now it fell
out that, while she tarried there, Sapor saw her and loved her, and
she loved him; for he was a handsome man and she a lovely maid. And
she said to him, "What will you give me if I shew you how you may
destroy the walls of this city and slay my father?" And he said to
her, "I will give you what you will, and I will exalt you above my
other wives, and will set you nearer to me than them all." Then she
said to him, "Take a greenish dove with a ring about its neck, and
write something on its foot with the menstruous blood of a
blue-eyed maid; then let the bird loose, and it will perch on the
walls of the city, and they will fall down." For that, says the
Arab historian, was the talisman of the city, which could not be
destroyed in any other way. And Sapor did as she bade him, and the
city fell down in a heap, and he stormed it and slew Daizan on the
spot.<a id="footnotetag207" name="footnotetag207"></a><a href=
"#footnote207"><sup>207</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadjews" name="dreadjews"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Jews and in
Syria.]</p>
<p>According to the Talmud, if a woman at the beginning of her
period passes between two men, she thereby kills one of them; if
she passes between them towards the end of her period, she only
causes them to quarrel violently.<a id="footnotetag208" name=
"footnotetag208"></a><a href="#footnote208"><sup>208</sup></a>
Maimonides tells us that down to his time it was a common custom in
the East to keep women at their periods in a separate house and to
burn everything on which they had trodden; a man who spoke with
such a woman or who was merely exposed to the same wind that blew
over her, became thereby unclean.<a id="footnotetag209" name=
"footnotetag209"></a><a href="#footnote209"><sup>209</sup></a>
Peasants of the Lebanon think that menstruous women are the cause
of many misfortunes; their shadow <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page84" name="page84"></a>[pg 84]</span> causes flowers to wither
and trees to perish, it even arrests the movements of serpents; if
one of them mounts a horse, the animal might die or at least be
disabled for a long time.<a id="footnotetag210" name=
"footnotetag210"></a><a href="#footnote210"><sup>210</sup></a> In
Syria to this day a woman who has her courses on her may neither
salt nor pickle, for the people think that whatever she pickled or
salted would not keep.<a id="footnotetag211" name=
"footnotetag211"></a><a href="#footnote211"><sup>211</sup></a> The
Toaripi of New Guinea, doubtless for a similar reason, will not
allow women at such times to cook.<a id="footnotetag212" name=
"footnotetag212"></a><a href="#footnote212"><sup>212</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadindia" name="dreadindia"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women in India.]</p>
<p>The Bhuiyars, a Dravidian tribe of South Mirzapur, are said to
feel an intense dread of menstrual pollution. Every house has two
doors, one of which is used only by women in this condition. During
her impurity the wife is fed by her husband apart from the rest of
the family, and whenever she has to quit the house she is obliged
to creep out on her hands and knees in order not to defile the
thatch by her touch.<a id="footnotetag213" name=
"footnotetag213"></a><a href="#footnote213"><sup>213</sup></a> The
Kharwars, another aboriginal tribe of the same district, keep their
women at such seasons in the outer verandah of the house for eight
days, and will not let them enter the kitchen or the cowhouse;
during this time the unclean woman may not cook nor even touch the
cooking vessels. When the eight days are over, she bathes, washes
her clothes, and returns to family life.<a id="footnotetag214"
name="footnotetag214"></a><a href="#footnote214"><sup>214</sup></a>
Hindoo women seclude themselves at their monthly periods and
observe a number of rules, such as not to drink milk, not to milk
cows, not to touch fire, not to lie on a high bed, not to walk on
common paths, not to cross the track of animals, not to walk by the
side of flowering plants, and not to observe the heavenly
bodies.<a id="footnotetag215" name="footnotetag215"></a><a href=
"#footnote215"><sup>215</sup></a> The motive for these <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page85" name="page85"></a>[pg 85]</span>
restrictions is not mentioned, but probably it is a dread of the
baleful influence which is supposed to emanate from women at these
times. The Parsees, who reverence fire, will not suffer menstruous
women to see it or even to look on a lighted taper;<a id=
"footnotetag216" name="footnotetag216"></a><a href=
"#footnote216"><sup>216</sup></a> during their infirmity the women
retire from their houses to little lodges in the country, whither
victuals are brought to them daily; at the end of their seclusion
they bathe and send a kid, a fowl, or a pigeon to the priest as an
offering.<a id="footnotetag217" name="footnotetag217"></a><a href=
"#footnote217"><sup>217</sup></a> In Annam a woman at her monthly
periods is deemed a centre of impurity, and contact with her is
avoided. She is subject to all sorts of restrictions which she must
observe herself and which others must observe towards her. She may
not touch any food which is to be preserved by salting, whether it
be fish, flesh, or vegetables; for were she to touch it the food
would putrefy. She may not enter any sacred place, she may not be
present at any religious ceremony. The linen which she wears at
such times must be washed by herself at sunrise, never at night. On
reaching puberty girls may not touch flowers or the fruits of
certain trees, for touched by them the flowers would fade and the
fruits fall to the ground. "It is on account of their reputation
for impurity that the women generally live isolated. In every house
they have an apartment reserved for them, and they never eat at the
same table as the men. For the same reason they are excluded from
all religious ceremonies. They may only be present at family
ceremonies, but without ever officiating in them."<a id=
"footnotetag218" name="footnotetag218"></a><a href=
"#footnote218"><sup>218</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadsouthamerica" name="dreadsouthamerica"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Indians of
South and Central America.]</p>
<p>The Guayquiries of the Orinoco think that when a woman has her
courses, everything upon which she steps will die, and that if a
man treads on the place where she has passed, his legs will
immediately swell up.<a id="footnotetag219" name=
"footnotetag219"></a><a href="#footnote219"><sup>219</sup></a>
Among the Guaraunos of the same great river, women at their periods
are regarded as unclean and kept apart in special huts, where
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page86" name="page86"></a>[pg
86]</span> all that they need is brought to them.<a id=
"footnotetag220" name="footnotetag220"></a><a href=
"#footnote220"><sup>220</sup></a> In like manner among the
Piapocos, an Indian tribe on the Guayabero, a tributary of the
Orinoco, a menstruous woman is secluded from her family every month
for four or five days. She passes the time in a special hut,
whither her husband brings her food; and at the end of the time she
takes a bath and resumes her usual occupations.<a id=
"footnotetag221" name="footnotetag221"></a><a href=
"#footnote221"><sup>221</sup></a> So among the Indians of the
Mosquito territory in Central America, when a woman is in her
courses, she must quit the village for seven or eight days. A small
hut is built for her in the wood, and at night some of the village
girls go and sleep with her to keep her company. Or if the nights
are dark and jaguars are known to be prowling in the neighbourhood,
her husband will take his gun or bow and sleep in a hammock near
her. She may neither handle nor cook food; all is prepared and
carried to her. When the sickness is over, she bathes in the river,
puts on clean clothes, and returns to her household duties.<a id=
"footnotetag222" name="footnotetag222"></a><a href=
"#footnote222"><sup>222</sup></a> Among the Bri-bri Indians of
Costa Rica a girl at her first menstruation retires to a hut built
for the purpose in the forest, and there she must stay till she has
been purified by a medicine-man, who breathes on her and places
various objects, such as feathers, the beaks of birds, the teeth of
beasts, and so forth, upon her body. A married woman at her periods
remains in the house with her husband, but she is reckoned unclean
(<i>bukuru</i>) and must avoid all intimate relations with him. She
uses for plates only banana leaves, which, when she has done with
them, she throws away in a sequestered spot; for should a cow find
and eat them, the animal would waste away and perish. Also she
drinks only out of a special vessel, because any person who should
afterwards drink out of the same vessel would infallibly pine away
and die.<a id="footnotetag223" name="footnotetag223"></a><a href=
"#footnote223"><sup>223</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page87" name="page87"></a>[pg
87]</span> <a id="dreadnorthamerica" name="dreadnorthamerica"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Indians of
North America.]</p>
<p>Among most tribes of North American Indians the custom was that
women in their courses retired from the camp or the village and
lived during the time of their uncleanness in special huts or
shelters which were appropriated to their use. There they dwelt
apart, eating and sleeping by themselves, warming themselves at
their own fires, and strictly abstaining from all communications
with men, who shunned them just as if they were stricken with the
plague. No article of furniture used in these menstrual huts might
be used in any other, not even the flint and steel with which in
the old days the fires were kindled. No one would borrow a light
from a woman in her seclusion. If a white man in his ignorance
asked to light his pipe at her fire, she would refuse to grant the
request, telling him that it would make his nose bleed and his head
ache, and that he would fall sick in consequence. If an Indian's
wooden pipe cracked, his friends would think that he had either lit
it at one of these polluted fires or had held some converse with a
woman during her retirement, which was esteemed a most disgraceful
and wicked thing to do. Decent men would not approach within a
certain distance of a woman at such times, and if they had to
convey anything to her they would stand some forty or fifty paces
off and throw it to her. Everything which was touched by her hands
during this period was deemed ceremonially unclean. Indeed her
touch was thought to convey such pollution that if she chanced to
lay a finger on a chief's lodge or his gun or anything else
belonging to him, it would be instantly destroyed. If she crossed
the path of a hunter or a warrior, his luck for that day at least
would be gone. Were she not thus secluded, it was supposed that the
men would be attacked by diseases of various kinds, which would
prove mortal. In some tribes a woman who infringed the rules of
separation might have to answer with her life for any misfortunes
that might happen to individuals or to the tribe in consequence, as
it was supposed, of her criminal negligence. When she quitted her
tent or hut to go into retirement, the fire in it was extinguished
and the ashes thrown away outside of the village, and a new fire
was kindled, as if the old one had been defiled by her presence. At
the end of their <span class="pagenum"><a id="page88" name=
"page88"></a>[pg 88]</span> seclusion the women bathed in running
streams and returned to their usual occupations.<a id=
"footnotetag224" name="footnotetag224"></a><a href=
"#footnote224"><sup>224</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadcreek" name="dreadcreek"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Creek,
Choctaw, Omaha, and Cheyenne Indians.]</p>
<p>Thus, to take examples, the Creek and kindred Indians of the
United States compelled women at menstruation to live in separate
huts at some distance from the village. There the women had to
stay, at the risk of being surprised and cut off by enemies. It was
thought "a most horrid and dangerous pollution" to go near the
women at such times; and the danger extended to enemies who, if
they slew the women, had to cleanse themselves from the pollution
by means of certain sacred herbs and roots.<a id="footnotetag225"
name="footnotetag225"></a><a href="#footnote225"><sup>225</sup></a>
Similarly, the Choctaw women had to quit their huts during their
monthly periods, and might not return till after they had been
purified. While their uncleanness lasted they had to prepare their
own food. The men believed that if they were to approach a
menstruous woman, they would fall ill, and that some mishap would
overtake them when they went to the wars.<a id="footnotetag226"
name="footnotetag226"></a><a href="#footnote226"><sup>226</sup></a>
When an Omaha woman has her courses on her, she retires from the
family to a little shelter of bark or grass, supported by sticks,
where she kindles a fire and cooks her victuals alone. Her
seclusion lasts four days. During this time she may not approach or
touch a horse, for the Indians believe that <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page89" name="page89"></a>[pg 89]</span> such
contamination would impoverish or weaken the animal.<a id=
"footnotetag227" name="footnotetag227"></a><a href=
"#footnote227"><sup>227</sup></a> Among the Potawatomis the women
at their monthly periods "are not allowed to associate with the
rest of the nation; they are completely laid aside, and are not
permitted to touch any article of furniture or food which the men
have occasion to use. If the Indians be stationary at the time, the
women are placed outside of the camp; if on a march, they are not
allowed to follow the trail, but must take a different path and
keep at a distance from the main body."<a id="footnotetag228" name=
"footnotetag228"></a><a href="#footnote228"><sup>228</sup></a>
Among the Cheyennes menstruous women slept in special lodges; the
men believed that if they slept with their wives at such times,
they would probably be wounded in their next battle. A man who
owned a shield had very particularly to be on his guard against
women in their courses. He might not go into a lodge where one of
them happened to be, nor even into a lodge where one of them had
been, until a ceremony of purification had been performed. Sweet
grass and juniper were burnt in the tent, and the pegs were pulled
up and the covering thrown back, as if the tent were about to be
struck. After this pretence of decamping from the polluted spot the
owner of the shield might enter the tent.<a id="footnotetag229"
name="footnotetag229"></a><a href=
"#footnote229"><sup>229</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadbritishcolumbia" name="dreadbritishcolumbia"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Indians of
British Columbia.]</p>
<p>The Stseelis Indians of British Columbia imagined that if a
menstruous woman were to step over a bundle of arrows, the arrows
would thereby be rendered useless and might even cause the death of
their owner; and similarly that if she passed in front of a hunter
who carried a gun, the weapon would never shoot straight again.
Neither her husband nor her father would dream of going out to hunt
while she was in this state; and even if he had wished to do so,
the other hunters would not go with him. Hence to keep them out of
harm's way, the women, both married and unmarried, were secluded at
these times for four days in shelters.<a id="footnotetag230" name=
"footnotetag230"></a><a href="#footnote230"><sup>230</sup></a>
Among the Thompson <span class="pagenum"><a id="page90" name=
"page90"></a>[pg 90]</span> Indians of British Columbia every woman
had to isolate herself from the rest of the people during every
recurring period of menstruation, and had to live some little way
off in a small brush or bark lodge made for the purpose. At these
times she was considered unclean, must use cooking and eating
utensils of her own, and was supplied with food by some other
woman. If she smoked out of a pipe other than her own, that pipe
would ever afterwards be hot to smoke. If she crossed in front of a
gun, that gun would thenceforth be useless for the war or the
chase, unless indeed the owner promptly washed the weapon in
"medecine" or struck the woman with it once on each principal part
of her body. If a man ate or had any intercourse with a menstruous
woman, nay if he merely wore clothes or mocassins made or patched
by her, he would have bad luck in hunting and the bears would
attack him fiercely. Before being admitted again among the people,
she had to change all her clothes and wash several times in clear
water. The clothes worn during her isolation were hung on a tree,
to be used next time, or to be washed. For one day after coming
back among the people she did not cook food. Were a man to eat food
cooked by a woman at such times, he would have incapacitated
himself for hunting and exposed himself to sickness or death.<a id=
"footnotetag231" name="footnotetag231"></a><a href=
"#footnote231"><sup>231</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadchippeway" name="dreadchippeway"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Chippeway
Indians.]</p>
<p>Among the Chippeways and other Indians of the Hudson Bay
Territory, menstruous women are excluded from the camp, and take up
their abode in huts of branches. They wear long hoods, which
effectually conceal the head and breast. They may not touch the
household furniture nor any objects used by men; for their touch
"is supposed to defile them, so that their subsequent use would be
followed by certain mischief or misfortune," such as disease or
death. They must drink out of a swan's bone. They may not walk on
the common paths nor cross the tracks of animals. They "are never
permitted to walk on the ice of rivers or lakes, or near the part
where the men are hunting beaver, or where a fishing-net is set,
for fear of averting <span class="pagenum"><a id="page91" name=
"page91"></a>[pg 91]</span> their success. They are also prohibited
at those times from partaking of the head of any animal, and even
from walking in or crossing the track where the head of a deer,
moose, beaver, and many other animals have lately been carried,
either on a sledge or on the back. To be guilty of a violation of
this custom is considered as of the greatest importance; because
they firmly believe that it would be a means of preventing the
hunter from having an equal success in his future
excursions."<a id="footnotetag232" name=
"footnotetag232"></a><a href="#footnote232"><sup>232</sup></a> So
the Lapps forbid women at menstruation to walk on that part of the
shore where the fishers are in the habit of setting out their
fish;<a id="footnotetag233" name="footnotetag233"></a><a href=
"#footnote233"><sup>233</sup></a> and the Esquimaux of Bering
Strait believe that if hunters were to come near women in their
courses they would catch no game.<a id="footnotetag234" name=
"footnotetag234"></a><a href="#footnote234"><sup>234</sup></a></p>
<a id="dreadtinneh" name="dreadtinneh"></a>
<p>[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Tinneh or
D&eacute;n&eacute; Indians; customs and beliefs of the Carrier
Indians in regard to menstruous women.]</p>
<p>But the beliefs and superstitions of this sort that prevail
among the western tribes of the great D&eacute;n&eacute; or Tinneh
stock, to which the Chippeways belong, have been so well described
by an experienced missionary, that I will give his description in
his own words. Prominent among the ceremonial rites of these
Indians, he says, "are the observances peculiar to the fair sex,
and many of them are remarkably analogous to those practised by the
Hebrew women, so much so that, were it not savouring of profanity,
the ordinances of the D&eacute;n&eacute; ritual code might be
termed a new edition 'revised and considerably augmented' of the
Mosaic ceremonial law. Among the Carriers,<a id="footnotetag235"
name="footnotetag235"></a><a href="#footnote235"><sup>235</sup></a>
as soon as a girl has experienced the first flow of the menses
which in the female constitution are a natural discharge, her
father believed himself under the obligation of atoning for her
supposedly sinful condition by a small impromptu distribution of
clothes among the natives. This periodical state of women was
considered as one of legal impurity <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page92" name="page92"></a>[pg 92]</span> fateful both to the man
who happened to have any intercourse, however indirect, with her,
and to the woman herself who failed in scrupulously observing all
the rites prescribed by ancient usage for persons in her
condition.</p>
<a id="dreadcarrier" name="dreadcarrier"></a>
<p>[Seclusion of Carrier girls at puberty.]</p>
<p>"Upon entering into that stage of her life, the maiden was
immediately sequestered from company, even that of her parents, and
compelled to dwell in a small branch hut by herself away from
beaten paths and the gaze of passers-by. As she was supposed to
exercise malefic influence on any man who might inadvertently
glance at her, she had to wear a sort of head-dress combining in
itself the purposes of a veil, a bonnet, and a mantlet. It was made
of tanned skin, its forepart was shaped like a long fringe
completely hiding from view the face and breasts; then it formed on
the head a close-fitting cap or bonnet, and finally fell in a broad
band almost to the heels. This head-dress was made and publicly
placed on her head by a paternal aunt, who received at once some
present from the girl's father. When, three or four years later,
the period of sequestration ceased, only this same aunt had the
right to take off her niece's ceremonial head-dress. Furthermore,
the girl's fingers, wrists, and legs at the ankles and immediately
below the knees, were encircled with ornamental rings and bracelets
of sinew intended as a protection against the malign influences she
was supposed to be possessed with.<a id="footnotetag236" name=
"footnotetag236"></a><a href="#footnote236"><sup>236</sup></a> To a
belt girding her waist were suspended two bone implements called
respectively <i>Tsoenkuz</i> (bone tube) and <i>Tsiltsoet</i> (head
scratcher). The former was a hollowed swan bone to drink with, any
other mode of drinking being unlawful to her. The latter was
fork-like and was called into requisition whenever she wanted to
scratch her head&mdash;immediate contact of the fingers with the
head being reputed injurious to her health. While thus secluded,
she was called <i>asta</i>, that <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page93" name="page93"></a>[pg 93]</span> is 'interred alive' in
Carrier, and she had to submit to a rigorous fast and abstinence.
Her only allowed food consisted of dried fish boiled in a small
bark vessel which nobody else must touch, and she had to abstain
especially from meat of any kind, as well as fresh fish. Nor was
this all she had to endure; even her contact, however remote, with
these two articles of diet was so dreaded that she could not cross
the public paths or trails, or the tracks of animals. Whenever
absolute necessity constrained her to go beyond such spots, she had
to be packed or carried over them lest she should contaminate the
game or meat which had passed that way, or had been brought over
these paths; and also for the sake of self-preservation against
tabooed, and consequently to her, deleterious food. In the same way
she was never allowed to wade in streams or lakes, for fear of
causing death to the fish.</p>
<p>"It was also a prescription of the ancient ritual code for
females during this primary condition to eat as little as possible,
and to remain lying down, especially in course of each monthly
flow, not only as a natural consequence of the prolonged fast and
resulting weakness; but chiefly as an exhibition of a becoming
penitential spirit which was believed to be rewarded by long life
and continual good health in after years.</p>
<p>[Seclusion of Carrier women at their monthly periods; reasons
for the seclusion of menstruous women among the Indians.]</p>
<p>"These mortifications or seclusion did not last less than three
or four years. Useless to say that during all that time marriage
could not be thought of, since the girl could not so much as be
seen by men. When married, the same sequestration was practised
relatively to husband and fellow-villagers&mdash;without the
particular head-dress and rings spoken of&mdash;on the occasion of
every recurring menstruation. Sometimes it was protracted as long
as ten days at a time, especially during the first years of
cohabitation. Even when she returned to her mate, she was not
permitted to sleep with him on the first nor frequently on the
second night, but would choose a distant corner of the lodge to
spread her blanket, as if afraid to defile him with her dread
uncleanness."<a id="footnotetag237" name=
"footnotetag237"></a><a href="#footnote237"><sup>237</sup></a>
Elsewhere the same writer tells us that most of <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page94" name="page94"></a>[pg 94]</span> the
devices to which these Indians used to resort for the sake of
ensuring success in the chase "were based on their regard for
continence and their excessive repugnance for, and dread of,
menstruating women."<a id="footnotetag238" name=
"footnotetag238"></a><a href="#footnote238"><sup>238</sup></a> But
the strict observances imposed on Tinneh or D&eacute;n&eacute;
women at such times were designed at the same time to protect the
women themselves from the evil consequences of their dangerous
condition. Thus it was thought that women in their courses could
not partake of the head, heart, or hind part of an animal that had
been caught in a snare without exposing themselves to a premature
death through a kind of rabies. They might not cut or carve salmon,
because to do so would seriously endanger their health, and
especially would enfeeble their arms for life. And they had to
abstain from cutting up the grebes which are caught by the Carriers
in great numbers every spring, because otherwise the blood with
which these fowls abound would occasion haemorrhage or an
unnaturally prolonged flux in the transgressor.<a id=
"footnotetag239" name="footnotetag239"></a><a href=
"#footnote239"><sup>239</sup></a> Similarly Indian women of the
Thompson tribe abstained from venison and the flesh of other large
game during menstruation, lest the animals should be displeased and
the menstrual flow increased.<a id="footnotetag240" name=
"footnotetag240"></a><a href="#footnote240"><sup>240</sup></a> For
a similar reason, probably, Shuswap girls during their seclusion at
puberty are forbidden to eat anything that bleeds.<a id=
"footnotetag241" name="footnotetag241"></a><a href=
"#footnote241"><sup>241</sup></a> The same principle may perhaps
partly explain the rule, of which we have had some examples, that
women at such times should refrain from fish and flesh, and
restrict themselves to a vegetable diet.</p>
<a id="similarrules" name="similarrules"></a>
<p>[Similar rules of seclusion enjoined on menstruous women in
ancient Hindoo, Persian, and Hebrew codes.]</p>
<p>The philosophic student of human nature will observe, or learn,
without surprise that ideas thus deeply ingrained <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page95" name="page95"></a>[pg 95]</span> in the
savage mind reappear at a more advanced stage of society in those
elaborate codes which have been drawn up for the guidance of
certain peoples by lawgivers who claim to have derived the rules
they inculcate from the direct inspiration of the deity. However we
may explain it, the resemblance which exists between the earliest
official utterances of the deity and the ideas of savages is
unquestionably close and remarkable; whether it be, as some
suppose, that God communed face to face with man in those early
days, or, as others maintain, that man mistook his wild and
wandering thoughts for a revelation from heaven. Be that as it may,
certain it is that the natural uncleanness of woman at her monthly
periods is a conception which has occurred, or been revealed, with
singular unanimity to several ancient legislators. The Hindoo
lawgiver Manu, who professed to have received his institutes from
the creator Brahman, informs us that the wisdom, the energy, the
strength, the sight, and the vitality of a man who approaches a
woman in her courses will utterly perish; whereas, if he avoids
her, his wisdom, energy, strength, sight, and vitality will all
increase.<a id="footnotetag242" name="footnotetag242"></a><a href=
"#footnote242"><sup>242</sup></a> The Persian lawgiver Zoroaster,
who, if we can take his word for it, derived his code from the
mouth of the supreme being Ahura Mazda, devoted special attention
to the subject. According to him, the menstrous flow, at least in
its abnormal manifestations, is a work of Ahriman, or the devil.
Therefore, so long as it lasts, a woman "is unclean and possessed
of the demon; she must be kept confined, apart from the faithful
whom her touch would defile, and from the fire which her very look
would injure; she is not allowed to eat as much as she wishes, as
the strength she might acquire would accrue to the fiends. Her food
is not given her from hand to hand, but is passed to her from a
distance, in a long leaden spoon."<a id="footnotetag243" name=
"footnotetag243"></a><a href="#footnote243"><sup>243</sup></a> The
Hebrew lawgiver Moses, whose divine legation is as little open to
question as that of Manu and Zoroaster, treats the subject at still
greater length; but I must leave to the reader the task of
comparing the inspired ordinances <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page96" name="page96"></a>[pg 96]</span> on this head with the
merely human regulations of the Carrier Indians which they so
closely resemble.</p>
<a id="superstitionsmenstrous" name="superstitionsmenstrous"></a>
<p>[Superstitions as to menstruous women in ancient and modern
Europe.]</p>
<p>Amongst the civilized nations of Europe the superstitions which
cluster round this mysterious aspect of woman's nature are not less
extravagant than those which prevail among savages. In the oldest
existing cyclopaedia&mdash;the <i>Natural History</i> of
Pliny&mdash;the list of dangers apprehended from menstruation is
longer than any furnished by mere barbarians. According to Pliny,
the touch of a menstruous woman turned wine to vinegar, blighted
crops, killed seedlings, blasted gardens, brought down the fruit
from trees, dimmed mirrors, blunted razors, rusted iron and brass
(especially at the waning of the moon), killed bees, or at least
drove them from their hives, caused mares to miscarry, and so
forth.<a id="footnotetag244" name="footnotetag244"></a><a href=
"#footnote244"><sup>244</sup></a> Similarly, in various parts of
Europe, it is still believed that if a woman in her courses enters
a brewery the beer will turn sour; if she touches beer, wine,
vinegar, or milk, it will go bad; if she makes jam, it will not
keep; if she mounts a mare, it will miscarry; if she touches buds,
they will wither; if she climbs a cherry tree, it will die.<a id=
"footnotetag245" name="footnotetag245"></a><a href=
"#footnote245"><sup>245</sup></a> In Brunswick people think that if
a menstruous woman assists at the killing of a pig, the pork will
putrefy.<a id="footnotetag246" name="footnotetag246"></a><a href=
"#footnote246"><sup>246</sup></a> In the Greek island of Calymnos a
woman at such times may not <span class="pagenum"><a id="page97"
name="page97"></a>[pg 97]</span> go to the well to draw water, nor
cross a running stream, nor enter the sea. Her presence in a boat
is said to raise storms.<a id="footnotetag247" name=
"footnotetag247"></a><a href="#footnote247"><sup>247</sup></a></p>
<a id="intentionsecluding" name="intentionsecluding"></a>
<p>[The intention of secluding menstruous women is to neutralize
the dangerous influences which are thought to emanate from them in
that condition; suspension between heaven and earth.]</p>
<p>Thus the object of secluding women at menstruation is to
neutralize the dangerous influences which are supposed to emanate
from them at such times. That the danger is believed to be
especially great at the first menstruation appears from the unusual
precautions taken to isolate girls at this crisis. Two of these
precautions have been illustrated above, namely, the rules that the
girl may not touch the ground nor see the sun. The general effect
of these rules is to keep her suspended, so to say, between heaven
and earth. Whether enveloped in her hammock and slung up to the
roof, as in South America, or raised above the ground in a dark and
narrow cage, as in New Ireland, she may be considered to be out of
the way of doing mischief, since, being shut off both from the
earth and from the sun, she can poison neither of these great
sources of life by her deadly contagion. In short, she is rendered
harmless by being, in electrical language, insulated. But the
precautions thus taken to isolate or insulate the girl are dictated
by a regard for her own safety as well as for the safety of others.
For it is thought that she herself would suffer if she were to
neglect the prescribed regimen. Thus Zulu girls, as we have seen,
believe that they would shrivel to skeletons if the sun were to
shine on them at puberty, and in some Brazilian tribes the young
women think that a transgression of the rules would entail sores on
the neck and throat. In short, the girl is viewed as charged with a
powerful force which, if not kept within bounds, may prove
destructive both to herself and to all with whom she comes in
contact. To repress this force within the limits necessary for the
safety of all concerned is the object of the taboos in
question.</p>
<a id="suspensionheaven" name="suspensionheaven"></a>
<p>[The same explanation applies to the similar rules of seclusion
observed by divine kings and priests; suspension between heaven and
earth.]</p>
<p>The same explanation applies to the observance of the same rules
by divine kings and priests. The uncleanness, as it is called, of
girls at puberty and the sanctity of holy men do not, to the
primitive mind, differ materially from each other. They are only
different manifestations of the same mysterious energy which, like
energy in general, is in itself neither good <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page98" name="page98"></a>[pg 98]</span> nor bad,
but becomes beneficent or maleficent according to its
application.<a id="footnotetag248" name=
"footnotetag248"></a><a href="#footnote248"><sup>248</sup></a>
Accordingly, if, like girls at puberty, divine personages may
neither touch the ground nor see the sun, the reason is, on the one
hand, a fear lest their divinity might, at contact with earth or
heaven, discharge itself with fatal violence on either; and, on the
other hand, an apprehension that the divine being, thus drained of
his ethereal virtue, might thereby be incapacitated for the future
performance of those magical functions, upon the proper discharge
of which the safety of the people and even of the <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page99" name="page99"></a>[pg 99]</span> world is
believed to hang. Thus the rules in question fall under the head of
the taboos which we examined in the second part of this work;<a id=
"footnotetag249" name="footnotetag249"></a><a href=
"#footnote249"><sup>249</sup></a> they are intended to preserve the
life of the divine person and with it the life of his subjects and
worshippers. Nowhere, it is thought, can his precious yet dangerous
life be at once so safe and so harmless as when it is neither in
heaven nor in earth, but, as far as possible, suspended between the
two.<a id="footnotetag250" name="footnotetag250"></a><a href=
"#footnote250"><sup>250</sup></a></p>
<a id="storiesimmortality" name="storiesimmortality"></a>
<p>[Stories of immortality attained by suspension between heaven
and earth.]</p>
<p>In legends and folk-tales, which reflect the ideas of earlier
ages, we find this suspension between heaven and earth attributed
to beings who have been endowed with the coveted yet burdensome
gift of immortality. The wizened remains of the deathless Sibyl are
said to have been preserved in a jar or urn which hung in a temple
of Apollo at Cumae; and when a group of merry children, tired,
perhaps, of playing in the sunny streets, sought the shade of the
temple and amused themselves by gathering underneath the familiar
jar and calling out, "Sibyl, what do you wish?" a hollow voice,
like an echo, used to answer from the urn, "I wish to die."<a id=
"footnotetag251" name="footnotetag251"></a><a href=
"#footnote251"><sup>251</sup></a> A story, taken down from the lips
of a German peasant at Thomsdorf, relates that once upon a time
there was a girl in London who wished to live for ever, so they
say:</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"London, London is a fine town.</p>
<p>A maiden prayed to live for ever."</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>And still she lives and hangs in a basket in a church, and every
St. John's Day, about the hour of noon, she eats a roll of
bread.<a id="footnotetag252" name="footnotetag252"></a><a href=
"#footnote252"><sup>252</sup></a> Another German story tells of a
lady who <span class="pagenum"><a id="page100" name=
"page100"></a>[pg 100]</span> resided at Danzig and was so rich and
so blest with all that life can give that she wished to live
always. So when she came to her latter end, she did not really die
but only looked like dead, and very soon they found her in a hollow
of a pillar in the church, half standing and half sitting,
motionless. She stirred never a limb, but they saw quite plainly
that she was alive, and she sits there down to this blessed day.
Every New Year's Day the sacristan comes and puts a morsel of the
holy bread in her mouth, and that is all she has to live on. Long,
long has she rued her fatal wish who set this transient life above
the eternal joys of heaven.<a id="footnotetag253" name=
"footnotetag253"></a><a href="#footnote253"><sup>253</sup></a> A
third German story tells of a noble damsel who cherished the same
foolish wish for immortality. So they put her in a basket and hung
her up in a church, and there she hangs and never dies, though many
a year has come and gone since they put her there. But every year
on a certain day they give her a roll, and she eats it and cries
out, "For ever! for ever! for ever!" And when she has so cried she
falls silent again till the same time next year, and so it will go
on for ever and for ever.<a id="footnotetag254" name=
"footnotetag254"></a><a href="#footnote254"><sup>254</sup></a> A
fourth story, taken down near Oldenburg in Holstein, tells of a
jolly dame that ate and drank and lived right merrily and had all
that heart could desire, and she wished to live always. For the
first hundred years all went well, but after that she began to
shrink and shrivel up, till at last she could neither walk nor
stand nor eat nor drink. But die she could not. At first they fed
her as if she were a little child, but when she grew smaller and
smaller they put her in a glass bottle and hung her up in the
church. And there she still hangs, in the church of St. Mary, at
L&uuml;beck. She is as small as a mouse, but once a year she
stirs.<a id="footnotetag255" name="footnotetag255"></a><a href=
"#footnote255"><sup>255</sup></a></p>
<p>Notes:</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote64" name=
"footnote64"></a> <b>Footnote 64</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag64">(return)</a>
<p>Pechuel-Loesche, "Indiscretes aus Loango," <i>Zeitschrift
f&uuml;r Ethnologie</i>, x. (1878) p. 23.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote65" name=
"footnote65"></a> <b>Footnote 65</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag65">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Macdonald, "Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and
Religions of South African Tribes," <i>Journal of the
Anthropological Institute</i>, xx. (1891) p. 118.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote66" name=
"footnote66"></a> <b>Footnote 66</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag66">(return)</a>
<p>Dudley Kidd, <i>The Essential Kafir</i> (London, 1904), p. 209.
The prohibition to drink milk under such circumstances is also
mentioned, though without the reason for it, by L. Alberti (<i>De
Kaffersaan de Zuidkust van Afrika</i>, Amsterdam, 1810, p. 79),
George Thompson (<i>Travels and Adventures in Southern Africa</i>,
London, 1827, ii. 354 <i>sq.</i>), and Mr. Warner (in Col.
Maclean's <i>Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs</i>; Cape Town,
1866, p. 98). As to the reason for the prohibition, see <a href=
"#page80">below, p. 80</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote67" name=
"footnote67"></a> <b>Footnote 67</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag67">(return)</a>
<p>C.W. Hobley, <i>Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African
Tribes</i> (Cambridge, 1910), p. 65.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote68" name=
"footnote68"></a> <b>Footnote 68</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag68">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i> (London, 1911), p. 80. As to
the interpretation which the Baganda put on the act of jumping or
stepping over a woman, see <i>id.</i>, pp. 48, 357 note 1.
Apparently some of the Lower Congo people interpret the act
similarly. See J.H. Weeks, "Notes on some Customs of the Lower
Congo People," <i>Folk-lore</i>, xix. (1908) p. 431. Among the
Baganda the separation of children from their parents took place
after weaning; girls usually went to live either with an elder
married brother or (if there was none such) with one of their
father's brothers; boys in like manner went to live with one of
their father's brothers. See J. Roscoe, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 74. As
to the prohibition to touch food with the hands, see <i>Taboo and
the Perils of the Soul</i>, pp. 138 <i>sqq.</i>, 146 <i>sqq.</i>,
etc.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote69" name=
"footnote69"></a> <b>Footnote 69</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag69">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i>, p. 80.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote70" name=
"footnote70"></a> <b>Footnote 70</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag70">(return)</a>
<p>De la Loubere, <i>Du royaume de Siam</i> (Amsterdam, 1691), i.
203. In Travancore it is believed that women at puberty and after
childbirth are peculiarly liable to be attacked by demons. See S.
Mateer, <i>The Land of Charity</i> (London, 1871), p. 208.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote71" name=
"footnote71"></a> <b>Footnote 71</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag71">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i>, p. 80.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote72" name=
"footnote72"></a> <b>Footnote 72</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag72">(return)</a>
<p>C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, <i>The Great Plateau of Northern
Nigeria</i> (London, 1911), pp. 158-160.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote73" name=
"footnote73"></a> <b>Footnote 73</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag73">(return)</a>
<p>R. Sutherland Rattray, <i>Some Folk-lore, Stories and Songs in
Chinyanja</i> (London, 1907), pp. 102-105.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote74" name=
"footnote74"></a> <b>Footnote 74</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag74">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. H. Cole, "Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,"
<i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxii. (1902) pp.
309 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote75" name=
"footnote75"></a> <b>Footnote 75</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag75">(return)</a>
<p>R. Sutherland Rattray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 191 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote76" name=
"footnote76"></a> <b>Footnote 76</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag76">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Grihya Sutras</i>, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part i. p.
357, Part ii. p. 267 (<i>Sacred Books of the East</i>, vols. xxix.,
xxx.).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote77" name=
"footnote77"></a> <b>Footnote 77</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag77">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i> (London, 1911), pp. 393
<i>sq.</i>, compare pp. 396, 398.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote78" name=
"footnote78"></a> <b>Footnote 78</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag78">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>Totemism and Exogamy</i>, iv. 224 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote79" name=
"footnote79"></a> <b>Footnote 79</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag79">(return)</a>
<p>Sir Harry H. Johnston, <i>British Central Africa</i> (London,
1897), p. 411.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote80" name=
"footnote80"></a> <b>Footnote 80</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag80">(return)</a>
<p>Oscar Baumann, <i>Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle</i> (Berlin,
1894), p. 178.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote81" name=
"footnote81"></a> <b>Footnote 81</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag81">(return)</a>
<p>Lionel Decle, <i>Three Years in Savage Africa</i> (London,
1898), p. 78. Compare E. Jacottet, <i>&Eacute;tudes sur les Langues
du Haut-Zamb&egrave;ze</i>, Troisi&egrave;me Partie (Paris, 1901),
pp. 174 <i>sq.</i> (as to the A-Louyi).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote82" name=
"footnote82"></a> <b>Footnote 82</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag82">(return)</a>
<p>E. B&eacute;guin, <i>Les Ma-rots&eacute;</i> (Lausanne and
Fontaines, 1903), p. 113.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote83" name=
"footnote83"></a> <b>Footnote 83</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag83">(return)</a>
<p>Henri A. Junod, <i>The Life of a South African Tribe</i>
(Neuchatel, 1912-1913), i. 178 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote84" name=
"footnote84"></a> <b>Footnote 84</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag84">(return)</a>
<p>G. McCall Theal, <i>Kaffir Folk-lore</i> (London, 1886), p.
218.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote85" name=
"footnote85"></a> <b>Footnote 85</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag85">(return)</a>
<p>L. Alberti, <i>De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika</i>
(Amsterdam, 1810), pp. 79 <i>sq.</i>; H. Lichtenstein, <i>Reisen im
s&uuml;dlichen Africa</i> (Berlin, 1811-1812), i. 428.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote86" name=
"footnote86"></a> <b>Footnote 86</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag86">(return)</a>
<p>Gustav Fritsch, <i>Die Eingeborenen S&uuml;d-Afrika's</i>
(Breslau, 1872), p. 112. This statement applies especially to the
Ama-Xosa.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote87" name=
"footnote87"></a> <b>Footnote 87</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag87">(return)</a>
<p>G. McCall Theal, <i>Kaffir Folk-lore</i>, p. 218.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote88" name=
"footnote88"></a> <b>Footnote 88</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag88">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Canon Henry Callaway, <i>Nursery Tales, Traditions, and
Histories of the Zulus</i> (Natal and London, 1868), p. 182, note
20. From one of the Zulu texts which the author edits and
translates (p. 189) we may infer that during the period of her
seclusion a Zulu girl may not light a fire. Compare <a href=
"#page28">above, p. 28</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote89" name=
"footnote89"></a> <b>Footnote 89</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag89">(return)</a>
<p>E. Casalis, <i>The Basutos</i> (London, 1861), p. 268.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote90" name=
"footnote90"></a> <b>Footnote 90</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag90">(return)</a>
<p>J. Merolla, "Voyage to Congo," in J. Pinkerton's <i>Voyages and
Travels</i> (London, 1808-1814), xvi. 238; Father Campana, "Congo;
Mission Catholique de Landana," <i>Les Missions Catholiques</i>,
xxvii. (1895) p. 161; R.E. Dennett, <i>At the Back of the Black
Man's Mind</i> (London, 1906), pp. 69 <i>sq.</i>. According to
Merolla, it is thought that if girls did not go through these
ceremonies, they would "never be fit for procreation." The other
consequences supposed to flow from the omission of the rites are
mentioned by Father Campana. From Mr. Dennett's account (<i>op.
cit.</i> pp. 53, 67-71) we gather that drought and famine are
thought to result from the intercourse of a man with a girl who has
not yet passed through the "paint-house," as the hut is called
where the young women live in seclusion. According to O. Dapper,
the women of Loango paint themselves red on every recurrence of
their monthly sickness; also they tie a cord tightly round their
heads and take care neither to touch their husband's food nor to
appear before him (<i>Description de l'Afrique</i>, Amsterdam,
1686, p. 326).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote91" name=
"footnote91"></a> <b>Footnote 91</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag91">(return)</a>
<p>The Rev. G. Brown, quoted by the Rev. B. Danks, "Marriage
Customs of the New Britain Group," <i>Journal of the
Anthropological Institute</i>, xviii. (1889) pp. 284. <i>sq.; id.,
Melanesians and Polynesians</i> (London, 1910), pp. 105-107.
Compare <i>id.</i>, "Notes on the Duke of York Group, New Britain,
and New Ireland," <i>Journal of the Royal Geographical Society</i>,
xlvii. (1877) pp. 142 <i>sq.</i>; A. Hahl, "Das mittlere
Neumecklenburg," <i>Globus</i>, xci. (1907) p. 313. Wilfred
Powell's description of the New Ireland custom is similar
(<i>Wanderings in a Wild Country</i>, London, 1883, p. 249).
According to him, the girls wear wreaths of scented herbs round the
waist and neck; an old woman or a little child occupies the lower
floor of the cage; and the confinement lasts only a month. Probably
the long period mentioned by Dr. Brown is that prescribed for
chiefs' daughters. Poor people could not afford to keep their
children so long idle. This distinction is sometimes expressly
stated. See <a href="#page30">above, p. 30</a>. Among the Goajiras
of Colombia rich people keep their daughters shut up in separate
huts at puberty for periods varying from one to four years, but
poor people cannot afford to do so for more than a fortnight or a
month. See F.A. Simons, "An Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula,"
<i>Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society</i>, N.S., vii.
(1885) p. 791. In Fiji, brides who were being tattooed were kept
from the sun (Thomas Williams, <i>Fiji and the Fijians</i>, Second
Edition, London, 1860, i. 170). This was perhaps a modification of
the Melanesian custom of secluding girls at puberty. The reason
mentioned by Mr. Williams, "to improve her complexion," can hardly
have been the original one.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote92" name=
"footnote92"></a> <b>Footnote 92</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag92">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. R.H. Rickard, quoted by Dr. George Brown, <i>Melanesians
and Polynesians</i>, pp. 107 <i>sq.</i>. His observations were made
in 1892.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote93" name=
"footnote93"></a> <b>Footnote 93</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag93">(return)</a>
<p>R. Parkinson, <i>Dreissig Jahre in der S&uuml;dsee</i>
(Stuttgart, 1907), p. 272. The natives told Mr. Parkinson that the
confinement of the girls lasts from twelve to twenty months. The
length of it may have been reduced since Dr. George Brown described
the custom in 1876.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote94" name=
"footnote94"></a> <b>Footnote 94</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag94">(return)</a>
<p>J. Chalmers and W. Wyatt Gill, <i>Work and Adventure in New
Guinea</i> (London, 1885), p. 159.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote95" name=
"footnote95"></a> <b>Footnote 95</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag95">(return)</a>
<p>H. Zahn and S. Lehner, in R. Neuhauss's <i>Deutsch
New-Guinea</i> (Berlin, 1911), iii. 298, 418-420. The customs of
the two tribes seem to be in substantial agreement, and the
accounts of them supplement each other. The description of the
Bukaua practice is the fuller.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote96" name=
"footnote96"></a> <b>Footnote 96</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag96">(return)</a>
<p>C.A.L.M. Schwaner, <i>Borneo, Beschrijving van het stroomgebied
van den Barito</i> (Amsterdam, 1853-1854), ii. 77 <i>sq.</i>;
W.F.A. Zimmermann, <i>Die Inseln des Indischen und Stillen
Meeres</i> (Berlin, 1864-1865), ii. 632 <i>sq.</i>; Otto Finsch,
<i>Neu Guinea und seine Bewohner</i> (Bremen, 1865), pp. 116
<i>sq.</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote97" name=
"footnote97"></a> <b>Footnote 97</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag97">(return)</a>
<p>J.G.F. Riedel, <i>De sluik&mdash;en kroesharige rassen tusschen
Selebes en Papua</i> (The Hague, 1886), p. 138.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote98" name=
"footnote98"></a> <b>Footnote 98</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag98">(return)</a>
<p>A. Senfft, "Ethnographische Beitr&auml;ge &uuml;ber die
Karolineninsel Yap," <i>Petermanns Mitteilungen</i>, xlix. (1903)
p. 53; <i>id.</i>, "Die Rechtssitten der Jap-Eingeborenen,"
<i>Globus</i>, xci. (1907) pp. 142 <i>sq.</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote99" name=
"footnote99"></a> <b>Footnote 99</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag99">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. C.G. Seligmann, in <i>Journal of the Anthropological
Institute</i>, xxix. (1899) pp. 212 <i>sq.; id.</i>, in <i>Reports
of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits</i>,
v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 203 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote100" name=
"footnote100"></a> <b>Footnote 100</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag100">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. C.G. Seligmann, in <i>Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to
Torres Straits</i>, v. (Cambridge, 1904) p. 205.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote101" name=
"footnote101"></a> <b>Footnote 101</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag101">(return)</a>
<p>L. Crauford, in <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>,
xxiv. (1895) p. 181.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote102" name=
"footnote102"></a> <b>Footnote 102</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag102">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. C.G. Seligmann, <i>op. cit.</i> v. 206.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote103" name=
"footnote103"></a> <b>Footnote 103</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag103">(return)</a>
<p>Walter E. Roth, <i>North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5,
Superstition, Magic, and Medicine</i> (Brisbane, 1903), pp. 24
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote104" name=
"footnote104"></a> <b>Footnote 104</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag104">(return)</a>
<p>Walter E. Roth, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 25.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote105" name=
"footnote105"></a> <b>Footnote 105</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag105">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. C.G. Seligmann, in <i>Reports of the Cambridge
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits</i>, v. (Cambridge,
1904), p. 205.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote106" name=
"footnote106"></a> <b>Footnote 106</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag106">(return)</a>
<p>From notes kindly sent me by Dr. C.G. Seligmann. The practice of
burying a girl at puberty was observed also by some Indian tribes
of California, but apparently rather for the purpose of producing a
sweat than for the sake of concealment. The treatment lasted only
twenty-four hours, during which the patient was removed from the
ground and washed three or four times, to be afterwards reimbedded.
Dancing was kept up the whole time by the women. See H. R.
Schoolcraft, <i>Indian Tribes of the United States</i>
(Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 215.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote107" name=
"footnote107"></a> <b>Footnote 107</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag107">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. C.G. Seligmann, in <i>Reports of the Cambridge
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits</i>, v. 201
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote108" name=
"footnote108"></a> <b>Footnote 108</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag108">(return)</a>
<p>A.L. Kroeber, "The Religion of the Indians of California,"
<i>University of California Publications in American Archaeology
and Ethnology</i>, vol. iv. No. 6 (September, 1907), p. 324.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote109" name=
"footnote109"></a> <b>Footnote 109</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag109">(return)</a>
<p>Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," <i>Bulletin of the
American Museum of Natural History</i>, vol. xvii. Part iii. (May
1905) pp. 232 <i>sq.</i>, compare pp. 233-238.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote110" name=
"footnote110"></a> <b>Footnote 110</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag110">(return)</a>
<p>Stephen Powers, <i>Tribes of California</i> (Washington, 1877),
p. 85 (<i>Contributions to North American Ethnology</i>, vol.
iii.).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote111" name=
"footnote111"></a> <b>Footnote 111</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag111">(return)</a>
<p>Stephen Powers, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 235.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote112" name=
"footnote112"></a> <b>Footnote 112</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag112">(return)</a>
<p>Charles Wilkes, <i>Narrative of the United States Exploring
Expedition</i>, New Edition (New York, 1851), iv. 456.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote113" name=
"footnote113"></a> <b>Footnote 113</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag113">(return)</a>
<p>Franz Boas, <i>Chinook Texts</i> (Washington, 1894), pp. 246
<i>sq.</i> The account, taken down from the lips of a Chinook
Indian, is not perfectly clear; some of the restrictions were
prolonged after the girl's second monthly period.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote114" name=
"footnote114"></a> <b>Footnote 114</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag114">(return)</a>
<p>G.M. Sproat, <i>Scenes and Studies of Savage Life</i> (London,
1868), pp. 93 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote115" name=
"footnote115"></a> <b>Footnote 115</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag115">(return)</a>
<p>Franz Boas, in <i>Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of
Canada</i>, pp. 40-42 (separate reprint from the <i>Report of the
British Association for the Advancement of Science</i>, Leeds
meeting, 1890). The rule not to lie down is observed also during
their seclusion at puberty by Tsimshian girls, who always sit
propped up between boxes and mats; their heads are covered with
small mats, and they may not look at men nor at fresh salmon and
olachen. See Franz Boas, in <i>Fifth Report on the North-Western
Tribes of Canada</i>, p. 41 (separate reprint from the <i>Report of
the British Association for the Advancement of Science</i>,
Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889); G.M. Dawson, <i>Report on the
Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878</i> (Montreal, 1880), pp. 130 B
<i>sq.</i> Some divine kings are not allowed to lie down. See
<i>Taboo and the Perils of the Soul</i>, p. 5.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote116" name=
"footnote116"></a> <b>Footnote 116</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag116">(return)</a>
<p>George M. Dawson, <i>Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands,
1878</i> (Montreal, 1880), p. 130 B; J.R. Swanton, <i>Contributions
to the Ethnology of the Haida</i> (Leyden and New York, 1905), pp.
48-50 (<i>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History</i>, New York). Speaking of the
customs observed at Kloo, where the girls had to abstain from
salmon for five years, Mr. Swanton says (p. 49): "When five years
had passed, the girl came out, and could do as she pleased." This
seems to imply that the girl was secluded in the house for five
years. We have seen (<a href="#page32">above, p. 32</a>) that in
New Ireland the girls used sometimes to be secluded for the same
period.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote117" name=
"footnote117"></a> <b>Footnote 117</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag117">(return)</a>
<p>G.H. von Langsdorff, <i>Reise um die Welt</i> (Frankfort, 1812),
ii. 114 <i>sq.</i>; H.J. Holmberg, "Ethnographische Skizzen
&uuml;ber die V&ouml;lker des Russischen Amerika," <i>Acta
Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae</i>, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp.
319 <i>sq.</i>; T. de Pauly, <i>Description Ethnographique des
Peuples de la Russie</i> (St. Petersburg, 1862), <i>Peuples de
l'Am&eacute;rique Russe</i>, p. 13; A. Erman, "Ethnographische
Wahrnehmungen und Erfahrungen an den K&uuml;sten des
Berings-Meeres," <i>Zeitschrift f&uuml;r Ethnologie</i>, ii. (1870)
pp. 318 <i>sq.</i>; H.H. Bancroft, <i>Native Races of the Pacific
States</i> (London, 1875-1876), i. 110 <i>sq.</i>; Rev. Sheldon
Jackson, "Alaska and its Inhabitants," <i>The American
Antiquarian</i>, ii. (Chicago, 1879-1880) pp. 111 <i>sq.</i>; A.
Woldt, <i>Captain Jacobsen's Reise an der Nordwestkiiste Americas,
1881-1883</i> (Leipsic, 1884), p. 393; Aurel Krause, <i>Die
Tlinkit-Indianer</i> (Jena, 1885), pp. 217 <i>sq.</i>; W.M. Grant,
in <i>Journal of American Folk-lore</i>, i. (1888) p. 169; John R.
Swanton, "Social Conditions, Beliefs, and Linguistic Relationship
of the Tlingit Indians," <i>Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology</i> (Washington, 1908), p. 428.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote118" name=
"footnote118"></a> <b>Footnote 118</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag118">(return)</a>
<p>Franz Boas, in <i>Tenth Report of the Committee on the
North-Western Tribes of Canada</i>, p. 45 (separate reprint from
the <i>Report of the British Association for the Advancement of
Science</i>, Ipswich meeting, 1895).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote119" name=
"footnote119"></a> <b>Footnote 119</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag119">(return)</a>
<p>Franz Boas, in <i>Fifth Report of the Committee on the
North-Western Tribes of Canada</i>, p. 42 (separate reprint from
the <i>Report of the British Association for the Advancement of
Science</i>, Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889); <i>id.</i>, in
<i>Seventh Report</i>, etc., p. 12 (separate reprint from the
<i>Report of the British Association for the Advancement of
Science</i>, Cardiff meeting, 1891).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote120" name=
"footnote120"></a> <b>Footnote 120</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag120">(return)</a>
<p>"Customs of the New Caledonian women belonging to the Nancaushy
Tine, or Stuart's Lake Indians, Natotin Tine, or Babine's and
Nantley Tine, or Fraser Lake Tribes," from information supplied by
Gavin Hamilton, chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company's service,
who has been for many years among these Indians, both he and his
wife speaking their languages fluently (communicated by Dr. John
Rae), <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, vii. (1878)
pp. 206 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote121" name=
"footnote121"></a> <b>Footnote 121</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag121">(return)</a>
<p>&Eacute;mile Petitot, <i>Traditions Indiennes du Canada
Nord-ouest</i> (Paris, 1886), pp. 257 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote122" name=
"footnote122"></a> <b>Footnote 122</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag122">(return)</a>
<p>Fr. Julius Jett&eacute;, S.J., "On the Superstitions of the
Ten'a Indians," <i>Anthropos</i>, vi. (1911) pp. 700-702.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote123" name=
"footnote123"></a> <b>Footnote 123</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag123">(return)</a>
<p>Compare <i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, i. 70
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote124" name=
"footnote124"></a> <b>Footnote 124</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag124">(return)</a>
<p>James Teit, <i>The Thompson Indians of British Columbia</i>, pp.
311-317 (<i>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History</i>, New York, April, 1900). As
to the customs observed among these Indians by the father of a girl
at such times in order not to lose his luck in hunting, see
<i>Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild</i>, ii. 268.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote125" name=
"footnote125"></a> <b>Footnote 125</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag125">(return)</a>
<p>James Teit, <i>The Lillooet Indians</i> (Leyden and New York,
1906), pp. 263-265 (<i>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir
of the American Museum of Natural History</i>, New York). Compare
C. Hill Tout, "Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlumh of British
Columbia," <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxv.
(1905) p. 136.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote126" name=
"footnote126"></a> <b>Footnote 126</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag126">(return)</a>
<p>Franz Boas, in <i>Sixth Report of the Committee on the
North-Western Tribes of Canada</i>, pp. 89 <i>sq</i>. (separate
reprint from the <i>Report of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science</i>, Leeds meeting, 1890).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote127" name=
"footnote127"></a> <b>Footnote 127</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag127">(return)</a>
<p>James Teit, <i>The Shuswap</i> (Leyden and New York, 1909), pp.
587 <i>sq.</i> (<i>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of
the American Museum of Natural History</i>, New York).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote128" name=
"footnote128"></a> <b>Footnote 128</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag128">(return)</a>
<p>G.H. Loskiel, <i>History of the Mission of the United Brethren
among the Indians of North America</i> (London, 1794), Part i. pp.
56 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote129" name=
"footnote129"></a> <b>Footnote 129</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag129">(return)</a>
<p>G.B. Grinnell, "Cheyenne Woman Customs," <i>American
Anthropologist</i>, New Series, iv. (New York, 1902) pp. 13
<i>sq</i>. The Cheyennes appear to have been at first settled on
the Mississippi, from which they were driven westward to the
Missouri. See <i>Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico</i>,
edited by F.W. Hodge (Washington, 1907-1910), i. 250
<i>sqq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote130" name=
"footnote130"></a> <b>Footnote 130</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag130">(return)</a>
<p>H.J. Holmberg, "Ueber die V&ouml;lker des Russischen Amerika,"
<i>Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae</i>, iv. (Helsingfors,
1856) pp. 401 <i>sq.</i>; Ivan Petroff, <i>Report on the
Population, Industries and Resources of Alaska</i>, p. 143.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote131" name=
"footnote131"></a> <b>Footnote 131</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag131">(return)</a>
<p>E.W. Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait," <i>Eighteenth
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology</i>, Part i.
(Washington, 1899) p. 291.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote132" name=
"footnote132"></a> <b>Footnote 132</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag132">(return)</a>
<p>Jose Guevara, "Historia del Paraguay, Rio de la Plata, y
Tucuman," pp. 16 <i>sq.</i>, in Pedro de Angelis, <i>Coleccion de
Obras y Documentos relativos a la Historia antigua y moderna de las
Provincias del Rio de la Plata</i>, vol. ii. (Buenos-Ayres, 1836);
J.F. Lafitau, <i>Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains</i> (Paris, 1724),
i. 262 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote133" name=
"footnote133"></a> <b>Footnote 133</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag133">(return)</a>
<p>Father Ignace Chom&eacute;, in <i>Lettres &Eacute;difiantes et
Curieuses</i>, Nouvelle Edition (Paris, 1780-1783), viii. 333. As
to the Chiriguanos, see C.F. Phil. von Martius, <i>Zur Ethnographie
Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens</i> (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 212
<i>sqq.</i>; Colonel G.E. Church, <i>Aborigines of South
America</i> (London, 1912), pp. 207-227.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote134" name=
"footnote134"></a> <b>Footnote 134</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag134">(return)</a>
<p>A. Thouar, <i>Explorations dans l'Am&eacute;rique du Sud</i>
(Paris, 1891), pp. 48 <i>sq.</i>; G. Kurze, "Sitten und
Gebr&auml;uche der Lengua-Indianer," <i>Mitteilungen der
Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena</i>, xxiii. (1905) pp. 26
<i>sq.</i> The two accounts appear to be identical; but the former
attributes the custom to the Chiriguanos, the latter to the
Lenguas. As the latter account is based on the reports of the Rev.
W.B. Grubb, a missionary who has been settled among the Indians of
the Chaco for many years and is our principal authority on them, I
assume that the ascription of the custom to the Lenguas is correct.
However, in the volume on the Lengua Indians, which has been edited
from Mr. Grubb's papers (<i>An Unknown People in an Unknown
Land</i>, London, 1911), these details as to the seclusion of girls
at puberty are not mentioned, though what seems to be the final
ceremony is described (<i>op. cit.</i> pp. 177 <i>sq.</i>). From
the description we learn that boys dressed in ostrich feathers and
wearing masks circle round the girl with shrill cries, but are
repelled by the women.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote135" name=
"footnote135"></a> <b>Footnote 135</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag135">(return)</a>
<p>Alcide d'Orbigny, <i>Voyage dans l'Am&eacute;rique
M&eacute;ridionale</i> vol. iii. 1to Partie (Paris and Strasburg,
1844), pp. 205 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote136" name=
"footnote136"></a> <b>Footnote 136</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag136">(return)</a>
<p>A. Thouar, <i>Explorations dans l'Am&eacute;rique du Sud</i>
(Paris, 1891) pp. 56 <i>sq.</i>; Father Cardus, quoted in J.
Pelleschi's <i>Los Indios Matacos</i> (Buenos Ayres, 1897), pp. 47
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote137" name=
"footnote137"></a> <b>Footnote 137</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag137">(return)</a>
<p>A. Thouar, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 63.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote138" name=
"footnote138"></a> <b>Footnote 138</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag138">(return)</a>
<p>Francis de Castelnau, <i>Exp&eacute;dition dans les parties
centrales de l'Am&eacute;rique du Sud</i> (Paris, 1850-1851), v.
25.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote139" name=
"footnote139"></a> <b>Footnote 139</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag139">(return)</a>
<p>D. Luis de la Cruz, "Descripcion de la Naturaleza de los
Terrenos que se comprenden en los Andes, poseidos por los
Peguenches y los demas espacios hasta el rio de Chadileuba," p. 62,
in Pedro de Angelis, <i>Coleccion de Obras y Documentos relativos a
la Historia antigua y moderna de las Provincias del Rio de la
Plata</i>, vol. i. (Buenos-Ayres, 1836). Apparently the Peguenches
are an Indian tribe of Chili.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote140" name=
"footnote140"></a> <b>Footnote 140</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag140">(return)</a>
<p>J.B. von Spix und C.F. Ph. von Martius, <i>Reise in
Brasilien</i> (Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1186, 1187, 1318.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote141" name=
"footnote141"></a> <b>Footnote 141</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag141">(return)</a>
<p>Andr&eacute; Thevet, <i>Cosmographie Universelle</i> (Paris,
1575), ii. 946 B [980] <i>sq.</i>; <i>id., Les Singularites de la
France Antarctique, autrement nomm&eacute;e Amerique</i> (Antwerp,
1558), p. 76; J.F. Lafitau, <i>Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains</i>
(Paris, 1724), i. 290 <i>sqq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote142" name=
"footnote142"></a> <b>Footnote 142</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag142">(return)</a>
<p>R. Schomburgk, <i>Reisen in Britisch Guiana</i> (Leipsic,
1847-1848), ii. 315 <i>sq.</i>; C.F.Ph. von Martius, <i>Zur
Ethnographie Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens</i> (Leipsic, 1867), p.
644.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote143" name=
"footnote143"></a> <b>Footnote 143</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag143">(return)</a>
<p>Labat, <i>Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guin&eacute;e,
Isles voisines, et &agrave; Cayenne</i>, iv. 365 <i>sq.</i> (Paris,
1730), pp. 17 <i>sq.</i> (Amsterdam, 1731).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote144" name=
"footnote144"></a> <b>Footnote 144</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag144">(return)</a>
<p>A. Caulin, <i>Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela
Nueva Andalucia</i> (1779), p. 93. A similar custom, with the
omission of the stinging, is reported of the Tamanaks in the region
of the Orinoco. See F.S. Gilij, <i>Saggio di Storia Americana</i>,
ii. (Rome, 1781), p. 133.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote145" name=
"footnote145"></a> <b>Footnote 145</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag145">(return)</a>
<p>A.R. Wallace, <i>Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio
Negro</i>, p. 496 (p. 345 of the Minerva Library edition, London,
1889).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote146" name=
"footnote146"></a> <b>Footnote 146</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag146">(return)</a>
<p><i>Taboo and the Perils of the Soul</i>, pp. 105 <i>sqq.</i>;
<i>The Scapegoat</i>&gt; pp. 259 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote147" name=
"footnote147"></a> <b>Footnote 147</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag147">(return)</a>
<p>J.B. von Spix and C.F.Ph. von Martius, <i>Reise in Brasilien</i>
(Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1320.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote148" name=
"footnote148"></a> <b>Footnote 148</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag148">(return)</a>
<p>W. Lewis Herndon, <i>Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon</i>
(Washington, 1854), pp. 319 <i>sq.</i> The scene was described to
Mr. Herndon by a French engineer and architect, M. de Lincourt, who
witnessed it at Manduassu, a village on the Tapajos river. Mr.
Herndon adds: "The <i>Tocandeira</i> ants not only bite, but are
also armed with a sting like the wasp; but the pain felt from it is
more violent. I think it equal to that occasioned by the sting of
the black scorpion." He gives the name of the Indians as Mahues,
but I assume that they are the same as the Mauhes described by Spix
and Martius.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote149" name=
"footnote149"></a> <b>Footnote 149</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag149">(return)</a>
<p>Francis de Castelnau, <i>Exp&eacute;dition dans les parties
centrals de l'Am&eacute;rique du Sud</i> (Paris, 1850-1851), v.
46.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote150" name=
"footnote150"></a> <b>Footnote 150</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag150">(return)</a>
<p>L'Abb&eacute; Durand, "Le Rio Negro du Nord et son bassin,"
<i>Bulletin de la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; de G&eacute;ographie</i>
(Paris), vi. S&eacute;rie, iii. (1872) pp. 21 <i>sq.</i> The writer
says that the candidate has to keep his arms plunged up to the
shoulders in vessels full of ants, "as in a bath of vitriol," for
hours. He gives the native name of the ant as <i>issauba</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote151" name=
"footnote151"></a> <b>Footnote 151</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag151">(return)</a>
<p>J. Crevaux, <i>Voyages dans l'Am&eacute;rique du Sud</i> (Paris,
1883), pp. 245-250.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote152" name=
"footnote152"></a> <b>Footnote 152</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag152">(return)</a>
<p>H. Coudreau, <i>Chez nos Indiens: quatre ann&eacute;es dans la
Guyane Fran&ccedil;aise</i> (Paris, 1895), p. 228. For details as
to the different modes of administering the <i>marak&eacute;</i>
see <i>ibid.</i> pp. 228-235.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote153" name=
"footnote153"></a> <b>Footnote 153</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag153">(return)</a>
<p>Father Geronimo Boscana, "Chinigchinich," in <i>Life in
California by an American</i> [A. Robinson] (New York, 1846), pp.
273 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote154" name=
"footnote154"></a> <b>Footnote 154</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag154">(return)</a>
<p>F. Stuhlmann, <i>Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika</i>
(Berlin, 1894), p. 506.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote155" name=
"footnote155"></a> <b>Footnote 155</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag155">(return)</a>
<p>As a confirmation of this view it may be pointed out that
beating or scourging is inflicted on inanimate objects expressly
for the purpose indicated in the text. Thus the Indians of Costa
Rica hold that there are two kinds of ceremonial uncleanness,
<i>nya</i> and <i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i>. Anything that has been
connected with a death is <i>nya</i>. But <i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i> is
much more virulent. It can not only make one sick but kill.
"<i>Bu-ku-r&uacute;</i> emanates in a variety of ways; arms,
utensils, even houses become affected by it after long disuse, and
before they can be used again must be purified. In the case of
portable objects left undisturbed for a long time, the custom is to
beat them with a stick before touching them. I have seen a woman
take a long walking-stick and beat a basket hanging from the roof
of a house by a cord. On asking what that was for, I was told that
the basket contained her treasures, that she would probably want to
take something out the next day, and that she was driving off the
<i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i>. A house long unused must be swept, and then
the person who is purifying it must take a stick and beat not only
the movable objects, but the beds, posts, and in short every
accessible part of the interior. The next day it is fit for
occupation. A place not visited for a long time or reached for the
first time is <i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i>. On our return from the ascent
of Pico Blanco, nearly all the party suffered from little
calenturas, the result of extraordinary exposure to wet and cold
and of want of food. The Indians said that the peak was especially
<i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i> since nobody had ever been on it before."
One day Mr. Gabb took down some dusty blow-guns amid cries of
<i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i> from the Indians. Some weeks afterwards a
boy died, and the Indians firmly believed that the
<i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i> of the blow-guns had killed him. "From all
the foregoing, it would seem that <i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i> is a sort
of evil spirit that takes possession of the object, and resents
being disturbed; but I have never been able to learn from the
Indians that they consider it so. They seem to think of it as a
property the object acquires. But the worst <i>bu-ku-r&uacute;</i>
of all, is that of a young woman in her first pregnancy. She
infects the whole neighbourhood. Persons going from the house where
she lives, carry the infection with them to a distance, and all the
deaths or other serious misfortunes in the vicinity are laid to her
charge. In the old times, when the savage laws and customs were in
full force, it was not an uncommon thing for the husband of such a
woman to pay damages for casualties thus caused by his unfortunate
wife." See Wm. M. Gabb, "On the Indian Tribes and Languages of
Costa Rica," <i>Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society
held at Philadelphia</i>, xiv. (Philadelphia, 1876) pp. 504
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote156" name=
"footnote156"></a> <b>Footnote 156</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag156">(return)</a>
<p>J. Chaffanjon, <i>L'Or&eacute;noque et le Caura</i> (Paris,
1889), pp. 213-215.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote157" name=
"footnote157"></a> <b>Footnote 157</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag157">(return)</a>
<p>Shib Chunder Bose, <i>The Hindoos as they are</i> (London and
Calcutta, 1881), p. 86. Similarly, after a Brahman boy has been
invested with the sacred thread, he is for three days strictly
forbidden to see the sun. He may not eat salt, and he is enjoined
to sleep either on a carpet or a deer's skin, without a mattress or
mosquito curtain (<i>ibid.</i> p. 186). In Bali, boys who have had
their teeth filed, as a preliminary to marriage, are kept shut up
in a dark room for three days (R. Van Eck, "Schetsen van het eiland
Bali," <i>Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indi&euml;</i>, N.S., ix.
(1880) pp. 428 <i>sq.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote158" name=
"footnote158"></a> <b>Footnote 158</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag158">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) H.H. Risley, <i>Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Ethnographic
Glossary</i> (Calcutta, 1891-1892), i. 152.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote159" name=
"footnote159"></a> <b>Footnote 159</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag159">(return)</a>
<p>Edgar Thurston, <i>Castes and Tribes of Southern India</i>
(Madras, 1909), vii. 63 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote160" name=
"footnote160"></a> <b>Footnote 160</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag160">(return)</a>
<p>Edgar Thurston, <i>op. cit.</i> iii. 218.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote161" name=
"footnote161"></a> <b>Footnote 161</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag161">(return)</a>
<p>Edgar Thurston, <i>op. cit.</i> vi. 157.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote162" name=
"footnote162"></a> <b>Footnote 162</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag162">(return)</a>
<p>S. Mateer, <i>Native Life in Travancore</i> (London, 1883), p.
45.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote163" name=
"footnote163"></a> <b>Footnote 163</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag163">(return)</a>
<p>Arthur A. Perera, "Glimpses of Singhalese Social Life,"
<i>Indian Antiquary</i> xxxi, (1902) p. 380.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote164" name=
"footnote164"></a> <b>Footnote 164</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag164">(return)</a>
<p>J. Moura, <i>Le Royaume du Cambodge</i> (Paris, 1883), i.
377.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote165" name=
"footnote165"></a> <b>Footnote 165</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag165">(return)</a>
<p>&Eacute;tienne Aymonier, "Notes sur les coutumes et croyances
superstitieuses des Cambodgiens," <i>Cochinchine Fran&ccedil;aise:
Excursions et Reconnaissances</i>, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 193
<i>sq.</i> Compare <i>id., Notice sur le Cambodge</i> (Paris,
1875), p. 50 <i>id., Notes sur le Laos</i> (Saigon, 1885), p.
177.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote166" name=
"footnote166"></a> <b>Footnote 166</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag166">(return)</a>
<p>Svend Grundtvig, <i>D&auml;nische Volks-m&auml;rchen</i>,
&uuml;bersetzt von A. Strodtmann, Zweite Sammlung (Leipsic, 1879),
pp. 199 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote167" name=
"footnote167"></a> <b>Footnote 167</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag167">(return)</a>
<p>Christian Schneller, <i>M&auml;rchen und Sagen aus
W&auml;lschtirol</i> (Innsbruck, 1867), No. 22, pp. 51
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote168" name=
"footnote168"></a> <b>Footnote 168</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag168">(return)</a>
<p>Bernbard Schmidt, <i>Griechische M&auml;rchen, Sagen und
Volkslieder</i> (Leipsic, 1877), p. 98.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote169" name=
"footnote169"></a> <b>Footnote 169</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag169">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. von Hahn, <i>Griechische und albanesische M&auml;rchen</i>
(Leipsic, 1864), No. 41, vol. i. pp. 245 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote170" name=
"footnote170"></a> <b>Footnote 170</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag170">(return)</a>
<p>Laura Gonzenbach, <i>Sicilianische M&auml;rchen</i> (Leipsic,
1870), No. 28, vol. i. pp. 177 <i>sqq.</i> The incident of the bone
occurs in other folk-tales. A prince or princess is shut up for
safety in a tower and makes his or her escape by scraping a hole in
the wall with a bone which has been accidentally conveyed into the
tower; sometimes it is expressly said that care was taken to let
the princess have no bones with her meat (J.G. von Hahn, <i>op.
cit.</i> No. 15; L. Gonzenbach, <i>op. cit.</i> Nos. 26, 27; <i>Der
Pentamerone, aus dem Neapolitanischen &uuml;bertragen</i> von Felix
Liebrecht (Breslau, 1846), No. 23, vol. i. pp. 294 <i>sqq.</i>).
From this we should infer that it is a rule with savages not to let
women handle the bones of animals during their monthly seclusions.
We have already seen the great respect with which the savage treats
the bones of game (<i>Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild</i> ii.
238 <i>sqq.</i>, 256 <i>sqq.</i>); and women in their courses are
specially forbidden to meddle with the hunter or fisher, as their
contact or neighbourhood would spoil his sport (see below, pp.
<a href="#page77">77</a>, <a href="#page78">78</a> <i>sq.</i>,
<a href="#page87">87</a>, <a href="#page89">89</a> <i>sqq.</i>). In
folk-tales the hero who uses the bone is sometimes a boy; but the
incident might easily be transferred from a girl to a boy after its
real meaning had been forgotten. Amongst the Tinneh Indians a girl
at puberty is forbidden to break the bones of hares (<a href=
"#page48">above, p. 48</a>). On the other hand, she drinks out of a
tube made of a swan's bone (above, pp. <a href="#page48">48</a>,
<a href="#page49">49</a>), and the same instrument is used for the
same purpose by girls of the Carrier tribe of Indians (see below,
p. <a href="#page92">92</a>). We have seen that a Tlingit
(Thlinkeet) girl in the same circumstances used to drink out of the
wing-bone of a white-headed eagle (above, p. <a href=
"#page45">45</a>), and that among the Nootka and Shuswap tribes
girls at puberty are provided with bones or combs with which to
scratch themselves, because they may not use their fingers for this
purpose (above, pp. <a href="#page44">44</a>, <a href=
"#page53">53</a>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote171" name=
"footnote171"></a> <b>Footnote 171</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag171">(return)</a>
<p>Sophocles, <i>Antigone</i>, 944 <i>sqq.</i>; Apollodorus,
<i>Bibliotheca</i>, ii. 4. I; Horace, <i>Odes</i>, iii. 16. I
<i>sqq.</i>; Pausanias, ii. 23. 7.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote172" name=
"footnote172"></a> <b>Footnote 172</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag172">(return)</a>
<p>W. Radloff, <i>Proben der Volks-litteratur der t&uuml;rkischen
St&auml;mme S&uuml;d-Siberiens,</i> iii. (St. Petersburg, 1870) pp.
82 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote173" name=
"footnote173"></a> <b>Footnote 173</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag173">(return)</a>
<p>H. Ternaux-Compans, <i>Essai sur l'ancien Cundinamarca</i>
(Paris, N.D.), p. 18.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote174" name=
"footnote174"></a> <b>Footnote 174</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag174">(return)</a>
<p>George Turner, LL.D., <i>Samoa, a Hundred Years ago and long
before</i> (London, 1884), p. 200. For other examples of such
tales, see Adolph Bastian, <i>Die Voelker des Oestlichen Asien</i>,
i. 416, vi. 25; <i>Panjab Notes and Queries</i>, ii. p. 148, &sect;
797 (June, 1885); A. Pfizmaier, "Nachrichten von den alten
Bewohnern des heutigen Corea," <i>Sitzungsberichte der philosoph.
histor. Classe der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften</i>
(Vienna), lvii. (1868) pp. 495 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote175" name=
"footnote175"></a> <b>Footnote 175</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag175">(return)</a>
<p>Thomas J. Hutchinson, "On the Chaco and other Indians of South
America," <i>Transactions of the Ethnological Society of
London</i>, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 327. Amongst the Lengua Indians of
the Paraguayan Chaco the marriage feast is now apparently extinct.
See W. Barbrooke Grubb, <i>An Unknown People in an Unknown Land</i>
(London, 1911), p. 179.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote176" name=
"footnote176"></a> <b>Footnote 176</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag176">(return)</a>
<p>Monier Williams, <i>Religious Thought and Life in India</i>
(London, 1883), p. 354.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote177" name=
"footnote177"></a> <b>Footnote 177</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag177">(return)</a>
<p>H. Vambery, <i>Das T&uuml;rkenvolk</i> (Leipsic, 1885), p.
112.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote178" name=
"footnote178"></a> <b>Footnote 178</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag178">(return)</a>
<p>Hans Egede, <i>A Description of Greenland</i> (London, 1818), p.
209.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote179" name=
"footnote179"></a> <b>Footnote 179</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag179">(return)</a>
<p><i>Revue des Traditions Populaires</i>, xv. (1900) p. 471.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote180" name=
"footnote180"></a> <b>Footnote 180</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag180">(return)</a>
<p><i>Taboo and the Perils of the Soul</i>, pp. 145 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote181" name=
"footnote181"></a> <b>Footnote 181</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag181">(return)</a>
<p>H.E.A. Meyer, "Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the
Encounter Bay Tribe, South Australia," <i>The Native Tribes of
South Australia</i> (Adelaide, 1879), p. 186.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote182" name=
"footnote182"></a> <b>Footnote 182</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag182">(return)</a>
<p>E.J. Eyre, <i>Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central
Australia</i> (London, 1845), ii. 304.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote183" name=
"footnote183"></a> <b>Footnote 183</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag183">(return)</a>
<p>E.J. Eyre, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 295.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote184" name=
"footnote184"></a> <b>Footnote 184</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag184">(return)</a>
<p>R. Brough Smyth, <i>The Aborigines of Victoria</i> (Melbourne
and London, 1878), i. 236.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote185" name=
"footnote185"></a> <b>Footnote 185</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag185">(return)</a>
<p>Samuel Gason, in <i>Journal of the Anthropological
Institute</i>, xxiv. (1895) p. 171.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote186" name=
"footnote186"></a> <b>Footnote 186</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag186">(return)</a>
<p>Baldwin Spencer and F.J. Gillen, <i>Native Tribes of Central
Australia</i> (London, 1899), p. 473; <i>idem, Northern Tribes of
Central Australia</i> (London, 1904), p. 615.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote187" name=
"footnote187"></a> <b>Footnote 187</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag187">(return)</a>
<p>James Dawson, <i>Australian Aborigines</i> (Melbourne, Sydney,
and Adelaide, 1881), pp. ci. <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote188" name=
"footnote188"></a> <b>Footnote 188</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag188">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. William Ridley, "Report on Australian Languages and
Traditions," <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, ii.
(1873) p. 268. Compare <i>id., Kamilaroi and other Australian
Languages</i> (Sydney, 1875), p. 157.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote189" name=
"footnote189"></a> <b>Footnote 189</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag189">(return)</a>
<p>A.W. Howitt, <i>The Native Tribes of South-East Australia</i>
(London, 1904.), pp. 776 <i>sq.</i>, on the authority of Mr. J.C.
Muirhead. The Wakelbura are in Central Queensland. Compare Captain
W.E. Armit, quoted in <i>Journal of the Anthropological
Institute</i>, ix. (1880) pp. 459 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote190" name=
"footnote190"></a> <b>Footnote 190</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag190">(return)</a>
<p><i>Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres
Straits</i>, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 196, 207.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote191" name=
"footnote191"></a> <b>Footnote 191</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag191">(return)</a>
<p>Ch. Keysser, "Aus dem Leben der Kaileute," in R. Neuhauss's
<i>Deutsch Neu-Guinea</i> (Berlin, 1911), iii. 91.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote192" name=
"footnote192"></a> <b>Footnote 192</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag192">(return)</a>
<p>M.J. van Baarda, "Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der
Galelareezen," <i>Bijdragen tot de Taal-Landen Volkenkinde van
Nederlandsch-Indi&euml;</i>, xlv. (1895) p. 489.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote193" name=
"footnote193"></a> <b>Footnote 193</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag193">(return)</a>
<p>J.L. van der Toorn, "Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der
Padangsche Bovenlanden," <i>Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi&euml;</i>, xxxix. (1890) p.
66.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote194" name=
"footnote194"></a> <b>Footnote 194</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag194">(return)</a>
<p>W.H.I. Bleek, <i>A Brief Account of Bushman Folk-lore</i>
(London, 1875), p. 14; compare <i>ibid.</i>, p. 10.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote195" name=
"footnote195"></a> <b>Footnote 195</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag195">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. James Macdonald, "Manners, Customs, Superstitions and
Religions of South African Tribes," <i>Journal of the
Anthropological Institute</i>, xx. (1891) p. 138; <i>id., Light in
Africa</i>, Second Edition (London, 1890), p. 221.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote196" name=
"footnote196"></a> <b>Footnote 196</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag196">(return)</a>
<p>Dudley Kidd, <i>The Essential Kafir</i> (London, 1904), p. 238;
Mr. Warren's Notes, in Col. Maclean's <i>Compendium of Kafir Laws
and Customs</i> (Cape Town, 1866), p. 93; Rev. J. Macdonald,
<i>Light in Africa</i>, p. 221; <i>id., Religion and Myth</i>
(London, 1893), p. 198. Compare Henri A. Junod, "Les conceptions
physiologiques des Bantou Sud-Africains et leurs tabous," <i>Revue
d'Ethnographie et de Sociologie</i>, i. (1910) p. 139. The danger
of death to the cattle from the blood of women is mentioned only by
Mr. Kidd. The part of the village which is frequented by the
cattle, and which accordingly must be shunned by women, has a
special name, <i>inkundhla</i> (Mr. Warner's Notes,
<i>l.c.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote197" name=
"footnote197"></a> <b>Footnote 197</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag197">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, "The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole," <i>Journal
of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxvii. (1907) p.
106.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote198" name=
"footnote198"></a> <b>Footnote 198</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag198">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i> (London, 1911), p. 419.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote199" name=
"footnote199"></a> <b>Footnote 199</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag199">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i>, p. 96.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote200" name=
"footnote200"></a> <b>Footnote 200</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag200">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, "Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda," <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxi.
(1901) p. 121; <i>id.</i>, "Further Notes on the Manners and
Customs of the Baganda," <i>Journal of the Anthropological
Institute</i>, xxxii. (1902) p. 39; <i>id., The Baganda</i>, p.
352.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote201" name=
"footnote201"></a> <b>Footnote 201</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag201">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i>, p. 459.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote202" name=
"footnote202"></a> <b>Footnote 202</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag202">(return)</a>
<p>C.W. Hobley, "Further Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious
Beliefs and Customs," <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute</i>, xli. (1911) p. 409.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote203" name=
"footnote203"></a> <b>Footnote 203</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag203">(return)</a>
<p>Mervyn W.H. Beech, <i>The Suk, their Language and Folklore</i>
(Oxford, 1911), p. 11.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote204" name=
"footnote204"></a> <b>Footnote 204</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag204">(return)</a>
<p>H.S. Stannus, "Notes on some Tribes of British Central Africa,"
<i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i>, xl. (1910)
p. 305; R. Sutherland Rattray, <i>Some Folk-lore Stories and Songs
in Chinyanja</i> (London, 1907), p. 191. See above, p. <a href=
"#page27">27</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote205" name=
"footnote205"></a> <b>Footnote 205</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag205">(return)</a>
<p>Jakob Spieth, <i>Die Ewe-St&auml;mme</i> (Berlin, 1906), p.
192.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote206" name=
"footnote206"></a> <b>Footnote 206</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag206">(return)</a>
<p>Anton Witte, "Menstruation und Pubert&auml;tsfeier der
M&auml;dchen in Kpandugebiet Togo," <i>Baessler-Archiv</i>, i.
(1911) p. 279.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote207" name=
"footnote207"></a> <b>Footnote 207</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag207">(return)</a>
<p>Th. N&ouml;ldeke, <i>Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit
der Sassaniden, aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari
&uuml;bersetzt</i> (Leyden, 1879), pp. 33-38. I have to thank my
friend Professor A.A. Bevan for pointing out to me this passage.
Many ancient cities had talismans on the preservation of which
their safety was believed to depend. The Palladium of Troy is the
most familiar instance. See Chr. A. Lobeck, <i>Aglaophamus</i>
(K&ouml;nigsberg, 1829), pp. 278 <i>sqq.</i>, and my note on
Pausanias, viii. 47. 5 (vol. iv. pp. 433 <i>sq.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote208" name=
"footnote208"></a> <b>Footnote 208</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag208">(return)</a>
<p>J. Mergel, <i>Die Medezin der Talmudisten</i> (Leipsic and
Berlin, 1885), pp. 15 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote209" name=
"footnote209"></a> <b>Footnote 209</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag209">(return)</a>
<p>Maimonides, quoted by D. Chwolsohn, <i>Die Ssabier und der
Ssabismus</i> (St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 483. According to the
editor (p. 735) by the East Maimonides means India and eastern
countries generally.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote210" name=
"footnote210"></a> <b>Footnote 210</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag210">(return)</a>
<p>L'abb&eacute; B&eacute;chara Ch&eacute;mali, "Naissance et
premier &acirc;ge au Liban," <i>Anthropos</i>, v. (1910) p.
735.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote211" name=
"footnote211"></a> <b>Footnote 211</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag211">(return)</a>
<p>Eijub Abela, "Beitr&auml;ge zur Kenntniss abergl&auml;ubischer
Gebr&auml;uche in Syrien," <i>Zeitschrift des deutschen
Palaestina-Vereins</i>, vii. (1884) p. 111.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote212" name=
"footnote212"></a> <b>Footnote 212</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag212">(return)</a>
<p>J. Chalmers, "Toaripi," <i>Journal of the Anthropological
Institute</i>, xxvii. (1898) p. 328.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote213" name=
"footnote213"></a> <b>Footnote 213</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag213">(return)</a>
<p>W. Crooke, <i>Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces
and Qudh</i> (Calcutta, 1896), ii. 87.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote214" name=
"footnote214"></a> <b>Footnote 214</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag214">(return)</a>
<p>W. Crooke, in <i>North Indian Notes and Queries</i>, i. p. 67,
&sect; 467 (July, 1891).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote215" name=
"footnote215"></a> <b>Footnote 215</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag215">(return)</a>
<p>L.K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, <i>The Cochin Tribes and Castes</i>,
i. (Madras, 1909) pp. 201-203. As to the seclusion of menstruous
women among the Hindoos, see also Sonnerat, <i>Voyage aux Indes
Orientates et &agrave; la Chine</i> (Paris, 1782), i. 31; J.A.
Dubois, <i>Moeurs, Institutions et C&eacute;r&eacute;monies des
Peuples de l'Inde</i> (Paris, 1825), i. 245 <i>sq.</i> Nair women
in Malabar seclude themselves for three days at menstruation and
prepare their food in separate pots and pans. See Duarte Barbosa,
<i>Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the
beginning of the Sixteenth Century</i> (Hakluyt Society, London,
1866), pp. 132 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote216" name=
"footnote216"></a> <b>Footnote 216</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag216">(return)</a>
<p>G. Hoffman, <i>Ausz&uuml;ge aus Syrischen Akten persisischer
Martyrer &uuml;bersetzt</i> (Leipsic, 1880), p. 99. This passage
was pointed out to me by my friend Professor A.A. Bevan.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote217" name=
"footnote217"></a> <b>Footnote 217</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag217">(return)</a>
<p>J.B. Tavernier, <i>Voyages en Turquie, en Perse, et aux
Indes</i> (The Hague, 1718), i. 488.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote218" name=
"footnote218"></a> <b>Footnote 218</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag218">(return)</a>
<p>Paul Giran, <i>Magie et Religion Annamites</i> (Paris, 1912),
pp. 107 <i>sq.</i>, 112.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote219" name=
"footnote219"></a> <b>Footnote 219</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag219">(return)</a>
<p>Joseph Gumilla, <i>Histoire Naturelle, Civile, et
G&eacute;ographique de l'Orenoque</i> (Avignon, 1758), i. 249.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote220" name=
"footnote220"></a> <b>Footnote 220</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag220">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. Louis Plassard, "Les Guaraunos et le delta de
l'Or&eacute;noque," <i>Bulletin de la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; de
G&eacute;ographie</i> (Paris), v. S&eacute;rie, xv. (1868) p.
584.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote221" name=
"footnote221"></a> <b>Footnote 221</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag221">(return)</a>
<p>J. Crevaux, <i>Voyages dans l'Am&eacute;rique du Sud</i> (Paris,
1883), p. 526. As to the customs observed at menstruation by Indian
women in South America, see further A. d'Orbigny, <i>L'Homme
Americain</i> (Paris, 1839), i. 237.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote222" name=
"footnote222"></a> <b>Footnote 222</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag222">(return)</a>
<p>Chas. N. Bell, "The Mosquito Territory," <i>Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society</i>, xxxii. (1862) p. 254.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote223" name=
"footnote223"></a> <b>Footnote 223</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag223">(return)</a>
<p>H. Pittier de Fabrega, "Die Sprache der Bribri-Indianer in Costa
Rica," <i>Sitztungsberichte der philosophischen-historischen Classe
der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften</i> (Vienna),
cxxxviii. (1898) pp. 19 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote224" name=
"footnote224"></a> <b>Footnote 224</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag224">(return)</a>
<p>Gabriel Sagard, <i>Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons</i>,
Nouvelle &Eacute;dition (Paris, 1865), p. 54 (original edition,
Paris, 1632); J.F. Lafitau, <i>Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains</i>
(Paris, 1724), i. 262; Charlevoix, <i>Histoire de la Nouvelle
France</i> (Paris, 1744), v. 423 <i>sq.</i>; Captain Jonathan
Carver, <i>Travels through the Interior Parts of North America</i>,
Third Edition (London, 1781), pp. 236 <i>sq.</i>; Captains Lewis
and Clark, <i>Expedition to the Sources of the Missouri</i>, etc.
(London, 1905), iii. 90 (original edition, 1814); Rev. Jedidiah
Morse, <i>Report to the Secretary of War of the United States on
Indian Affairs</i> (New Haven, 1822), pp. 136 <i>sq.</i>;
<i>Annales de l'Association de la Propagation de la Foi</i>, iv,
(Paris and Lyons, 1830) pp. 483, 494 <i>sq.</i>; George Catlin,
<i>Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the
North American Indians</i>, Fourth Edition (London, 1844), ii. 233;
H.R. Schoolcraft, <i>Indian Tribes of the United States</i>
(Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 70; A.L. Kroeber, "The Religion of
the Indians of California," <i>University of California Publication
in American Archaeology and Ethnology</i>, vol. iv. No. 6
(Berkeley, September, 1907), pp. 323 <i>sq.</i>; Frank G. Speck,
<i>Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians</i> (Philadelphia, 1909), p. 96.
Among the Hurons of Canada women at their periods did not retire
from the house or village, but they ate from small dishes apart
from the rest of the family at these times (Gabriel Sagard,
<i>l.c.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote225" name=
"footnote225"></a> <b>Footnote 225</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag225">(return)</a>
<p>James Adair, <i>History of the American Indians</i> (London,
1775), pp. 123 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote226" name=
"footnote226"></a> <b>Footnote 226</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag226">(return)</a>
<p>Bossu, <i>Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales</i> (Paris,
1768), ii. 105.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote227" name=
"footnote227"></a> <b>Footnote 227</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag227">(return)</a>
<p>Edwin James, <i>Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the
Rocky Mountains</i> (London, 1823), i. 214.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote228" name=
"footnote228"></a> <b>Footnote 228</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag228">(return)</a>
<p>William H. Keating, <i>Narrative of an Expedition to the Source
of St. Peter's River</i> (London, 1825), i. 132.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote229" name=
"footnote229"></a> <b>Footnote 229</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag229">(return)</a>
<p>G.B. Grinnell, "Cheyenne Woman Customs," <i>American
Anthropologist</i>, New Series, iv. (New York, 1902) p. 14.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote230" name=
"footnote230"></a> <b>Footnote 230</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag230">(return)</a>
<p>C. Hill Tout, "Ethnological Report on the Stseelis and Skaulits
Tribes of the Halokmelem Division of the Salish of British
Columbia," <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxiv.
(1904) p. 320.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote231" name=
"footnote231"></a> <b>Footnote 231</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag231">(return)</a>
<p>James Teit, <i>The Thompson Indians of British Columbia</i>, pp.
326 <i>sq.</i> (<i>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of
the American Museum of Natural History</i>, New York, April,
1900).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote232" name=
"footnote232"></a> <b>Footnote 232</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag232">(return)</a>
<p>Samuel Hearne, <i>Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort in
Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean</i> (London, 1795), pp. 314
<i>sq.</i>; Alex. Mackenzie, <i>Voyages through the Continent of
North America</i> (London, 1801), p. cxxiii.; E. Petitot,
<i>Monographic des D&eacute;n&eacute;-Dindji&eacute;</i> (Paris,
1876), pp. 75 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote233" name=
"footnote233"></a> <b>Footnote 233</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag233">(return)</a>
<p>C. Leemius, <i>De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua vita et
religione pristina</i> (Copenhagen, 1767), p. 494.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote234" name=
"footnote234"></a> <b>Footnote 234</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag234">(return)</a>
<p>E.W. Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait," <i>Eighteenth
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology</i>, Part i.
(Washington, 1899) p. 440.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote235" name=
"footnote235"></a> <b>Footnote 235</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag235">(return)</a>
<p>The Carriers are a tribe of D&eacute;n&eacute; or Tinneh Indians
who get their name from a custom observed among them by widows, who
carry, or rather used to carry, the charred bones of their dead
husbands about with them in bundles.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote236" name=
"footnote236"></a> <b>Footnote 236</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag236">(return)</a>
<p>Hence we may conjecture that the similar ornaments worn by
Mabuiag girls in similar circumstances are also amulets. See above,
p. <a href="#page36">36</a>. Among the aborigines of the Upper
Yarra river in Victoria, a girl at puberty used to have cords tied
very tightly round several parts of her body. The cords were worn
for several days, causing the whole body to swell very much and
inflicting great pain. The girl might not remove them till she was
clean. See R. Brough Smyth, <i>Aborigines of Victoria</i>
(Melbourne and London, 1878), i. 65. Perhaps the cords were
intended to arrest the flow of blood.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote237" name=
"footnote237"></a> <b>Footnote 237</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag237">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Father A.G. Morice, "The Western D&eacute;n&eacute;s, their
Manners and Customs," <i>Proceedings of the Canadian Institute,
Toronto</i>, Third Series, vii. (1888-89) pp. 162-164. The writer
has repeated the substance of this account in a later work, <i>Au
pays de l'Ours Noir: chez les sauvages de la Colombia
Britannique</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1897), pp. 72 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote238" name=
"footnote238"></a> <b>Footnote 238</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag238">(return)</a>
<p>A.G. Morice, "Notes, Archaeological, Industrial, and
Sociological, on the Western D&eacute;n&eacute;s," <i>Transactions
of the Canadian Institute</i>, iv. (1892-93) pp. 106 <i>sq.</i>
Compare Rev. Father Julius Jett&eacute;, "On the Superstitions of
the Ten'a Indians," <i>Anthropos</i>, vi. (1911) pp. 703
<i>sq.</i>, who tells us that Tinneh women at these times may not
lift their own nets, may not step over other people's nets, and may
not pass in a boat or canoe near a place where nets are being
set.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote239" name=
"footnote239"></a> <b>Footnote 239</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag239">(return)</a>
<p>A.G. Morice, in <i>Transactions of the Canadian Institute</i>,
iv. (1892-93) pp. 107, 110.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote240" name=
"footnote240"></a> <b>Footnote 240</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag240">(return)</a>
<p>James Teit, <i>The Thompson Indians of British Columbia</i>, p.
327 (<i>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American
Museum of Natural History</i>, New York, April 1900).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote241" name=
"footnote241"></a> <b>Footnote 241</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag241">(return)</a>
<p>See above, p. <a href="#page53">53</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote242" name=
"footnote242"></a> <b>Footnote 242</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag242">(return)</a>
<p><i>Laws of Manu</i>, translated by G. Buhler (Oxford, 1886), ch.
iv. 41 <i>sq.</i>, p. 135 (<i>Sacred Books of the East</i>, vol.
xxv.).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote243" name=
"footnote243"></a> <b>Footnote 243</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag243">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Zend-Avesta</i>, translated by J. Darmesteter, i.
(Oxford, 1880) p. xcii. (<i>Sacred Books of the East</i>, vol.
iv.). See <i>id.</i>, pp. 9, 181-185, <i>Fargard</i>, i. 18 and 19,
xvi. 1-18.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote244" name=
"footnote244"></a> <b>Footnote 244</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag244">(return)</a>
<p>Pliny, <i>Nat. Hist.</i> vii. 64 <i>sq.</i>, xxviii. 77
<i>sqq.</i> Compare <i>Geoponica</i>, xii. 20. 5 and 25. 2;
Columella, <i>De re rustica</i>, xi. 357 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote245" name=
"footnote245"></a> <b>Footnote 245</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag245">(return)</a>
<p>August Schleicher, <i>Volkst&uuml;mliches aus Sonnenberg</i>
(Weimar, 1858), p. 134; B. Souch&eacute;, <i>Croyances,
Pr&eacute;sages et Traditions diverses</i> (Niort, 1880), p. 11; A.
Meyrac, <i>Traditions, Coutumes L&eacute;gendes et Contes des
Ardennes</i> (Charleville, 1890), p. 171; V. Fossel,
<i>Volksmedicin und medicinischer Aberglaube in
Steiermark</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Graz, 1886), p. 124. A correspondent,
who withholds her name, writes to me that in a Suffolk village,
where she used to live some twenty or thirty years ago, "every one
pickled their own beef, and it was held that if the pickling were
performed by a woman during her menstrual period the meat would not
keep. If the cook were incapacitated at the time when the pickling
was due, another woman was sent for out of the village rather than
risk what was considered a certainty." Another correspondent
informs me that in some of the dales in the north of Yorkshire a
similar belief prevailed down to recent years with regard to the
salting of pork. Another correspondent writes to me: "The
prohibition that a menstruating woman must not touch meat that is
intended for keeping appears to be common all over the country; at
least I have met with it as a confirmed and active custom in widely
separated parts of England.... It is in regard to the salting of
meat for bacon that the prohibition is most usual, because that is
the commonest process; but it exists in regard to any meat food
that is required to be kept."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote246" name=
"footnote246"></a> <b>Footnote 246</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag246">(return)</a>
<p>R. Andree, <i>Braunschweiger Volkskunde</i> (Brunswick, 1896),
p. 291.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote247" name=
"footnote247"></a> <b>Footnote 247</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag247">(return)</a>
<p>W.R. Paton, in <i>Folk-lore</i>, i. (1890) p. 524.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote248" name=
"footnote248"></a> <b>Footnote 248</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag248">(return)</a>
<p>The Greeks and Romans thought that a field was completely
protected against insects if a menstruous woman walked round it
with bare feet and streaming hair (Pliny, <i>Nat. Hist.</i> xvii.
266, xxviii. 78; Columella, <i>De re rustica</i>, x. 358
<i>sq.</i>, xi. 3. 64; Palladius, <i>De re rustica</i>, i. 35. 3;
<i>Geoponica</i>, xii. 8. 5 <i>sq.</i>; Aelian, <i>Nat. Anim.</i>
vi. 36). A similar preventive is employed for the same purpose by
North American Indians and European peasants. See H.R. Schoolcraft,
<i>Indian Tribes of the United States</i> (Philadelphia,
1853-1856), v. 70; F.J. Wiedemann, <i>Aus dem inneren und
a&uuml;ssern Leben der Ehsten</i> (St. Petersburg, 1876), p. 484.
Compare J. Haltrich, <i>Zur Volkskunde der Siebenb&uuml;rger
Sachsen</i> (Vienna, 1885), p. 280; Adolph Heinrich, <i>Agrarische
Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche unter den Sachsen Siebenb&uuml;rgens</i>
(Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 14; J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> iii. 468; G. Lammert, <i>Volksmedizin
und medizinischer Aberglaube aus Bayern</i> (W&uuml;rzburg, 1869),
p. 147. Among the Western D&eacute;n&eacute;s it is believed that
one or two transverse lines tattooed on the arms or legs of a young
man by a pubescent girl are a specific against premature weakness
of these limbs. See A.G. Morice, "Notes, Archaeological,
Industrial, and Sociological, on the Western D&eacute;n&eacute;s,"
<i>Transactions of the Canadian Institute</i>, iv. (1892-93) p.
182. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia thought that the Dawn
of Day could and would cure hernia if only an adolescent girl
prayed to it to do so. Just before daybreak the girl would put some
charcoal in her mouth, chew it fine, and spit it out four times on
the diseased place. Then she prayed: "O Day-dawn! thy child relies
on me to obtain healing from thee, who art mystery. Remove thou the
swelling of thy child. Pity thou him, Day-Dawn!" See James Teit,
<i>The Thompson Indians of British Columbia</i>, pp. 345 <i>sq.</i>
(<i>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American
Museum of Natural History</i>, New York, April, 1900). To cure the
painful and dangerous wound inflicted by a ray-fish, the Indians of
the Gran Chaco smoke the wounded limb and then cause a woman in her
courses to sit astride of it. See G. Pelleschi, <i>Eight Months on
the Gran Chaco of the Argentine Republic</i> (London, 1886), p.
106. An ancient Hindoo method of securing prosperity was to swallow
a portion of the menstruous fluid. See W. Caland, <i>Altindisches
Zauberritual</i> (Amsterdam, 1900), pp. 57 <i>sq.</i> To preserve a
new cow from the evil eye Scottish Highlanders used to sprinkle
menstruous blood on the animal; and at certain seasons of the year,
especially at Beltane (the first of May) and Lammas (the first of
August) it was their custom to sprinkle the same potent liquid on
the doorposts and houses all round to guard them from harm. The
fluid was applied by means of a wisp of straw, and the person who
discharged this salutary office went round the house in the
direction of the sun. See J.G. Campbell, <i>Superstitions of the
Highlands and Islands of Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1900), p. 248.
These are examples of the beneficent application of the menstruous
energy.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote249" name=
"footnote249"></a> <b>Footnote 249</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag249">(return)</a>
<p><i>Taboo and the Perils of the Soul</i>, pp. 1 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote250" name=
"footnote250"></a> <b>Footnote 250</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag250">(return)</a>
<p>For a similar reason, perhaps, ancient Hindoo ritual prescribed
that when the hair of a child's head was shorn in the third year,
the clippings should be buried in a cow-stable, or near an
<i>udumbara</i> tree, or in a clump of <i>darbha</i> grass, with
the words, "Where Pushan, Brihaspati, Savitri, Soma, Agni dwell,
they have in many ways searched where they should deposit it,
between heaven and earth, the waters and heaven." See <i>The
Grihya-S&ucirc;tras</i>, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part ii.
(Oxford, 1892) p. 218 (<i>Sacred Books of the East</i>, vol.
xxx.).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote251" name=
"footnote251"></a> <b>Footnote 251</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag251">(return)</a>
<p>Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 48; Pausanias, x. 12: 8; Justin Martyr,
<i>Cohort ad Graecos</i>, 37, p. 34 c (ed. 1742). According to
another account, the remains of the Sibyl were enclosed in an iron
cage which hung from a pillar in an ancient temple of Hercules at
Argyrus (Ampelius, <i>Liber Memorialis</i>, viii. 16).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote252" name=
"footnote252"></a> <b>Footnote 252</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag252">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, <i>Nord-deutsche Sagen, M&auml;rchen
und Gebr&auml;uche</i> (Leipsic, 1848), p. 70, No. 72. i. This and
the following German parallels to the story of the Sibyl's wish
were first indicated by Dr. M.R. James (<i>Classical Review</i>,
vi. (1892) p. 74). I have already given the stories at length in a
note on Pausanias, x. 12. 8 (vol. v. pp. 292 <i>sq.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote253" name=
"footnote253"></a> <b>Footnote 253</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag253">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 70 <i>sq.</i>, No.
72. 2.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote254" name=
"footnote254"></a> <b>Footnote 254</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag254">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 71, No. 72. 3.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote255" name=
"footnote255"></a> <b>Footnote 255</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag255">(return)</a>
<p>Karl M&uuml;llenhoff, <i>Sagen, M&auml;rchen und Lieder der
Herzogth&uuml;mer Holstein und Lauenburg</i> (Kiel, 1845), pp. 158
<i>sg.</i>, No. 217.</p>
</blockquote>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page101" name="page101"></a>[pg
101]</span>
<h2><a id="chap3" name="chap3">CHAPTER III</a></h2>
<h3>THE MYTH OF BALDER</h3>
<a id="balderdeath" name="balderdeath"></a>
<p>[How Balder, the good and beautiful god, was done to death by a
stroke of the mistletoe.]</p>
<p>A deity whose life might in a sense be said to be neither in
heaven nor on earth but between the two, was the Norse Balder, the
good and beautiful god, the son of the great god Odin, and himself
the wisest, mildest, best beloved of all the immortals. The story
of his death, as it is told in the younger or prose <i>Edda</i>,
runs thus. Once on a time Balder dreamed heavy dreams which seemed
to forebode his death. Thereupon the gods held a council and
resolved to make him secure against every danger. So the goddess
Frigg took an oath from fire and water, iron and all metals, stones
and earth, from trees, sicknesses and poisons, and from all
four-footed beasts, birds, and creeping things, that they would not
hurt Balder. When this was done Balder was deemed invulnerable; so
the gods amused themselves by setting him in their midst, while
some shot at him, others hewed at him, and others threw stones at
him. But whatever they did, nothing could hurt him; and at this
they were all glad. Only Loki, the mischief-maker, was displeased,
and he went in the guise of an old woman to Frigg, who told him
that the weapons of the gods could not wound Balder, since she had
made them all swear not to hurt him. Then Loki asked, "Have all
things sworn to spare Balder?" She answered, "East of Walhalla
grows a plant called mistletoe; it seemed to me too young to
swear." So Loki went and pulled the mistletoe and took it to the
assembly of the gods. There he found the blind god Hother standing
at the outside of the circle. Loki asked him, "Why do you not shoot
at Balder?" Hother answered, "Because I do not see where
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page102" name="page102"></a>[pg
102]</span> he stands; besides I have no weapon." Then said Loki,
"Do like the rest and shew Balder honour, as they all do. I will
shew you where he stands, and do you shoot at him with this twig."
Hother took the mistletoe and threw it at Balder, as Loki directed
him. The mistletoe struck Balder and pierced him through and
through, and he fell down dead. And that was the greatest
misfortune that ever befell gods and men. For a while the gods
stood speechless, then they lifted up their voices and wept
bitterly. They took Balder's body and brought it to the sea-shore.
There stood Balder's ship; it was called Ringhorn, and was the
hugest of all ships. The gods wished to launch the ship and to burn
Balder's body on it, but the ship would not stir. So they sent for
a giantess called Hyrrockin. She came riding on a wolf and gave the
ship such a push that fire flashed from the rollers and all the
earth shook. Then Balder's body was taken and placed on the funeral
pile upon his ship. When his wife Nanna saw that, her heart burst
for sorrow and she died. So she was laid on the funeral pile with
her husband, and fire was put to it. Balder's horse, too, with all
its trappings, was burned on the pile.<a id="footnotetag256" name=
"footnotetag256"></a><a href="#footnote256"><sup>256</sup></a></p>
<a id="olderedda" name="olderedda"></a>
<p>[Tale of Balder in the older <i>Edda</i>.]</p>
<p>In the older or poetic <i>Edda</i> the tragic tale of Balder is
hinted at rather than told at length. Among the visions which the
Norse Sibyl sees and describes in the weird prophecy known as the
<i>Voluspa</i> is one of the fatal mistletoe. "I behold," says she,
"Fate looming for Balder, Woden's son, the bloody victim. There
stands the Mistletoe slender and delicate, blooming high above the
ground. Out of this shoot, so slender to look on, there shall grow
a harmful fateful shaft. Hod shall shoot it, but Frigga in Fen-hall
shall weep over the woe of Wal-hall."<a id="footnotetag257" name=
"footnotetag257"></a><a href="#footnote257"><sup>257</sup></a> Yet
looking far into <span class="pagenum"><a id="page103" name=
"page103"></a>[pg 103]</span> the future the Sibyl sees a brighter
vision of a new heaven and a new earth, where the fields unsown
shall yield their increase and all sorrows shall be healed; then
Balder will come back to dwell in Odin's mansions of bliss, in a
hall brighter than the sun, shingled with gold, where the righteous
shall live in joy for ever more.<a id="footnotetag258" name=
"footnotetag258"></a><a href="#footnote258"><sup>258</sup></a></p>
<a id="saxogrammaticus" name="saxogrammaticus"></a>
<p>[The story of Balder as related by Saxo Grammaticus.]</p>
<p>Writing about the end of the twelfth century, the old Danish
historian Saxo Grammaticus tells the story of Balder in a form
which professes to be historical. According to him, Balder and
Hother were rival suitors for the hand of Nanna, daughter of Gewar,
King of Norway. Now Balder was a demigod and common steel could not
wound his sacred body. The two rivals encountered each other in a
terrific battle, and though Odin and Thor and the rest of the gods
fought for Balder, yet was he defeated and fled away, and Hother
married the princess. Nevertheless Balder took heart of grace and
again met Hother in a stricken field. But he fared even worse than
before; for Hother dealt him a deadly wound with a magic sword,
which he had received from Miming, the Satyr of the woods; and
after lingering three days in pain Balder died of his hurt and was
buried with royal honours in a barrow.<a id="footnotetag259" name=
"footnotetag259"></a><a href="#footnote259"><sup>259</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page104" name="page104"></a>[pg
104]</span> <a id="baldernorway" name="baldernorway"></a>
<p>[Balder worshipped in Norway.]</p>
<p>Whether he was a real or merely a mythical personage, Balder was
worshipped in Norway. On one of the bays of the beautiful Sogne
Fiord, which penetrates far into the depths of the solemn Norwegian
mountains, with their sombre pine-forests and their lofty cascades
dissolving into spray before they reach the dark water of the fiord
far below, Balder had a great sanctuary. It was called Balder's
Grove. A palisade enclosed the hallowed ground, and within it stood
a spacious temple with the images of many gods, but none of them
was worshipped with such devotion as Balder. So great was the awe
with which the heathen regarded the place that no man might harm
another there, nor steal his cattle, nor defile himself with women.
But women cared for the images of the gods in the temple; they
warmed them at the fire, anointed them with oil, and dried them
with cloths.<a id="footnotetag260" name=
"footnotetag260"></a><a href="#footnote260"><sup>260</sup></a></p>
<a id="balderfirdusi" name="balderfirdusi"></a>
<p>[The legendary death of Balder resembles the legendary death of
the Persian hero Isfendiyar in the epic of Firdusi.]</p>
<p>It might be rash to affirm that the romantic figure of Balder
was nothing but a creation of the mythical fancy, a radiant phantom
conjured up as by a wizard's wand to glitter for a time against the
gloomy background of the stern Norwegian landscape. It may be so;
yet it is also possible that the myth was founded on the tradition
of a hero, popular and beloved in his lifetime, who long survived
in the memory of the people, gathering more and more of the
marvellous about him as he passed from generation to generation of
story-tellers. At all events it is worth while to observe that a
somewhat similar story is told of another national hero, who may
well have been a real man. In his great poem, <i>The Epic of
Kings</i>, which is founded on Persian traditions, the poet Firdusi
tells us that in the combat between Rustem and Isfendiyar the
arrows of the former did no harm to his adversary, "because
Zerdusht had charmed his body against all dangers, so that it was
like unto brass." But Simurgh, the bird of God, shewed Rustem the
way he should follow in order to vanquish his redoubtable foe. He
rode after her, and they halted not till they came to the
sea-shore. There she led him into a garden, where grew a
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page105" name="page105"></a>[pg
105]</span> tamarisk, tall and strong, and the roots thereof were
in the ground, but the branches pierced even unto the sky. Then the
bird of God bade Rustem break from the tree a branch that was long
and slender, and fashion it into an arrow, and she said, "Only
through his eyes can Isfendiyar be wounded. If, therefore, thou
wouldst slay him, direct this arrow unto his forehead, and verily
it shall not miss its aim." Rustem did as he was bid; and when next
he fought with Isfendiyar, he shot the arrow at him, and it pierced
his eye, and he died. Great was the mourning for Isfendiyar. For
the space of one year men ceased not to lament for him, and for
many years they shed bitter tears for that arrow, and they said,
"The glory of Iran hath been laid low."<a id="footnotetag261" name=
"footnotetag261"></a><a href="#footnote261"><sup>261</sup></a></p>
<a id="balderceremony" name="balderceremony"></a>
<p>[The myth of Balder was perhaps acted as a magical ceremony. The
two chief incidents of the myth, namely the pulling of the
mistletoe and the death and burning of the god, have perhaps their
counterparts in popular ritual.]</p>
<p>Whatever may be thought of an historical kernel underlying a
mythical husk in the legend of Balder, the details of the story
suggest that it belongs to that class of myths which have been
dramatized in ritual, or, to put it otherwise, which have been
performed as magical ceremonies for the sake of producing those
natural effects which they describe in figurative language. A myth
is never so graphic and precise in its details as when it is, so to
speak, the book of the words which are spoken and acted by the
performers of the sacred rite. That the Norse story of Balder was a
myth of this sort will become probable if we can prove that
ceremonies resembling the incidents in the tale have been performed
by Norsemen and other European peoples. Now the main incidents in
the tale are two&mdash;first, the pulling of the mistletoe, and
second, the death and burning of the god; and both of them may
perhaps be found to have had their counterparts in yearly rites
observed, whether separately or conjointly, by people in various
parts of Europe. These rites will be described and discussed in the
following chapters. We shall begin with the annual festivals of
fire and shall reserve the pulling of the mistletoe for
consideration later on.</p>
<p>Notes:</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote256" name=
"footnote256"></a> <b>Footnote 256</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag256">(return)</a>
<p><i>Die Edda</i>, &uuml;bersetzt von K. Simrock,<sup>8</sup>
(Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 286-288. Compare pp. 8, 34, 264. Balder's
story is told in a professedly historical form by the old Danish
historian Saxo Grammaticus in his third book. See below, p.
<a href="#page103">103</a>. In English the story is told at length
by Professor (Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i> (London and
Edinburgh, 1888), pp. 529 <i>sqq.</i> It is elaborately discussed
by Professor F. Knuffmann in a learned monograph, <i>Balder, Mythus
und Sage</i> (Strasburg, 1902).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote257" name=
"footnote257"></a> <b>Footnote 257</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag257">(return)</a>
<p>Gudbrand Vigfusson and F. York Powell, <i>Corpus Poeticum
Boreale</i>, i. (Oxford, 1883) p. 197. Compare <i>Edda Rhythmica
seu Antiquior, vulgo Saemundina dicta</i>, Pars iii. (Copenhagen,
1828) pp. 39 <i>sq.</i>; <i>Die Edda</i>, &uuml;bersetzt von K.
Simrock,<sup>8</sup> (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 8; K. M&uuml;llenhoff,
<i>Deutsche Altertumskunde</i>, v. Zweite Abteilung (Berlin, 1891),
pp. 78 <i>sq.</i>; Fr. Kauffmann, <i>Balder, Mythus und Sage</i>,
pp. 20 <i>sq.</i> In this passage the words translated "bloody
victim" (<i>blaupom tivor</i>) and "fate looming" (<i>&oslash;rlog
f&oacute;lgen</i>) are somewhat uncertain and have been variously
interpreted. The word <i>tivor</i>, usually understood to mean
"god," seems to be found nowhere else. Professor H.M. Chadwick has
kindly furnished me with the following literal translation of the
passage: "I saw (or 'have seen') held in safe keeping the life of
Balder, the bloody god, Othin's son. High above the fields
(<i>i.e.</i> the surface of the earth) grew a mistletoe, slender
and very beautiful. From a shaft (or 'stem') which appeared
slender, came a dangerous sorrow-bringing missile (<i>i.e.</i> the
shaft became a ... missile); Hodr proceeded to shoot. Soon was a
brother of Balder born. He, Othin's son, proceeded to do battle
when one day old. He did not wash his hands or comb his head before
he brought Balder's antagonist on to the pyre. But Frigg in
Fen-salir (<i>i.e.</i> the Fen-abode) lamented the trouble of
Val-holl." In translating the words <i>&oslash;rlog
f&oacute;lgen</i> "held in safe keeping the life" Professor
Chadwick follows Professor F. Kauffmann's rendering ("<i>das Leben
verwahrt</i>"); but he writes to me that he is not quite confident
about it, as the word <i>&oslash;rlog</i> usually means "fate"
rather than "life." Several sentences translated by Professor
Chadwick ("Soon was a brother of Balder born ... he brought
Balder's antagonist on the pyre") are omitted by some editors and
translators of the <i>Edda</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote258" name=
"footnote258"></a> <b>Footnote 258</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag258">(return)</a>
<p>G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell, <i>Corpus Poeticum Boreale</i>,
i. 200 <i>sq.</i>; <i>Edda Rhythmica seu Antiquior, vulgo
Saemundina dicta</i>, Pars iii. pp. 51-54; <i>Die Edda</i>,
&uuml;bersetzt von K. Simrock,<sup>8</sup> p. 10 <i>sq.</i>; K.
M&uuml;llenhoff, <i>Deutsche Altertumskunde</i>, v. Zweite
Abteilung, pp. 84 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote259" name=
"footnote259"></a> <b>Footnote 259</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag259">(return)</a>
<p>Saxo Grammaticus, <i>Historia Danica</i>, ed. P.E. M&uuml;ller
(Copenhagen, 1839-1858), <i>lib.</i> iii. vol. i. pp. 110
<i>sqq.</i>; <i>The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo
Grammaticus</i>, translated by Oliver Elton (London, 1894), pp.
83-93.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote260" name=
"footnote260"></a> <b>Footnote 260</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag260">(return)</a>
<p><i>Fridthjofs Saga, aus dem Alt-isl&auml;ndischen</i>, von J.C.
Poestion, (Vienna, 1879), pp. 3 <i>sq.</i>, 14-17, 45-52.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote261" name=
"footnote261"></a> <b>Footnote 261</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag261">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Epic of Kings, Stories retold from Firdusi</i>, by Helen
Zimmern (London, 1883), pp. 325-331. The parallel between Balder
and Isfendiyar was pointed out in the "Lexicon Mythologicum"
appended to the <i>Edda Rhythmifa seu Antiquior, vulgo Saemundina
dicta</i>, Pars iii. (Copenhagen, 1828) p. 513 note, with a
reference to <i>Schah Namech, verdeutscht von G&ouml;rres</i>, ii.
324, 327 <i>sq.</i> It is briefly mentioned by Dr. P. Wagler,
<i>Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit</i>, ii. Teil (Berlin, 1891),
p. 40.</p>
</blockquote>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page106" name="page106"></a>[pg
106]</span>
<h2><a id="chap4" name="chap4">CHAPTER IV</a></h2>
<h3>THE FIRE-FESTIVALS OF EUROPE</h3>
<h4><a id="sect4-1" name="sect4-1">&sect; 1. <i>The Lenten
Fires</i></a></h4>
<a id="custom" name="custom"></a>
<p>[European custom of kindling bonfires on certain days of the
year, dancing round them and leaping over them. Effigies are
sometimes burnt in the fires.]</p>
<p>All over Europe the peasants have been accustomed from time
immemorial to kindle bonfires on certain days of the year, and to
dance round or leap over them. Customs of this kind can be traced
back on historical evidence to the Middle Ages,<a id=
"footnotetag262" name="footnotetag262"></a><a href=
"#footnote262"><sup>262</sup></a> and their analogy to similar
customs observed in antiquity goes with strong internal evidence to
prove that their origin must be sought in a period long prior to
the spread of Christianity. Indeed the earliest proof of their
observance in Northern Europe is furnished by the attempts made by
Christian synods in the eighth century to put them down as
heathenish rites.<a id="footnotetag263" name=
"footnotetag263"></a><a href="#footnote263"><sup>263</sup></a> Not
uncommonly effigies are burned in these fires, or a pretence is
made of burning a living person in them; and there are grounds for
believing that anciently human beings were actually burned on these
occasions. A general survey of the customs in question will bring
out the traces of human sacrifice, and will serve at the same time
to throw light on their meaning.<a id="footnotetag264" name=
"footnotetag264"></a><a href="#footnote264"><sup>264</sup></a></p>
<a id="seasons" name="seasons"></a>
<p>[Seasons of the year at which the bonfires are lit.]</p>
<p>The seasons of the year when these bonfires are most commonly
lit are spring and midsummer; but in some places they are kindled
also at the end of autumn or during the <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page107" name="page107"></a>[pg 107]</span> course
of the winter, particularly on Hallow E'en (the thirty-first of
October), Christmas Day, and the Eve of Twelfth Day. We shall
consider them in the order in which they occur in the calendar
year. The earliest of them is the winter festival of the Eve of
Twelfth Day (the fifth of January); but as it has been already
described in an earlier part of this work<a id="footnotetag265"
name="footnotetag265"></a><a href="#footnote265"><sup>265</sup></a>
we shall pass it over here and begin with the fire-festivals of
spring, which usually fall on the first Sunday of Lent
(<i>Quadragesima</i> or <i>Invocavit</i>),<a id="footnotetag266"
name="footnotetag266"></a><a href="#footnote266"><sup>266</sup></a>
Easter Eve, and May Day.</p>
<a id="fireardennes" name="fireardennes"></a>
<p>[Custom of kindling bonfires on the first Sunday in Lent in the
Belgian Ardennes.]</p>
<p>The custom of kindling bonfires on the first Sunday in Lent has
prevailed in Belgium, the north of France, and many parts of
Germany. Thus in the Belgian Ardennes for a week or a fortnight
before the "day of the great fire," as it is called, children go
about from farm to farm collecting fuel. At Grand Halleux any one
who refuses their request is pursued next day by the children, who
try to blacken his face with the ashes of the extinct fire. When
the day has come, they cut down bushes, especially juniper and
broom, and in the evening great bonfires blaze on all the heights.
It is a common saying that seven bonfires should be seen if the
village is to be safe from conflagrations. If the Meuse happens to
be frozen hard at the time, bonfires are lit also on the ice. At
Grand Halleux they set up a pole called <i>makral</i> or "the
witch," in the midst of the pile, and the fire is kindled by the
man who was last married in the village. In the neighbourhood of
Morlanwelz a straw man is burnt in the fire. Young people and
children dance and sing round the bonfires, and leap over the
embers to secure good crops or a happy marriage within the year, or
as a means of guarding themselves against colic. In Brabant on the
same Sunday, down to the beginning of the nineteenth century, women
and men disguised in female attire used to go with burning torches
to the fields, where they danced and sang comic songs for the
purpose, as they alleged, of driving away "the wicked sower," who
is mentioned in the Gospel for the day. At Maeseyck and in many
villages of Limburg, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page108" name=
"page108"></a>[pg 108]</span> on the evening of the day children
run through the streets carrying lighted torches; then they kindle
little fires of straw in the fields and dance round them. At
Ensival old folks tell young folks that they will have as many
Easter eggs as they see bonfires on this day.<a id="footnotetag267"
name="footnotetag267"></a><a href="#footnote267"><sup>267</sup></a>
At P&acirc;turages, in the province of Hainaut, down to about 1840
the custom was observed under the name of <i>Escouvion</i> or
<i>Scouvion</i>. Every year on the first Sunday of Lent, which was
called the Day of the Little Scouvion, young folks and children
used to run with lighted torches through the gardens and orchards.
As they ran they cried at the pitch of their voices,</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Bear apples, bear pears</p>
<p>And cherries all black</p>
<p class="i2">To Scouvion!"</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>At these words the torch-bearer whirled his blazing brand and
hurled it among the branches of the apple-trees, the pear-trees,
and the cherry-trees. The next Sunday was called the Day of the
Great Scouvion, and the same race with lighted torches among the
trees of the orchards was repeated in the afternoon till darkness
fell. The same custom was observed on the same two days at
Wasmes.<a id="footnotetag268" name="footnotetag268"></a><a href=
"#footnote268"><sup>268</sup></a> In the neighbourhood of
Li&egrave;ge, where the Lenten fires were put down by the police
about the middle of the nineteenth century, girls thought that by
leaping over the fires without being smirched they made sure of a
happy marriage. Elsewhere in order to get a good husband it was
necessary to see seven of the bonfires from one spot. In Famenne, a
district of Namur, men and cattle who traversed the Lenten fires
were thought to be safe from sickness and witchcraft. Anybody who
saw seven such fires at once had nothing to fear from sorcerers. An
old saying ran, that if you do not light "the great fire," God will
light it for you; which seems to imply that the kindling of the
bonfires was deemed a protection against conflagrations throughout
the year.<a id="footnotetag269" name="footnotetag269"></a><a href=
"#footnote269"><sup>269</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page109" name="page109"></a>[pg
109]</span> <a id="firefrenchardennes" name=
"firefrenchardennes"></a>
<p>[Bonfires on the first Sunday of Lent in the French department
of the Ardennes.]</p>
<p>In the French department of the Ardennes the whole village used
to dance and sing round the bonfires which were lighted on the
first Sunday in Lent. Here, too, it was the person last married,
sometimes a man and sometimes a woman, who put the match to the
fire. The custom is still kept up very commonly in the district.
Cats used to be burnt in the fire or roasted to death by being held
over it; and while they were burning the shepherds drove their
flocks through the smoke and flames as a sure means of guarding
them against sickness and witchcraft. In some communes it was
believed that the livelier the dance round the fire, the better
would be the crops that year.<a id="footnotetag270" name=
"footnotetag270"></a><a href="#footnote270"><sup>270</sup></a> In
the Vosges Mountains it is still customary to light great fires on
the heights and around the villages on the first Sunday in Lent;
and at Rupt and elsewhere the right of kindling them belongs to the
person who was last married. Round the fires the people dance and
sing merrily till the flames have died out. Then the master of the
fire, as they call the man who kindled it, invites all who
contributed to the erection of the pile to follow him to the
nearest tavern, where they partake of good cheer. At Dommartin they
say that, if you would have the hemp tall, it is absolutely
necessary that the women should be tipsy on the evening of this
day.<a id="footnotetag271" name="footnotetag271"></a><a href=
"#footnote271"><sup>271</sup></a> At &Eacute;pinal in the Vosges,
on the first Sunday in Lent, bonfires used to be kindled at various
places both in the town and on the banks of the Moselle. They
consisted of pyramids of sticks and faggots, which had been
collected some days earlier by young folks going from door to door.
When the flames blazed up, the names of various couples, whether
young or old, handsome or ugly, rich or poor, were called out, and
the persons thus linked in mock marriage were forced, whether they
liked it or not, to march arm in arm round the fire amid the
laughter and jests of the crowd. The festivity lasted till the fire
died out, and then the spectators dispersed through the streets,
stopping under the windows of the houses and proclaiming the names
of the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page110" name="page110"></a>[pg
110]</span> <i>f&eacute;chenots</i> and <i>f&eacute;chenottes</i>
or Valentines whom the popular voice had assigned to each other.
These couples had to exchange presents; the mock bridegroom gave
his mock bride something for her toilet, while she in turn
presented him with a cockade of coloured ribbon. Next Sunday, if
the weather allowed it, all the couples, arrayed in their best
attire and attended by their relations, repaired to the wood of
Saint Antony, where they mounted a famous stone called the
<i>danserosse</i> or <i>danseresse</i>. Here they found cakes and
refreshments of all sorts, and danced to the music of a couple of
fiddlers. The evening bell, ringing the Angelus, gave the signal to
depart. As soon as its solemn chime was heard, every one quitted
the forest and returned home. The exchange of presents between the
Valentines went by the name of ransom or redemption
(<i>rachat</i>), because it was supposed to redeem the couple from
the flames of the bonfire. Any pair who failed thus to ransom
themselves were not suffered to share the merrymaking at the great
stone in the forest; and a pretence was made of burning them in
small fires kindled before their own doors.<a id="footnotetag272"
name="footnotetag272"></a><a href=
"#footnote272"><sup>272</sup></a></p>
<a id="firefranchecomte" name="firefranchecomte"></a>
<p>[Bonfires on the First Sunday of Lent in
Franche-Comt&eacute;.]</p>
<p>In the French province of Franche-Comt&eacute;, to the west of
the Jura Mountains, the first Sunday of Lent is known as the Sunday
of the Firebrands (<i>Brandons</i>), on account of the fires which
it is customary to kindle on that day. On the Saturday or the
Sunday the village lads harness themselves to a cart and drag it
about the streets, stopping at the doors of the houses where there
are girls and begging for a faggot. When they have got enough, they
cart the fuel to a spot at some little distance from the village,
pile it up, and set it on fire. All the people of the parish come
out to see the bonfire. In some villages, when the bells have rung
the Angelus, the signal for the observance is given by cries of,
"To the fire! to the fire!" Lads, lasses, and children dance round
the blaze, and when the flames have died down they vie with each
other in leaping over the red embers. He or she who does so without
singeing his or her garments will be married within the year. Young
folk also carry lighted torches about the streets or the fields,
and when they pass <span class="pagenum"><a id="page111" name=
"page111"></a>[pg 111]</span> an orchard they cry out, "More fruit
than leaves!" Down to recent years at Laviron, in the department of
Doubs, it was the young married couples of the year who had charge
of the bonfires. In the midst of the bonfire a pole was planted
with a wooden figure of a cock fastened to the top. Then there were
races, and the winner received the cock as a prize.<a id=
"footnotetag273" name="footnotetag273"></a><a href=
"#footnote273"><sup>273</sup></a></p>
<a id="fireauvergne" name="fireauvergne"></a>
<p>[Bonfires on the first Sunday of Lent in Auvergne; the Granno
invoked at these bonfires may be the old Celtic god Grannus, who
was identified with Apollo.]</p>
<p>In Auvergne fires are everywhere kindled on the evening of the
first Sunday in Lent. Every village, every hamlet, even every ward,
every isolated farm has its bonfire or <i>figo</i>, as it is
called, which blazes up as the shades of night are falling. The
fires may be seen flaring on the heights and in the plains; the
people dance and sing round about them and leap through the flames.
Then they proceed to the ceremony of the <i>Grannas-mias</i>. A
<i>granno-mio</i><a id="footnotetag274" name=
"footnotetag274"></a><a href="#footnote274"><sup>274</sup></a> is a
torch of straw fastened to the top of a pole. When the pyre is half
consumed, the bystanders kindle the torches at the expiring flames
and carry them into the neighbouring orchards, fields, and gardens,
wherever there are fruit-trees. As they march they sing at the top
of their voices,</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Granno, mo mio,</p>
<p>Granno, mon pou&egrave;re,</p>
<p>Granno, mo mou&egrave;re!"</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>that is, "Grannus my friend, Grannus my father, Grannus my
mother." Then they pass the burning torches under the branches of
every tree, singing,</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Brando, brandounci</p>
<p>Tsaque brantso, in plan panei!"</p>
</div>
</div>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page112" name="page112"></a>[pg
112]</span>
<p>that is, "Firebrand burn; every branch a basketful!" In some
villages the people also run across the sown fields and shake the
ashes of the torches on the ground; also they put some of the ashes
in the fowls' nests, in order that the hens may lay plenty of eggs
throughout the year. When all these ceremonies have been performed,
everybody goes home and feasts; the special dishes of the evening
are fritters and pancakes.<a id="footnotetag275" name=
"footnotetag275"></a><a href="#footnote275"><sup>275</sup></a> Here
the application of the fire to the fruit-trees, to the sown fields,
and to the nests of the poultry is clearly a charm intended to
ensure fertility; and the Granno to whom the invocations are
addressed, and who gives his name to the torches, may possibly be,
as Dr. Pommerol suggests,<a id="footnotetag276" name=
"footnotetag276"></a><a href="#footnote276"><sup>276</sup></a> no
other than the ancient Celtic god Grannus, whom the Romans
identified with Apollo, and whose worship is attested by
inscriptions found not only in France but in Scotland and on the
Danube.<a id="footnotetag277" name="footnotetag277"></a><a href=
"#footnote277"><sup>277</sup></a> If the name Grannus is derived,
as the learned tell us, from a root meaning "to glow, burn,
shine,"<a id="footnotetag278" name="footnotetag278"></a><a href=
"#footnote278"><sup>278</sup></a> the deity who bore the name and
was identified with Apollo may well have been a sun-god; and in
that case the prayers addressed to him by the peasants of the
Auvergne, while they wave the blazing, crackling torches about the
fruit-trees, would be eminently appropriate. For who could ripen
the fruit so well as the sun-god? and what better process could be
devised to draw the blossoms from the bare boughs than the
application to them of that genial warmth which is ultimately
derived from the solar beams? Thus the fire-festival of the first
Sunday in Lent, as it is observed in Auvergne, may be interpreted
very naturally and simply as a religious or rather perhaps magical
ceremony designed to procure a due supply of the sun's heat for
plants and animals. At the same time we should remember that the
employment of fire in this and kindred ceremonies may have been
designed originally, not so much to stimulate growth and
reproduction, as to burn and destroy all agencies, <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page113" name="page113"></a>[pg 113]</span>
whether in the shape of vermin, witches, or what not, which
threatened or were supposed to threaten the growth of the crops and
the multiplication of animals. It is often difficult to decide
between these two different interpretations of the use of fire in
agricultural rites. In any case the fire-festival of Auvergne on
the first Sunday in Lent may date from Druidical times.</p>
<a id="firebrandons" name="firebrandons"></a>
<p>[French custom of carrying lighted torches (<i>brandons</i>)
about the orchards and fields to fertilize them on the first Sunday
of Lent.]</p>
<p>The custom of carrying lighted torches of straw
(<i>brandons</i>) about the orchards and fields to fertilize them
on the first Sunday of Lent seems to have been common in France,
whether it was accompanied with the practice of kindling bonfires
or not. Thus in the province of Picardy "on the first Sunday of
Lent people carried torches through the fields, exorcising the
field-mice, the darnel, and the smut. They imagined that they did
much good to the gardens and caused the onions to grow large.
Children ran about the fields, torch in hand, to make the land more
fertile. All that was done habitually in Picardy, and the ceremony
of the torches is not entirely forgotten, especially in the
villages on both sides the Somme as far as Saint-Valery."<a id=
"footnotetag279" name="footnotetag279"></a><a href=
"#footnote279"><sup>279</sup></a> "A very agreeable spectacle, said
the curate of l'&Eacute;toile, is to survey from the portal of the
church, situated almost on the top of the mountain, the vast plains
of Vimeux all illuminated by these wandering fires. The same
pastime is observed at Poix, at Conty, and in all the villages
round about."<a id="footnotetag280" name=
"footnotetag280"></a><a href="#footnote280"><sup>280</sup></a>
Again, in the district of Beauce a festival of torches
(<i>brandons</i> or <i>brandelons</i>) used to be held both on the
first and on the second Sunday in Lent; the first was called "the
Great Torches" and the second "the Little Torches." The torches
were, as usual, bundles of straw wrapt round poles. In the evening
the village lads carried the burning brands through the country,
running about in disorder and singing,</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p class="i6">"Torches burn</p>
<p>At these vines, at this wheat;</p>
<p class="i6">Torches burn</p>
<p>For the maidens that shall wed!"</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>From time to time the bearers would stand still and smite
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page114" name="page114"></a>[pg
114]</span> the earth all together with the blazing straw of the
torches, while they cried, "A sheaf of a peck and a half!"
(<i>Gearbe &agrave; boissiaux</i>). If two torchbearers happened to
meet each other on their rounds, they performed the same ceremony
and uttered the same words. When the straw was burnt out, the poles
were collected and a great bonfire made of them. Lads and lasses
danced round the flames, and the lads leaped over them. Afterwards
it was customary to eat a special sort of hasty-pudding made of
wheaten flour. These usages were still in vogue at the beginning of
the nineteenth century, but they have now almost disappeared. The
peasants believed that by carrying lighted torches through the
fields they protected the crops from field-mice, darnel, and
smut.<a id="footnotetag281" name="footnotetag281"></a><a href=
"#footnote281"><sup>281</sup></a> "At Dijon, in Burgundy, it is the
custom upon the first Sunday in Lent to make large fires in the
streets, whence it is called Firebrand Sunday. This practice
originated in the processions formerly made on that day by the
peasants with lighted torches of straw, to drive away, as they
called it, the bad air from the earth."<a id="footnotetag282" name=
"footnotetag282"></a><a href="#footnote282"><sup>282</sup></a> In
some parts of France, while the people scoured the country with
burning brands on the first Sunday in Lent, they warned the
fruit-trees that if they did not take heed and bear fruit they
would surely be cut down and cast into the fire.<a id=
"footnotetag283" name="footnotetag283"></a><a href=
"#footnote283"><sup>283</sup></a> On the same day peasants in the
department of Loiret used to run about the sowed fields with
burning torches in their hands, while they adjured the field-mice
to quit the wheat on pain of having their whiskers burned.<a id=
"footnotetag284" name="footnotetag284"></a><a href=
"#footnote284"><sup>284</sup></a> In the department of Ain the
great fires of straw and faggots which are kindled in the fields at
this time are or were supposed to destroy the nests of the
caterpillars.<a id="footnotetag285" name=
"footnotetag285"></a><a href="#footnote285"><sup>285</sup></a> At
Verges, a lonely village surrounded by forests between the Jura and
the Combe d'Ain, the torches used at this season were kindled in
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page115" name="page115"></a>[pg
115]</span> a peculiar manner. The young people climbed to the top
of a mountain, where they placed three nests of straw in three
trees. These nests being then set on fire, torches made of dry
lime-wood were lighted at them, and the merry troop descended the
mountain to their flickering light, and went to every house in the
village, demanding roasted peas and obliging all couples who had
been married within the year to dance.<a id="footnotetag286" name=
"footnotetag286"></a><a href="#footnote286"><sup>286</sup></a> In
Berry, a district of central France, it appears that bonfires are
not lighted on this day, but when the sun has set the whole
population of the villages, armed with blazing torches of straw,
disperse over the country and scour the fields, the vineyards, and
the orchards. Seen from afar, the multitude of moving lights,
twinkling in the darkness, appear like will-o'-the-wisps chasing
each other across the plains, along the hillsides, and down the
valleys. While the men wave their flambeaus about the branches of
the fruit-trees, the women and children tie bands of wheaten-straw
round the tree-trunks. The effect of the ceremony is supposed to be
to avert the various plagues from which the fruits of the earth are
apt to suffer; and the bands of straw fastened round the stems of
the trees are believed to render them fruitful.<a id=
"footnotetag287" name="footnotetag287"></a><a href=
"#footnote287"><sup>287</sup></a> In the peninsula of La Manche the
Norman peasants used to spend almost the whole night of the first
Sunday in Lent rushing about the country with lighted torches for
the purpose, as they supposed, of driving away the moles and
field-mice; fires were also kindled on some of the dolmens.<a id=
"footnotetag288" name="footnotetag288"></a><a href=
"#footnote288"><sup>288</sup></a></p>
<a id="firegermany" name="firegermany"></a>
<p>[Bonfires on the first Sunday in Lent in Germany and Austria;
burning the witch; burning discs thrown into the air; burning
wheels rolled down hill; bonfires on the first Sunday in Lent in
Switzerland.]</p>
<p>In Germany, Austria, and Switzerland at the same season similar
customs have prevailed. Thus in the Eifel Mountains, Rhenish
Prussia, on the first Sunday in Lent young people used to collect
straw and brushwood from house to house. These they carried to an
eminence and piled up round a tall, slim beech-tree, to which a
piece of wood was fastened at <span class="pagenum"><a id="page116"
name="page116"></a>[pg 116]</span> right angles to form a cross.
The structure was known as the "hut" or "castle." Fire was set to
it and the young people marched round the blazing "castle"
bareheaded, each carrying a lighted torch and praying aloud.
Sometimes a straw-man was burned in the "hut." People observed the
direction in which the smoke blew from the fire. If it blew towards
the corn-fields, it was a sign that the harvest would be abundant.
On the same day, in some parts of the Eifel, a great wheel was made
of straw and dragged by three horses to the top of a hill. Thither
the village boys marched at nightfall, set fire to the wheel, and
sent it rolling down the slope. Two lads followed it with levers to
set it in motion again, in case it should anywhere meet with a
check. At Oberstattfeld the wheel had to be provided by the young
man who was last married.<a id="footnotetag289" name=
"footnotetag289"></a><a href="#footnote289"><sup>289</sup></a>
About Echternach in Luxemburg the same ceremony is called "burning
the witch"; while it is going on, the older men ascend the heights
and observe what wind is blowing, for that is the wind which will
prevail the whole year.<a id="footnotetag290" name=
"footnotetag290"></a><a href="#footnote290"><sup>290</sup></a> At
Voralberg in the Tyrol, on the first Sunday in Lent, a slender
young fir-tree is surrounded with a pile of straw and firewood. To
the top of the tree is fastened a human figure called the "witch,"
made of old clothes and stuffed with gunpowder. At night the whole
is set on fire and boys and girls dance round it, swinging torches
and singing rhymes in which the words "corn in the
winnowing-basket, the plough in the earth" may be
distinguished.<a id="footnotetag291" name=
"footnotetag291"></a><a href="#footnote291"><sup>291</sup></a> In
Swabia on the first Sunday in Lent a figure called the "witch" or
the "old wife" or "winter's grandmother" is made up of clothes and
fastened to a pole. This is stuck in the middle of a pile of wood,
to which fire is applied. While the "witch" is burning, the young
people throw blazing discs into the air. The discs are thin round
pieces of wood, a few inches in diameter, with notched edges to
imitate the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page117" name=
"page117"></a>[pg 117]</span> rays of the sun or stars. They have a
hole in the middle, by which they are attached to the end of a
wand. Before the disc is thrown it is set on fire, the wand is
swung to and fro, and the impetus thus communicated to the disc is
augmented by dashing the rod sharply against a sloping board. The
burning disc is thus thrown off, and mounting high into the air,
describes a long fiery curve before it reaches the ground. A single
lad may fling up forty or fifty of these discs, one after the
other. The object is to throw them as high as possible. The wand by
which they are hurled must, at least in some parts of Swabia, be of
hazel. Sometimes the lads also leap over the fire brandishing
lighted torches of pine-wood. The charred embers of the burned
"witch" and discs are taken home and planted in the flaxfields the
same night, in the belief that they will keep vermin from the
fields.<a id="footnotetag292" name="footnotetag292"></a><a href=
"#footnote292"><sup>292</sup></a> At Wangen, near Molsheim in
Baden, a like custom is observed on the first Sunday in Lent. The
young people kindle a bonfire on the crest of the mountain above
the village; and the burning discs which they hurl into the air are
said to present in the darkness the aspect of a continual shower of
falling stars. When the supply of discs is exhausted and the
bonfire begins to burn low, the boys light torches and run with
them at full speed down one or other of the three steep and winding
paths that descend the mountain-side to the village. Bumps,
bruises, and scratches are often the result of their efforts to
outstrip each other in the headlong race.<a id="footnotetag293"
name="footnotetag293"></a><a href="#footnote293"><sup>293</sup></a>
In the Rh&ouml;n Mountains, situated on the borders of Hesse and
Bavaria, the people used to march to the top of a hill or eminence
on the first Sunday in Lent. Children and lads carried torches,
brooms daubed with tar, and poles swathed in straw. A wheel, wrapt
in combustibles, was kindled and rolled down <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page118" name="page118"></a>[pg 118]</span> the
hill; and the young people rushed about the fields with their
burning torches and brooms, till at last they flung them in a heap,
and standing round them, struck up a hymn or a popular song. The
object of running about the fields with the blazing torches was to
"drive away the wicked sower." Or it was done in honour of the
Virgin, that she might preserve the fruits of the earth throughout
the year and bless them.<a id="footnotetag294" name=
"footnotetag294"></a><a href="#footnote294"><sup>294</sup></a> In
neighbouring villages of Hesse, between the Rh&ouml;n and the Vogel
Mountains, it is thought that wherever the burning wheels roll, the
fields will be safe from hail and storm.<a id="footnotetag295"
name="footnotetag295"></a><a href="#footnote295"><sup>295</sup></a>
At Konz on the Moselle, on the Thursday before the first Sunday in
Lent, the two guilds of the butchers and the weavers used to repair
to the Marxberg and there set up an oak-tree with a wheel fastened
to it. On the following Sunday the people ascended the hill, cut
down the oak, set fire to the wheel, and sent both oak and wheel
rolling down the hillside, while a guard of butchers, mounted on
horses, fired at the flaming wheel in its descent. If the wheel
rolled down into the Moselle, the butchers were rewarded with a
waggon-load of wine by the archbishop of Treves.<a id=
"footnotetag296" name="footnotetag296"></a><a href=
"#footnote296"><sup>296</sup></a></p>
<a id="firediscs" name="firediscs"></a>
<p>[Burning discs thrown into the air.]</p>
<p>In Switzerland, also, it is or used to be customary to kindle
bonfires on high places on the evening of the first Sunday in Lent,
and the day is therefore popularly known as Spark Sunday. The
custom prevailed, for example, throughout the canton of Lucerne.
Boys went about from house to house begging for wood and straw,
then piled the fuel on a conspicuous mountain or hill round about a
pole, which bore a straw effigy called "the witch." At nightfall
the pile was set on fire, and the young folks danced wildly round
it, some of them cracking whips or ringing bells; and when the fire
burned low enough, they leaped over it. This <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page119" name="page119"></a>[pg 119]</span> was
called "burning the witch." In some parts of the canton also they
used to wrap old wheels in straw and thorns, put a light to them,
and send them rolling and blazing down hill. The same custom of
rolling lighted wheels down hill is attested by old authorities for
the cantons of Aargau and B&acirc;le. The more bonfires could be
seen sparkling and flaring in the darkness, the more fruitful was
the year expected to be; and the higher the dancers leaped beside
or over the fire, the higher, it was thought, would grow the flax.
In the district of Freiburg and at Birseck in the district of
B&acirc;le it was the last married man or woman who must kindle the
bonfire. While the bonfires blazed up, it was customary in some
parts of Switzerland to propel burning discs of wood through the
air by means of the same simple machinery which is used for the
purpose in Swabia. Each lad tried to send his disc fizzing and
flaring through the darkness as far as possible, and in discharging
it he mentioned the name of the person to whose honour it was
dedicated. But in Pr&auml;ttigau the words uttered in launching the
fiery discs referred to the abundance which was apparently expected
to follow the performance of the ceremony. Among them were, "Grease
in the pan, corn in the fan, and the plough in the earth!"<a id=
"footnotetag297" name="footnotetag297"></a><a href=
"#footnote297"><sup>297</sup></a></p>
<a id="fireconnexion" name="fireconnexion"></a>
<p>[Connexion of these bonfires with the custom of "carrying out
Death;" effigies burnt on Shrove Tuesday.]</p>
<p>It seems hardly possible to separate from these bonfires,
kindled on the first Sunday in Lent, the fires in which, about the
same season, the effigy called Death is burned as part of the
ceremony of "carrying out Death." We have seen that at Spachendorf,
in Austrian Silesia, on the morning of Rupert's Day (Shrove
Tuesday?), a straw-man, dressed in a fur coat and a fur cap, is
laid in a hole outside the village and there burned, and that while
it is blazing every one seeks to snatch a fragment of it, which he
fastens to a branch of the highest tree in his garden or buries in
his field, believing that this will make the crops to grow better.
The ceremony is known as the "burying of Death."<a id=
"footnotetag298" name="footnotetag298"></a><a href=
"#footnote298"><sup>298</sup></a> Even <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page120" name="page120"></a>[pg 120]</span> when the straw-man is
not designated as Death, the meaning of the observance is probably
the same; for the name Death, as I have tried to shew, does not
express the original intention of the ceremony. At Cobern in the
Eifel Mountains the lads make up a straw-man on Shrove Tuesday. The
effigy is formally tried and accused of having perpetrated all the
thefts that have been committed in the neighbourhood throughout the
year. Being condemned to death, the straw-man is led through the
village, shot, and burned upon a pyre. They dance round the blazing
pile, and the last bride must leap over it.<a id="footnotetag299"
name="footnotetag299"></a><a href="#footnote299"><sup>299</sup></a>
In Oldenburg on the evening of Shrove Tuesday people used to make
long bundles of straw, which they set on fire, and then ran about
the fields waving them, shrieking, and singing wild songs. Finally
they burned a straw-man on the field.<a id="footnotetag300" name=
"footnotetag300"></a><a href="#footnote300"><sup>300</sup></a> In
the district of D&uuml;sseldorf the straw-man burned on Shrove
Tuesday was made of an unthreshed sheaf of corn.<a id=
"footnotetag301" name="footnotetag301"></a><a href=
"#footnote301"><sup>301</sup></a> On the first Monday after the
spring equinox the urchins of Zurich drag a straw-man on a little
cart through the streets, while at the same time the girls carry
about a May-tree. When vespers ring, the straw-man is burned.<a id=
"footnotetag302" name="footnotetag302"></a><a href=
"#footnote302"><sup>302</sup></a> In the district of Aachen on Ash
Wednesday a man used to be encased in peas-straw and taken to an
appointed place. Here he slipped quietly out of his straw casing,
which was then burned, the children thinking that it was the man
who was being burned.<a id="footnotetag303" name=
"footnotetag303"></a><a href="#footnote303"><sup>303</sup></a> In
the Val di Ledro (Tyrol) on the last day of the Carnival a figure
is made up of straw and brushwood and then burned. The figure is
called the Old Woman, and the ceremony "burning the Old
Woman."<a id="footnotetag304" name="footnotetag304"></a><a href=
"#footnote304"><sup>304</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect4-2" name="sect4-2">&sect; 2. <i>The Easter
Fires</i></a></h4>
<a id="fireeaster" name="fireeaster"></a>
<p>[Fire-festivals on Easter Eve. Custom in Catholic countries of
kindling a holy new fire at the church on Easter Saturday;
marvellous properties ascribed to the embers of the fire; the
burning of Judas.]</p>
<p>Another occasion on which these fire-festivals are held is
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page121" name="page121"></a>[pg
121]</span> Easter Eve, the Saturday before Easter Sunday. On that
day it has been customary in Catholic countries to extinguish all
the lights in the churches, and then to make a new fire, sometimes
with flint and steel, sometimes with a burning-glass. At this fire
is lit the great Paschal or Easter candle, which is then used to
rekindle all the extinguished lights in the church. In many parts
of Germany a bonfire is also kindled, by means of the new fire, on
some open space near the church. It is consecrated, and the people
bring sticks of oak, walnut, and beech, which they char in the
fire, and then take home with them. Some of these charred sticks
are thereupon burned at home in a newly-kindled fire, with a prayer
that God will preserve the homestead from fire, lightning, and
hail. Thus every house receives "new fire." Some of the sticks are
kept throughout the year and laid on the hearth-fire during heavy
thunder-storms to prevent the house from being struck by lightning,
or they are inserted in the roof with the like intention. Others
are placed in the fields, gardens, and meadows, with a prayer that
God will keep them from blight and hail. Such fields and gardens
are thought to thrive more than others; the corn and the plants
that grow in them are not beaten down by hail, nor devoured by
mice, vermin, and beetles; no witch harms them, and the ears of
corn stand close and full. The charred sticks are also applied to
the plough. The ashes of the Easter bonfire, together with the
ashes of the consecrated palm-branches, are mixed with the seed at
sowing. A wooden figure called Judas is sometimes burned in the
consecrated bonfire, and even where this custom has been abolished
the bonfire itself in some places goes by the name of "the burning
of Judas."<a id="footnotetag305" name="footnotetag305"></a><a href=
"#footnote305"><sup>305</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page122" name="page122"></a>[pg
122]</span> <a id="firebavaria" name="firebavaria"></a>
<p>[Easter fires in Bavaria and the Abruzzi.]</p>
<p>In the Hollertau, Bavaria, the young men used to light their
lanterns at the newly-kindled Easter candle in the church and then
race to the bonfire; he who reached it first set fire to the pile,
and next day, Easter Sunday, was rewarded at the church-door by the
housewives, who presented him with red eggs. Great was the
jubilation while the effigy of the traitor was being consumed in
the flames. The ashes were carefully collected and thrown away at
sunrise in running water.<a id="footnotetag306" name=
"footnotetag306"></a><a href="#footnote306"><sup>306</sup></a> In
many parts of the Abruzzi, also, pious people kindle their fires on
Easter Saturday with a brand brought from the sacred new fire in
the church. When the brand has thus served to bless the fire on the
domestic hearth, it is extinguished, and the remainder is
preserved, partly in a cranny of the outer wall of the house,
partly on a tree to which it is tied. This is done for the purpose
of guarding the homestead against injury by storms. At Campo di
Giove the people say that if you can get a piece of one of the
three holy candles which the priest lights from the new fire, you
should allow a few drops of the wax to fall into the crown of your
hat; for after that, if it should thunder and lighten, you have
nothing to do but to clap the hat on your head, and no flash of
lightning can possibly strike you.<a id="footnotetag307" name=
"footnotetag307"></a><a href="#footnote307"><sup>307</sup></a></p>
<a id="firewater" name="firewater"></a>
<p>[Water as well as fire consecrated in the Abruzzi on Easter
Saturday; water consecrated in Calabria on Easter Saturday; water
and fire consecrated on Easter Saturday among the Germans of
Bohemia; Easter rites of fire and water at Hildesheim.]</p>
<p>Further, it deserves to be noted that in the Abruzzi water as
well as fire is, as it were, renewed and consecrated on Easter
Saturday. Most people fetch holy water on <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page123" name="page123"></a>[pg 123]</span> that
day from the churches, and every member of the family drinks a
little of it, believing that it has power to protect him or her
against witchcraft, fever, and stomach-aches of all sorts. And when
the church bells ring again after their enforced silence, the water
is sprinkled about the house, and especially under the beds, with
the help of a palm-branch. Some of this blessed water is also kept
in the house for use in great emergencies, when there is no time to
fetch a priest; thus it may be employed to baptize a newborn infant
gasping for life or to sprinkle a sick man in the last agony; such
a sprinkling is reckoned equal to priestly absolution.<a id=
"footnotetag308" name="footnotetag308"></a><a href=
"#footnote308"><sup>308</sup></a> In Calabria the customs with
regard to the new water, as it is called, on Easter Saturday are
similar; it is poured into a new vessel, adorned with ribbons and
flowers, is blessed by the priest, and is tasted by every one of
the household, beginning with the parents. And when the air
vibrates with the glad music of the church bells announcing the
resurrection, the people sprinkle the holy water about the houses,
bidding in a loud voice all evil things to go forth and all good
things to come in. At the same time, to emphasize the exorcism,
they knock on doors, window-shutters, chests, and other domestic
articles of furniture. At Cetraro people who suffer from diseases
of the skin bathe in the sea at this propitious moment; at Pietro
in Guarano they plunge into the river on the night of Easter
Saturday before Easter Sunday dawns, and while they bathe they
utter never a word. Moreover, the Calabrians keep the "new water"
as a sacred thing. They believe that it serves as a protection
against witchcraft if it is sprinkled on a fire or a lamp, when the
wood crackles or the wick sputters; for they regard it as a bad
omen when the fire talks, as they say.<a id="footnotetag309" name=
"footnotetag309"></a><a href="#footnote309"><sup>309</sup></a>
Among the Germans of Western Bohemia, also, water as well as fire
is consecrated by the priest in front of the church on Easter
Saturday. People bring jugs full of water to the church and set
them beside the holy fire; afterwards they use the water to
sprinkle on the palm-branches which are stuck in the fields.
Charred sticks of the Judas fire, as it is popularly called, are
supposed to possess a magical and healing virtue; <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page124" name="page124"></a>[pg 124]</span> hence
the people take them home with them, and even scuffle with each
other for the still glowing embers in order to carry them, still
glimmering, to their houses and so obtain "the light" or "the holy
light."<a id="footnotetag310" name="footnotetag310"></a><a href=
"#footnote310"><sup>310</sup></a> At Hildesheim, also, and the
neighbouring villages of central Germany rites both of fire and
water are or were till lately observed at Easter. Thus on Easter
night many people fetch water from the Innerste river and keep it
carefully, believing it to be a remedy for many sorts of ailments
both of man and beast. In the villages on the Leine river servant
men and maids used to go silently on Easter night between the hours
of eleven and twelve and silently draw water in buckets from the
river; they mixed the water with the fodder and the drink of the
cattle to make the animals thrive, and they imagined that to wash
in it was good for human beings. Many were also of opinion that at
the same mystic hour the water turned to wine as far as the crowing
of a cock could be heard, and in this belief they laid themselves
flat on their stomachs and kept their tongues in the water till the
miraculous change occurred, when they took a great gulp of the
transformed water. At Hildesheim, too, and the neighbouring
villages fires used to blaze on all the heights on Easter Eve; and
embers taken from the bonfires were dipped in the cattle troughs to
benefit the beasts and were kept in the houses to avert
lightning.<a id="footnotetag311" name="footnotetag311"></a><a href=
"#footnote311"><sup>311</sup></a></p>
<a id="firecarinthia" name="firecarinthia"></a>
<p>[New fire at Easter in Carinthia; consecration of fire and water
by the Catholic Church at Easter.]</p>
<p>In the Lesachthal, Carinthia, all the fires in the houses used
to be extinguished on Easter Saturday, and rekindled with a fresh
fire brought from the churchyard, where the priest had lit it by
the friction of flint and steel and had bestowed his blessing on
it.<a id="footnotetag312" name="footnotetag312"></a><a href=
"#footnote312"><sup>312</sup></a> Such customs were probably
widespread. In a Latin poem of the sixteenth century, written by a
certain Thomas Kirchmeyer and translated into English by Barnabe
Googe, we read:&mdash;</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"On Easter Eve the fire all is quencht in every place,</p>
<p>And fresh againe from out the flint is fetcht with solemne
grace:</p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page125" name="page125"></a>[pg
125]</span>
<p>The priest doth halow this against great daungers many one,</p>
<p>A brande whereof doth every man with greedie mind take home,</p>
<p>That when the fearefull storme appeares, or tempest black
arise,</p>
<p>By lighting this he safe may be from stroke of hurtful
skies:</p>
<p>A taper great, the Paschall namde, with musicke then they
blesse,</p>
<p>And franckensence herein they pricke, for greater holynesse:</p>
<p>This burneth night and day as signe of Christ that conquerde
hell,</p>
<p>As if so be this foolish toye suffiseth this to tell.</p>
<p>Then doth the Bishop or the Priest, the water halow
straight,</p>
<p>That for their baptisme is reservde: for now no more of
waight</p>
<p>Is that they usde the yeare before, nor can they any more,</p>
<p>Yong children christen with the same, as they have done
before.</p>
<p>With wondrous pompe and furniture, amid the Church they go,</p>
<p>With candles, crosses, banners, Chrisme, and oyle appoynted
tho:</p>
<p>Nine times about the font they marche, and on the saintes doe
call,</p>
<p>Then still at length they stande, and straight the Priest begins
withall,</p>
<p>And thrise the water doth he touche, and crosses thereon
make,</p>
<p>Here bigge and barbrous wordes he speakes, to make the devill
quake:</p>
<p>And holsome waters conjureth, and foolishly doth dresse,</p>
<p>Supposing holyar that to make, which God before did blesse:</p>
<p>And after this his candle than, he thrusteth in the floode,</p>
<p>And thrise he breathes thereon with breath, that stinkes of
former foode:</p>
<p>And making here an ende, his Chrisme he poureth thereupon,</p>
<p>The people staring hereat stande, amazed every one;</p>
<p>Beleeving that great powre is given to this water here,</p>
<p>By gaping of these learned men, and such like trifling gere.</p>
<p>Therefore in vessels brought they draw, and home they carie
some,</p>
<p>Against the grieves that to themselves, or to their beastes may
come.</p>
<p>Then Clappers ceasse, and belles are set againe at
libert&eacute;e,</p>
<p>And herewithall the hungrie times of fasting ended
b&eacute;e."<a id="footnotetag313" name=
"footnotetag313"></a><a href="#footnote313"><sup>313</sup></a></p>
</div>
</div>
<p>It is said that formerly all the fires in Rome were lighted
afresh from the holy fire kindled in St. Peter's on Easter
Saturday.<a id="footnotetag314" name="footnotetag314"></a><a href=
"#footnote314"><sup>314</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page126" name="page126"></a>[pg
126]</span> <a id="fireflorence" name="fireflorence"></a>
<p>[The new fire on Easter Saturday at Florence.]</p>
<p>In Florence the ceremony of kindling the new fire on Easter Eve
is peculiar. The holy flame is elicited from certain flints which
are said to have been brought by a member of the Pazzi family from
the Holy Land. They are kept in the church of the Holy Apostles on
the Piazza del Limbo, and on the morning of Easter Saturday the
prior strikes fire from them and lights a candle from the new
flame. The burning candle is then carried in solemn procession by
the clergy and members of the municipality to the high altar in the
cathedral. A vast crowd has meanwhile assembled in the cathedral
and the neighbouring square to witness the ceremony; amongst the
spectators are many peasants drawn from the surrounding country,
for it is commonly believed that on the success or failure of the
ceremony depends the fate of the crops for the year. Outside the
door of the cathedral stands a festal car drawn by two fine white
oxen with gilded horns. The body of the car is loaded with a
pyramid of squibs and crackers and is connected by a wire with a
pillar set up in front of the high altar. The wire extends down the
middle of the nave at a height of about six feet from the ground.
Beneath it a clear passage is left, the spectators being ranged on
either side and crowding the vast interior from wall to wall. When
all is ready, High Mass is celebrated, and precisely at noon, when
the first words of the <i>Gloria</i> are being chanted, the sacred
fire is applied to the pillar, which like the car is wreathed with
fireworks. A moment more and a fiery dove comes flying down the
nave, with a hissing sound and a sputter of sparks, between the two
hedges of eager spectators. If all goes well, the bird pursues its
course along the wire and out at the door, and in another moment a
prolonged series of fizzes, pops and bangs announces to the excited
crowd in the cathedral that the fireworks on the car are going off.
Great is the joy accordingly, especially among the bumpkins, who
are now sure of an abundant harvest. But if, as sometimes happens,
the dove stops short in its career and fizzles out, revealing
itself as a stuffed bird with a packet of squibs tied to its tail,
great is the consternation, and deep the curses that issue from
between the set teeth of the clodhoppers, who now give up the
harvest for lost. Formerly the unskilful <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page127" name="page127"></a>[pg 127]</span>
mechanician who was responsible for the failure would have been
clapped into gaol; but nowadays he is thought sufficiently punished
by the storm of public indignation and the loss of his pay. The
disaster is announced by placards posted about the streets in the
evening; and next morning the newspapers are full of gloomy
prognostications.<a id="footnotetag315" name=
"footnotetag315"></a><a href="#footnote315"><sup>315</sup></a></p>
<a id="firemexico" name="firemexico"></a>
<p>[The new fire and burning of Judas on Easter Saturday in
Mexico.]</p>
<p>Some of these customs have been transported by the Catholic
Church to the New World. Thus in Mexico the new fire is struck from
a flint early in the morning of Easter Saturday, and a candle which
has been lighted at the sacred flame is carried through the church
by a deacon shouting "<i>Lumen Christi</i>." Meantime the whole
city, we are informed, has been converted into a vast place of
execution. Ropes stretch across the streets from house to house,
and from every house dangles an effigy of Judas, made of paper
pulp. Scores or hundreds of them may adorn a single street. They
are of all shapes and sizes, grotesque in form and garbed in
strange attire, stuffed with gunpowder, squibs and crackers,
sometimes, too, with meat, bread, soap, candy, and clothing, for
which the crowd will scramble and scuffle while the effigies are
burning. There they hang grim, black, and sullen in the strong
sunshine, greeted with a roar of execration by the pious mob. A
peal of bells from the cathedral tower on the stroke of noon gives
the signal for the execution. At the sound a frenzy seizes the
crowd. They throw themselves furiously on the figures of the
detested traitor, cut them down, hurl them with curses into the
fire, and fight and struggle with each other in their efforts to
tear the effigies to tatters and appropriate their contents. Smoke,
stink, sputter of crackers, oaths, curses, yells are now the order
of the day. But the traitor does not perish unavenged. For the
anatomy of his frame has been cunningly contrived so as in burning
to discharge volleys of squibs into his assailants; and the wounds
and burns with which their <span class="pagenum"><a id="page128"
name="page128"></a>[pg 128]</span> piety is rewarded form a feature
of the morning's entertainment. The English Jockey Club in Mexico
used to improve on this popular pastime by suspending huge figures
of Judas, stuffed with copper coins, from ropes in front of their
clubhouse. These were ignited at the proper moment and lowered
within reach of the expectant rabble, and it was the privilege of
members of the club, seated in the balcony, to watch the grimaces
and to hear the shrieks of the victims, as they stamped and capered
about with the hot coppers sticking to their hands, divided in
their minds between an acute sense of pain and a thirst for filthy
lucre.<a id="footnotetag316" name="footnotetag316"></a><a href=
"#footnote316"><sup>316</sup></a></p>
<p>[The burning of Judas at Easter in South America.]</p>
<p>Scenes of the same sort, though on a less ambitious scale, are
witnessed among the Catholics of South America on the same day. In
Brazil the mourning for the death of Christ ceases at noon on
Easter Saturday and gives place to an extravagant burst of joy at
his resurrection. Shots are fired everywhere, and effigies of Judas
are hung on trees or dragged about the streets, to be finally
burned or otherwise destroyed.<a id="footnotetag317" name=
"footnotetag317"></a><a href="#footnote317"><sup>317</sup></a> In
the Indian villages scattered among the wild valleys of the
Peruvian Andes figures of the traitor, made of pasteboard and
stuffed with squibs and crackers, are hanged on gibbets before the
door of the church on Easter Saturday. Fire is set to them, and
while they crackle and explode, the Indians dance and shout for joy
at the destruction of their hated enemy.<a id="footnotetag318"
name="footnotetag318"></a><a href="#footnote318"><sup>318</sup></a>
Similarly at Rio Hacha, in Colombia, Judas is represented during
Holy Week by life-sized effigies, and the people fire at them as if
they were discharging a sacred duty.<a id="footnotetag319" name=
"footnotetag319"></a><a href="#footnote319"><sup>319</sup></a></p>
<a id="firejerusalem" name="firejerusalem"></a>
<p>[The new fire on Easter Saturday in the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre at Jerusalem.]</p>
<p>But usages of this sort are not confined to the Latin Church;
they are common to the Greek Church also. Every year on the
Saturday before Easter Sunday a new fire is miraculously kindled at
the Holy Sepulchre in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page129" name=
"page129"></a>[pg 129]</span> Jerusalem. It descends from heaven
and ignites the candles which the patriarch holds in his hands,
while with closed eyes he wrestles in prayer all alone in the
chapel of the Angel. The worshippers meanwhile wait anxiously in
the body of the church, and great are their transports of joy when
at one of the windows of the chapel, which had been all dark a
minute before, there suddenly appears the hand of an angel, or of
the patriarch, holding a lighted taper. This is the sacred new
fire; it is passed out to the expectant believers, and the
desperate struggle which ensues among them to get a share of its
blessed influence is only terminated by the intervention of the
Turkish soldiery, who restore peace and order by hustling the whole
multitude impartially out of the church. In days gone by many lives
were often lost in these holy scrimmages. For example, in the year
1834, the famous Ibrahim Pasha witnessed the frantic scene from one
of the galleries, and, being moved with compassion at the sight,
descended with a few guards into the arena in the chimerical hope
of restoring peace and order among the contending Christians. He
contrived to force his way into the midst of the dense crowd, but
there the heat and pressure were so great that he fainted away; a
body of soldiers, seeing his danger, charged straight into the
throng and carried him out of it in their arms, trampling under
foot the dying and dead in their passage. Nearly two hundred people
were killed that day in the church. The fortunate survivors on
these occasions who succeeded in obtaining a portion of the coveted
fire applied it freely to their faces, their beards, and their
garments. The theory was that the fire, being miraculous, could
only bless and not burn them; but the practical results of the
experiment were often disappointing, for while the blessings were
more or less dubious, there could be no doubt whatever about the
burns.<a id="footnotetag320" name="footnotetag320"></a><a href=
"#footnote320"><sup>320</sup></a> The history of the miracle has
been carefully <span class="pagenum"><a id="page130" name=
"page130"></a>[pg 130]</span> investigated by a Jesuit father. The
conclusions at which he arrives are that the miracle was a miracle
indeed so long as the Catholics had the management of it; but that
since it fell into the hands of the heretics it has been nothing
but a barefaced trick and imposture.<a id="footnotetag321" name=
"footnotetag321"></a><a href="#footnote321"><sup>321</sup></a> Many
people will be disposed to agree with the latter conclusion who
might hesitate to accept the former.</p>
<a id="firegreece" name="firegreece"></a>
<p>[The new fire and the burning of Judas on Easter Saturday in
Greece.]</p>
<p>At Athens the new fire is kindled in the cathedral at midnight
on Holy Saturday. A dense crowd with unlit candles in their hands
fills the square in front of the cathedral; the king, the
archbishop, and the highest dignitaries of the church, arrayed in
their gorgeous robes, occupy a platform; and at the exact moment of
the resurrection the bells ring out, and the whole square bursts as
by magic into a blaze of light. Theoretically all the candles are
lit from the sacred new fire in the cathedral, but practically it
may be suspected that the matches which bear the name of Lucifer
have some share in the sudden illumination.<a id="footnotetag322"
name="footnotetag322"></a><a href="#footnote322"><sup>322</sup></a>
Effigies of Judas used to be burned at Athens on Easter Saturday,
but the custom has been forbidden by the Government. However,
firing goes on more or less continuously all over the city both on
Easter Saturday and Easter Sunday, and the cartridges used on this
occasion are not always blank. The shots are aimed at Judas, but
sometimes they miss him and hit other people. Outside of Athens the
practice of burning Judas in effigy still survives in some places.
For example, in Cos a straw image of the traitor is made on Easter
Day, and after being hung up and shot at it is burned.<a id=
"footnotetag323" name="footnotetag323"></a><a href=
"#footnote323"><sup>323</sup></a> A similar custom <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page131" name="page131"></a>[pg 131]</span>
appears to prevail at Thebes;<a id="footnotetag324" name=
"footnotetag324"></a><a href="#footnote324"><sup>324</sup></a> it
used to be observed by the Macedonian peasantry, and it is still
kept up at Therapia, a fashionable summer resort of
Constantinople.<a id="footnotetag325" name=
"footnotetag325"></a><a href="#footnote325"><sup>325</sup></a></p>
<a id="firearmenia" name="firearmenia"></a>
<p>[The new fire at Candlemas in Armenia.]</p>
<p>In the Armenian Church the sacred new fire is kindled not at
Easter but at Candlemas, that is, on the second of February, or on
the eve of that festival. The materials of the bonfire are piled in
an open space near a church, and they are generally ignited by
young couples who have been married within the year. However, it is
the bishop or his vicar who lights the candles with which fire is
set to the pile. All young married pairs are expected to range
themselves about the fire and to dance round it. Young men leap
over the flames, but girls and women content themselves with going
round them, while they pray to be preserved from the itch and other
skin-diseases. When the ceremony is over, the people eagerly pick
up charred sticks or ashes of the fire and preserve them or scatter
them on the four corners of the roof, in the cattle-stall, in the
garden, and on the pastures; for these holy sticks and ashes
protect men and cattle against disease, and fruit-trees against
worms and caterpillars. Omens, too, are drawn from the direction in
which the wind blows the flames and the smoke: if it carries them
eastward, there is hope of a good harvest; but if it inclines them
westward, the people fear that the crops will fail.<a id=
"footnotetag326" name="footnotetag326"></a><a href=
"#footnote326"><sup>326</sup></a></p>
<a id="firerelics" name="firerelics"></a>
<p>[The new fire and the burning of Judas at Easter are probably
relics of paganism.]</p>
<p>In spite of the thin cloak of Christianity thrown over these
customs by representing the new fire as an emblem of Christ and the
figure burned in it as an effigy of Judas, we can hardly doubt that
both practices are of pagan origin. Neither of them has the
authority of Christ or of his disciples; but both of them have
abundant analogies in popular custom <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page132" name="page132"></a>[pg 132]</span> and superstition. Some
instances of the practice of annually extinguishing fires and
relighting them from a new and sacred flame have already come
before us;<a id="footnotetag327" name="footnotetag327"></a><a href=
"#footnote327"><sup>327</sup></a> but a few examples may here be
cited for the sake of illustrating the wide diffusion of a custom
which has found its way into the ritual both of the Eastern and of
the Western Church.</p>
<a id="fireincas" name="fireincas"></a>
<p>[The new fire at the summer solstice among the Incas of Peru;
the new fire among the Indians of Mexico and New Mexico; the new
fire among the Esquimaux.]</p>
<p>The Incas of Peru celebrated a festival called Raymi, a word
which their native historian Garcilasso de la Vega tells us was
equivalent to our Easter. It was held in honour of the sun at the
solstice in June. For three days before the festival the people
fasted, men did not sleep with their wives, and no fires were
lighted in Cuzco, the capital. The sacred new fire was obtained
direct from the sun by concentrating his beams on a highly polished
concave plate and reflecting them on a little cotton wool. With
this holy fire the sheep and lambs offered to the sun were
consumed, and the flesh of such as were to be eaten at the festival
was roasted. Portions of the new fire were also conveyed to the
temple of the sun and to the convent of the sacred virgins, where
they were kept burning all the year, and it was an ill omen if the
holy flame went out.<a id="footnotetag328" name=
"footnotetag328"></a><a href="#footnote328"><sup>328</sup></a> At a
festival held in the last month of the old Mexican year all the
fires both in the temples and in the houses were extinguished, and
the priest kindled a new fire by rubbing two sticks against each
other before the image of the fire-god.<a id="footnotetag329" name=
"footnotetag329"></a><a href="#footnote329"><sup>329</sup></a> The
Zuni Indians of New Mexico kindle a new fire by the friction of
wood both at the winter and the summer solstice. At the winter
solstice the chosen fire-maker collects a faggot of cedar-wood from
every house in the village, and each person, as he hands the wood
to the fire-maker, prays that the crops may be good in the coming
year. For several days before the new fire is kindled, no
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page133" name="page133"></a>[pg
133]</span> ashes or sweepings may be removed from the houses and
no artificial light may appear outside of them, not even a burning
cigarette or the flash of firearms. The Indians believe that no
rain will fall on the fields of the man outside whose house a light
has been seen at this season. The signal for kindling the new fire
is given by the rising of the Morning Star. The flame is produced
by twirling an upright stick between the hands on a horizontal
stick laid on the floor of a sacred chamber, the sparks being
caught by a tinder of cedar-dust. It is forbidden to blow up the
smouldering tinder with the breath, for that would offend the gods.
After the fire has thus been ceremonially kindled, the women and
girls of all the families in the village clean out their houses.
They carry the sweepings and ashes in baskets or bowls to the
fields and leave them there. To the sweepings the woman says: "I
now deposit you as sweepings, but in one year you will return to me
as corn." And to the ashes she says: "I now deposit you as ashes,
but in one year you will return to me as meal." At the summer
solstice the sacred fire which has been procured by the friction of
wood is used to kindle the grass and trees, that there may be a
great cloud of smoke, while bull-roarers are swung and prayers
offered that the Rain-makers up aloft will water the earth.<a id=
"footnotetag330" name="footnotetag330"></a><a href=
"#footnote330"><sup>330</sup></a> From this account we see how
intimately the kindling of a new fire at the two turning-points of
the sun's course is associated in the minds of these Indians with
the fertility of the land, particularly with the growth of the
corn. The rolling smoke is apparently an imitation of rain-clouds
designed, on the principle of homoeopathic magic, to draw showers
from the blue sky. Once a year the Iroquois priesthood supplied the
people with a new fire. As a preparation for the annual rite
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page134" name="page134"></a>[pg
134]</span> the fires in all the huts were extinguished and the
ashes scattered about. Then the priest, wearing the insignia of his
office, went from hut to hut relighting the fires by means of a
flint.<a id="footnotetag331" name="footnotetag331"></a><a href=
"#footnote331"><sup>331</sup></a> Among the Esquimaux with whom
C.F. Hall resided, it was the custom that at a certain time, which
answered to our New Year's Day, two men went about from house to
house blowing out every light in the village. One of the men was
dressed to represent a woman. Afterwards the lights were rekindled
from a fresh fire. An Esquimau woman being asked what all this
meant, replied, "New sun&mdash;new light."<a id="footnotetag332"
name="footnotetag332"></a><a href="#footnote332"><sup>332</sup></a>
Among the Esquimaux of Iglulik, when the sun first rises above the
horizon after the long night of the Arctic winter, the children who
have watched for his reappearance run into the houses and blow out
the lamps. Then they receive from their mothers presents of pieces
of wick.<a id="footnotetag333" name="footnotetag333"></a><a href=
"#footnote333"><sup>333</sup></a></p>
<a id="firewadai" name="firewadai"></a>
<p>[The new fire in Wadai, among the Swahili, and in other parts of
Africa.]</p>
<p>In the Sudanese kingdom of Wadai all the fires in the villages
are put out and the ashes removed from the houses on the day which
precedes the New Year festival. At the beginning of the new year a
new fire is lit by the friction of wood in the great straw hut
where the village elders lounge away the sultry hours together; and
every man takes thence a burning brand with which he rekindles the
fire on his domestic hearth.<a id="footnotetag334" name=
"footnotetag334"></a><a href="#footnote334"><sup>334</sup></a> In
the Bahr-el-Ghazal province of the Egyptian Sudan the people
extinguish their old fires at the Arab New Year and bring in new
fire. On the same occasion they beat the walls of their huts, the
grass thatches, and the walls of their enclosures in order to drive
away the devil or evil spirits. The beating of the walls and roofs
is accompanied by the firing of guns, the shouting of men, and the
shriller cries of the women.<a id="footnotetag335" name=
"footnotetag335"></a><a href="#footnote335"><sup>335</sup></a> Thus
these people combine <span class="pagenum"><a id="page135" name=
"page135"></a>[pg 135]</span> an annual expulsion of demons with an
annual lighting of a new fire. Among the Swahili of East Africa the
greatest festival is that of the New Year, which falls in the
second half of August. At a given moment all the fires are
extinguished with water and afterwards relit by the friction of two
dry pieces of wood. The ashes of the old fires are carried out and
deposited at cross-roads. All the people get up very early in the
morning and bathe in the sea or some other water, praying to be
kept in good health and to live that they may bathe again next
year. Sham-fights form part of the amusements of the day; sometimes
they pass into grim reality. Indeed the day was formerly one of
general license; every man did that which was good in his own eyes.
No awkward questions were asked about any crimes committed on this
occasion, so some people improved the shining hour by knocking a
few poor devils on the head. Shooting still goes on during the
whole day, and at night the proceedings generally wind up with a
great dance.<a id="footnotetag336" name=
"footnotetag336"></a><a href="#footnote336"><sup>336</sup></a> The
King of Benametapa, as the early Portuguese traders called him, in
East Africa used to send commissioners annually to every town in
his dominions; on the arrival of one of these officers the
inhabitants of each town had to put out all their fires and to
receive a new fire from him. Failure to comply with this custom was
treated as rebellion.<a id="footnotetag337" name=
"footnotetag337"></a><a href="#footnote337"><sup>337</sup></a> Some
tribes of British Central Africa carefully extinguish the fires on
the hearths at <span class="pagenum"><a id="page136" name=
"page136"></a>[pg 136]</span> the beginning of the hoeing season
and at harvest; the fires are afterwards rekindled by friction, and
the people indulge in dances of various kinds.<a id=
"footnotetag338" name="footnotetag338"></a><a href=
"#footnote338"><sup>338</sup></a></p>
<a id="firetodas" name="firetodas"></a>
<p>[The new fire among the Todas of Southern India and among the
Nagas of North-Eastern India.]</p>
<p>The Todas of the Neilgheny Hills, in Southern India, annually
kindle a sacred new fire by the friction of wood in the month which
begins with the October moon. The ceremony is performed by two holy
dairymen at the foot of a high hill. When they have lighted the
fire by rubbing two dry sticks together, and it begins to burn
well, they stand a little way off and pray, saying, "May the young
grass flower! May honey flourish! May fruit ripen!" The purpose of
the ceremony is to make the grass and honey plentiful. In ancient
times the Todas lived largely on wild fruits, and then the rite of
the new fire was very important. Now that they subsist chiefly on
the milk of their buffaloes, the ceremony has lost much of its old
significance.<a id="footnotetag339" name=
"footnotetag339"></a><a href="#footnote339"><sup>339</sup></a> When
the Nagas of North-Eastern India have felled the timber and cut
down the scrub in those patches of jungle which they propose to
cultivate, they put out all the fires in the village and light a
new fire by rubbing two dry pieces of wood together. Then having
kindled torches at it they proceed with them to the jungle and
ignite the felled timber and brushwood. The flesh of a cow or
buffalo is also roasted on the new fire and furnishes a sacrificial
meal.<a id="footnotetag340" name="footnotetag340"></a><a href=
"#footnote340"><sup>340</sup></a> Near the small town of Kahma in
Burma, between Prome and Thayetmyo, certain gases escape from a
hollow in the ground and burn with a steady flame during the dry
season of the year. The people regard the flame as the forge of a
spectral smith who here carried on his business after death had
removed him from his old smithy in the village. Once a year all the
household fires in Kahma are extinguished and then lighted afresh
from the ghostly flame.<a id="footnotetag341" name=
"footnotetag341"></a><a href="#footnote341"><sup>341</sup></a></p>
<a id="firechina" name="firechina"></a>
<p>[The new fire in China and Japan.]</p>
<p>In China every year, about the beginning of April, certain
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page137" name="page137"></a>[pg
137]</span> officials, called <i>Sz'h&uuml;en</i>, used of old to
go about the country armed with wooden clappers. Their business was
to summon the people and command them to put out every fire. This
was the beginning of a season called <i>Han-shih-tsieh</i>, or
"eating cold food." For three days all household fires remained
extinct as a preparation for the solemn renewal of the fire, which
took place on the fifth or sixth day of April, being the hundred
and fifth day after the winter solstice. The ceremony was performed
with great pomp by the same officials, who procured the new fire
from heaven by reflecting the sun's rays either from a metal mirror
or from a crystal on dry moss. Fire thus obtained is called by the
Chinese heavenly fire, and its use is enjoined in sacrifices;
whereas fire elicited by the friction of wood is termed by them
earthly fire, and its use is prescribed for cooking and other
domestic purposes. When once the new fire had thus been drawn from
the sun, all the people were free to rekindle their domestic
hearths; and, as a Chinese distich has it&mdash;</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"At the festival of the cold food there are a thousand white
stalks among the flowers;</p>
<p>On the day Tsing-ming, at sunrise, you may see the smoke of
ten</p>
<p>thousand houses."</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>According to a Chinese philosopher, the reason for thus renewing
fire periodically is that the vital principle grows weaker and
weaker in old fire, whereas in new fire it is young and vigorous.
This annual renewal of fire was a ceremony of very great antiquity
in China, since it is known to have been observed in the time of
the first dynasty, about two thousand years before Christ. Under
the Tcheou dynasty a change in the calendar led to shifting the
fire-festival from spring to the summer solstice, but afterwards it
was brought back to its original date. Although the custom appears
to have long fallen into disuse, the barbarous inhabitants of
Hainan, an island to the south of China, still call a year "a
fire," as if in memory of the time when the years were reckoned by
the annually recurring ceremony of rekindling the sacred
fire.<a id="footnotetag342" name="footnotetag342"></a><a href=
"#footnote342"><sup>342</sup></a> "A Japanese book written two
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page138" name="page138"></a>[pg
138]</span> centuries ago informs us that sticks resembling the
wands used for offerings at the purification ceremony were part
shaven and set up in bundles at the four corners of the Gion shrine
on the last day of the year. The priests, after prayers were
recited, broke up the bundles and set fire to the sticks, which the
people then carried home to light their household fires with for
the New Year. The object of this ceremony was to avert
pestilence."<a id="footnotetag343" name=
"footnotetag343"></a><a href="#footnote343"><sup>343</sup></a></p>
<a id="firerome" name="firerome"></a>
<p>[The new fire in ancient Greece and Rome.]</p>
<p>In classical antiquity the Greek island of Lemnos was devoted to
the worship of the smith-god Hephaestus, who was said to have
fallen on it when Zeus hurled him from heaven.<a id=
"footnotetag344" name="footnotetag344"></a><a href=
"#footnote344"><sup>344</sup></a> Once a year every fire in the
island was extinguished and remained extinct for nine days, during
which sacrifices were offered to the dead and to the infernal
powers. New fire was brought in a ship from the sacred isle of
Delos, and with it the fires in the houses and the workshops were
relit. The people said that with the new fire they made a new
beginning of life. If the ship that bore the sacred flame arrived
too soon, it might not put in to shore, but had to cruise in the
offing till the nine days were expired.<a id="footnotetag345" name=
"footnotetag345"></a><a href="#footnote345"><sup>345</sup></a> At
Rome the sacred fire in the temple of Vesta was kindled anew every
year on the first of March, which used to be the beginning of the
Roman year;<a id="footnotetag346" name=
"footnotetag346"></a><a href="#footnote346"><sup>346</sup></a> the
task of lighting it was entrusted to the Vestal Virgins, and they
performed it by drilling a hole in a board of lucky wood till the
flame was elicited by friction. The new fire thus produced was
carried into the temple of Vesta by one of the virgins in a bronze
sieve.<a id="footnotetag347" name="footnotetag347"></a><a href=
"#footnote347"><sup>347</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page139" name="page139"></a>[pg
139]</span> <a id="firecelts" name="firecelts"></a>
<p>[The new fire at Hallow E'en among the old Celts of Ireland; the
new fire on September 1st among the Russian peasants.]</p>
<p>Among the Celts of Ireland a new fire was annually kindled on
Hallowe'en or the Eve of Samhain, as they called it, the last day
of October, from which the Irish new year began; and all the
hearths throughout the country are said to have been relighted from
the fresh fire. The place where this holy flame was lit bore the
name of Tlachtga or Tlactga; it has been identified with a rath or
native fort on the Hill of Ward near Athboy in the county of Meath.
"It was there," says the old Irish historian, Geoffrey Keating,
"that the Festival of the Fire of Tlactga was ordered to be held,
and it was thither that the Druids of Ireland were wont to repair
and to assemble, in solemn meeting, on the eve of Samhain, for the
purpose of making a sacrifice to all the gods. It was in that fire
at Tlactga, that their sacrifice was burnt; and it was made
obligatory, under pain of punishment, to extinguish all the fires
of Ireland, on that eve; and the men of Ireland were allowed to
kindle no other fire but that one; and for each of the other fires,
which were all to be lighted from it, the king of Munster was to
receive a tax of a <i>sgreball</i>, that is, of three pence,
because the land, upon which Tlactga was built, belongs to the
portion of Meath which had been taken from Munster."<a id=
"footnotetag348" name="footnotetag348"></a><a href=
"#footnote348"><sup>348</sup></a> In the villages near Moscow at
the present time the peasants put out all their fires on the eve of
the first of September, and next morning at sunrise a wise man or a
wise woman rekindles them with the help of muttered incantations
and spells.<a id="footnotetag349" name=
"footnotetag349"></a><a href="#footnote349"><sup>349</sup></a></p>
<a id="fireheathen" name="fireheathen"></a>
<p>[Thus the ceremony of the new fire in the Eastern and Western
Church is probably a relic of an old heathen rite.]</p>
<p>Instances of such practices might doubtless be multiplied, but
the foregoing examples may suffice to render it <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page140" name="page140"></a>[pg 140]</span>
probable that the ecclesiastical ceremony of lighting a sacred new
fire on Easter Saturday had originally nothing to do with
Christianity, but is merely one case of a world-wide custom which
the Church has seen fit to incorporate in its ritual. It might be
supposed that in the Western Church the custom was merely a
survival of the old Roman usage of renewing the fire on the first
of March, were it not that the observance by the Eastern Church of
the custom on the same day seems to point back to a still older
period when the ceremony of lighting a new fire in spring, perhaps
at the vernal equinox, was common to many peoples of the
Mediterranean area. We may conjecture that wherever such a ceremony
has been observed, it originally marked the beginning of a new
year, as it did in ancient Rome and Ireland, and as it still does
in the Sudanese kingdom of Wadai and among the Swahili of Eastern
Africa.</p>
<a id="paganeaster" name="paganeaster"></a>
<p>[The pagan character of the Easter fire appears from the
superstitions associated with it, such as the belief that the fire
fertilizes the fields and protects houses from conflagration and
sickness.]</p>
<p>The essentially pagan character of the Easter fire festival
appears plainly both from the mode in which it is celebrated by the
peasants and from the superstitious beliefs which they associate
with it. All over northern and central Germany, from Altmark and
Anhalt on the east, through Brunswick, Hanover, Oldenburg, the Harz
district, and Hesse to Westphalia the Easter bonfires still blaze
simultaneously on the hill-tops. As many as forty may sometimes be
counted within sight at once. Long before Easter the young people
have been busy collecting firewood; every farmer contributes, and
tar-barrels, petroleum cases, and so forth go to swell the pile.
Neighbouring villages vie with each other as to which shall send up
the greatest blaze. The fires are always kindled, year after year,
on the same hill, which accordingly often takes the name of Easter
Mountain. It is a fine spectacle to watch from some eminence the
bonfires flaring up one after another on the neighbouring heights.
As far as their light reaches, so far, in the belief of the
peasants, the fields will be fruitful, and the houses on which they
shine will be safe from conflagration or sickness. At Volkmarsen
and other places in Hesse the people used to observe which way the
wind blew the flames, and then they sowed flax seed in that
direction, confident that it would grow well. Brands taken from the
bonfires preserve houses from <span class="pagenum"><a id="page141"
name="page141"></a>[pg 141]</span> being struck by lightning; and
the ashes increase the fertility of the fields, protect them from
mice, and mixed with the drinking-water of cattle make the animals
thrive and ensure them against plague. As the flames die down,
young and old leap over them, and cattle are sometimes driven
through the smouldering embers. In some places tar-barrels or
wheels wrapt in straw used to be set on fire, and then sent rolling
down the hillside. In others the boys light torches and wisps of
straw at the bonfires and rush about brandishing them in their
hands. Where the people are divided between Protestantism and
Catholicism, as in Hildesheim, it has been observed that among
Protestants the Easter bonfires are generally left to the boys,
while in Catholic districts they are cared for by grown-up persons,
and here the whole population will gather round the blazing pile
and join in singing choral hymns, which echo far and wide in the
stillness of night.<a id="footnotetag350" name=
"footnotetag350"></a><a href="#footnote350"><sup>350</sup></a></p>
<a id="firemunsterland" name="firemunsterland"></a>
<p>[The Easter fires in M&uuml;nsterland, Oldenburg, the Harz
Mountains and the Altmark.]</p>
<p>In M&uuml;nsterland these Easter fires are always kindled upon
certain definite hills, which are hence known as Easter or Paschal
Mountains. The whole community assembles about the fire. Fathers of
families form an inner circle round it. An outer circle is composed
of the young men and maidens, who, singing Easter hymns, march
round and round the fire in the direction of the sun, till the
blaze dies down. Then the girls jump over the fire in a line, one
after the other, each supported by two young men who hold her hands
and run beside her. When the fire has burned out, the whole
assembly marches in solemn procession to the church, singing hymns.
They go thrice round the church, and then break up. In the twilight
boys with <span class="pagenum"><a id="page142" name=
"page142"></a>[pg 142]</span> blazing bundles of straw run over the
fields to make them fruitful.<a id="footnotetag351" name=
"footnotetag351"></a><a href="#footnote351"><sup>351</sup></a> At
Delmenhorst, in Oldenburg, it used to be the custom to cut down two
trees, plant them in the ground side by side, and pile twelve
tar-barrels, one above the other, against each of the trees.
Brushwood was then heaped about the trees, and on the evening of
Easter Saturday the boys, after rushing about with blazing
beanpoles in their hands, set fire to the whole. At the end of the
ceremony the urchins tried to blacken each other and the clothes of
grown-up people.<a id="footnotetag352" name=
"footnotetag352"></a><a href="#footnote352"><sup>352</sup></a> In
Schaumburg the Easter bonfires may be seen blazing on all the
mountains around for miles. They are made with a tar-barrel
fastened to a pine-tree, which is wrapt in straw. The people dance
singing round them.<a id="footnotetag353" name=
"footnotetag353"></a><a href="#footnote353"><sup>353</sup></a> In
the Harz Mountains the fire is commonly made by piling brushwood
about a tree and setting it on fire. At Osterode every one tries to
snatch a brand from the bonfire and runs about with it; the better
it burns, the more lucky it is. In Grund there are
torch-races.<a id="footnotetag354" name=
"footnotetag354"></a><a href="#footnote354"><sup>354</sup></a> In
the Altmark the Easter bonfires are composed of tar-barrels,
bee-hives, and so forth, piled round a pole. The young folk dance
round the fire; and when it has died out, the old folk come and
collect the ashes, which they preserve as a remedy for the ailments
of bees. It is also believed that as far as the blaze of the
bonfire is visible, the corn will grow well throughout the year,
and no conflagration will break out.<a id="footnotetag355" name=
"footnotetag355"></a><a href="#footnote355"><sup>355</sup></a> At
Braunr&ouml;de, in the Harz Mountains, it was the custom to burn
squirrels in the Easter bonfire.<a id="footnotetag356" name=
"footnotetag356"></a><a href="#footnote356"><sup>356</sup></a> In
the Altmark, bones were burned in it.<a id="footnotetag357" name=
"footnotetag357"></a><a href="#footnote357"><sup>357</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page143" name="page143"></a>[pg
143]</span> <a id="easterbavaria" name="easterbavaria"></a>
<p>[The Easter fires in Bavaria; the burning of Judas; burning the
Easter Man.]</p>
<p>Further south the Easter fires are, or used to be, lit in many
districts of Bavaria. Thus on Easter Monday in some parts of Middle
Franken the schoolboys collect all the old worn-out besoms they can
lay hands on, and march with them in a long procession to a
neighbouring height. When the first chime of the evening bell comes
up from the dale they set fire to the brooms, and run along the
ridges waving them, so that seen from below the hills appear to be
crested with a twinkling and moving chain of fire.<a id=
"footnotetag358" name="footnotetag358"></a><a href=
"#footnote358"><sup>358</sup></a> In some parts of Upper Bavaria at
Easter burning arrows or discs of wood were shot from hill-tops
high into the air, as in the Swabian and Swiss customs already
described.<a id="footnotetag359" name="footnotetag359"></a><a href=
"#footnote359"><sup>359</sup></a> At Oberau, instead of the discs,
an old cart-wheel was sometimes wrapt in straw, ignited, and sent
rolling and blazing down the mountain. The lads who hurled the
discs received painted Easter eggs from the girls.<a id=
"footnotetag360" name="footnotetag360"></a><a href=
"#footnote360"><sup>360</sup></a> Near Forchheim, in Upper Franken,
a straw-man called the Judas used to be burned in the churchyards
on Easter Saturday. The whole village contributed wood to the pyre
on which he perished, and the charred sticks were afterwards kept
and planted in the fields on Walpurgis Day (the first of May) to
preserve the wheat from blight and mildew.<a id="footnotetag361"
name="footnotetag361"></a><a href="#footnote361"><sup>361</sup></a>
About a hundred years ago or more the custom at Althenneberg, in
Upper Bavaria, used to be as follows. On the afternoon of Easter
Saturday the lads collected wood, which they piled in a cornfield,
while in the middle of the pile they set up a tall wooden cross all
swathed in straw. After the evening service they lighted their
lanterns at the consecrated candle in the church, and ran with them
at full speed to the pyre, each striving to get there first. The
first to arrive set fire to the heap. No woman or girl might come
near the bonfire, but they were allowed to watch it from a
distance. As the flames rose the men and lads rejoiced and made
merry, shouting, "We are burning the Judas!" Two of them had to
watch the glowing embers the whole night long, lest people should
come and steal them. Next morning at sunrise they carefully
collected the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page144" name=
"page144"></a>[pg 144]</span> ashes, and threw them into the
running water of the R&ouml;ten brook. The man who had been the
first to reach the pyre and to kindle it was rewarded on Easter
Sunday by the women, who gave him coloured eggs at the church door.
Well-to-do women gave him two; poorer women gave him only one. The
object of the whole ceremony was to keep off the hail. About a
century ago the Judas fire, as it was called, was put down by the
police.<a id="footnotetag362" name="footnotetag362"></a><a href=
"#footnote362"><sup>362</sup></a> At Giggenhausen and Aufkirchen,
two other villages of Upper Bavaria, a similar custom prevailed,
yet with some interesting differences. Here the ceremony, which
took place between nine and ten at night on Easter Saturday, was
called "burning the Easter Man." On a height about a mile from the
village the young fellows set up a tall cross enveloped in straw,
so that it looked like a man with his arms stretched out. This was
the Easter Man. No lad under eighteen years of age might take part
in the ceremony. One of the young men stationed himself beside the
Easter Man, holding in his hand a consecrated taper which he had
brought from the church and lighted. The rest stood at equal
intervals in a great circle round the cross. At a given signal they
raced thrice round the circle, and then at a second signal ran
straight at the cross and at the lad with the lighted taper beside
it; the one who reached the goal first had the right of setting
fire to the Easter Man. Great was the jubilation while he was
burning. When he had been consumed in the flames, three lads were
chosen from among the rest, and each of the three drew a circle on
the ground with a stick thrice round the ashes. Then they all left
the spot. On Easter Monday the villagers gathered the ashes and
strewed them on their fields; also they planted in the fields
palm-branches which had been consecrated on Palm Sunday, and sticks
which had been charred and hallowed on Good Friday, all for the
purpose of protecting their fields against showers of hail. The
custom of burning an Easter Man made of straw on Easter Saturday
was observed also at Abensberg, in Lower Bavaria.<a id=
"footnotetag363" name="footnotetag363"></a><a href=
"#footnote363"><sup>363</sup></a> In some parts of Swabia the
Easter fires might <span class="pagenum"><a id="page145" name=
"page145"></a>[pg 145]</span> not be kindled with iron or steel or
flint, but only by the friction of wood.<a id="footnotetag364"
name="footnotetag364"></a><a href=
"#footnote364"><sup>364</sup></a></p>
<a id="easterbaden" name="easterbaden"></a>
<p>[The Easter fires in Baden; "Thunder poles."]</p>
<p>In Baden bonfires are still kindled in the churchyards on Easter
Saturday, and ecclesiastical refuse of various sorts, such as
candle-ends, old surplices, and the wool used by the priest in the
application of extreme unction, is consumed in the flames. At
Zoznegg down to about 1850 the fire was lighted by the priest by
means of a flint which had never been used before. People bring
sticks, especially oaken sticks, char them in the fire, and then
carry them home and keep them in the house as a preservative
against lightning. At Zoznegg these oaken sticks were sword-shaped,
each about an ell and a half long, and they went by the name of
"weather or thunder poles" (<i>Wetterpf&auml;hle</i>). When a
thunderstorm threatened to break out, one of the sticks was put
into a small fire, in order that the hallowed smoke, ascending to
the clouds, might ward off the lightning from the house and the
hail from the fields and gardens. At Sch&ouml;llbronn the oaken
sticks, which are thus charred in the Easter bonfire and kept in
the house as a protective against thunder and lightning, are three
in number, perhaps with an allusion to the Trinity; they are
brought every Easter to be consecrated afresh in the bonfire, till
they are quite burnt away. In the lake district of Baden it is also
customary to burn one of these holy sticks in the fire when a heavy
thunderstorm is raging.<a id="footnotetag365" name=
"footnotetag365"></a><a href="#footnote365"><sup>365</sup></a>
Hence it seems that the ancient association of the oak with the
thunder<a id="footnotetag366" name="footnotetag366"></a><a href=
"#footnote366"><sup>366</sup></a> persists in the minds of German
peasants to the present day.</p>
<a id="easterholland" name="easterholland"></a>
<p>[Easter fires in Holland and Sweden; the burning of Judas in
Bohemia.]</p>
<p>Thus the custom of the Easter fires appears to have prevailed
all over central and western Germany from north to south. We find
it also in Holland, where the fires were kindled on the highest
eminences, and the people danced round them and leaped through the
flames or over the glowing embers. Here too, as so often in
Germany, the materials for the bonfire were collected by the young
folk <span class="pagenum"><a id="page146" name="page146"></a>[pg
146]</span> from door to door.<a id="footnotetag367" name=
"footnotetag367"></a><a href="#footnote367"><sup>367</sup></a> In
many parts of Sweden firearms are, as at Athens, discharged in all
directions on Easter eve, and huge bonfires are lighted on hills
and eminences. Some people think that the intention is to keep off
the Troll and other evil spirits who are especially active at this
season.<a id="footnotetag368" name="footnotetag368"></a><a href=
"#footnote368"><sup>368</sup></a> When the afternoon service on
Good Friday is over, German children in Bohemia drive Judas out of
the church by running about the sacred edifice and even the streets
shaking rattles and clappers. Next day, on Easter Saturday, the
remains of the holy oil are burnt before the church door in a fire
which must be kindled with flint and steel. This fire is called
"the burning of Judas," but in spite of its evil name a beneficent
virtue is ascribed to it, for the people scuffle for the cinders,
which they put in the roofs of their houses as a safeguard against
fire and lightning.<a id="footnotetag369" name=
"footnotetag369"></a><a href="#footnote369"><sup>369</sup></a></p>
<h4><a href="#sect4-3" name="sect4-3" id="sect4-3">&sect; 3. <i>The
Beltane Fires</i></a></h4>
<a id="beltanehighlands" name="beltanehighlands"></a>
<p>[The Beltane fires on the first of May in the Highlands of
Scotland; description of the Beltane fires by John Ramsay of
Ochtertyre in the eighteenth century.]</p>
<p>In the central Highlands of Scotland bonfires, known as the
Beltane fires, were formerly kindled with great ceremony on the
first of May, and the traces of human sacrifices at them were
particularly clear and unequivocal. The custom of lighting the
bonfires lasted in various places far into the eighteenth century,
and the descriptions of the ceremony by writers of that period
present such a curious and interesting picture of ancient
heathendom surviving in our own country that I will reproduce them
in the words of their authors. The fullest of the descriptions, so
far as I know, is the one bequeathed to us by John Ramsay, laird of
Ochtertyre, near Crieff, the patron of Burns and the friend of Sir
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page147" name="page147"></a>[pg
147]</span> Walter Scott. From his voluminous manuscripts, written
in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, a selection was
published in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The
following account of Beltane is extracted from a chapter dealing
with Highland superstitions. Ramsay says: "But the most
considerable of the Druidical festivals is that of Beltane, or
May-day, which was lately observed in some parts of the Highlands
with extraordinary ceremonies. Of later years it is chiefly
attended to by young people, persons advanced in years considering
it as inconsistent with their gravity to give it any countenance.
Yet a number of circumstances relative to it may be collected from
tradition, or the conversation of very old people, who witnessed
this feast in their youth, when the ancient rites were better
observed.</p>
<p>[Need-fire.]</p>
<p>"This festival is called in Gaelic
<i>Beal-tene</i>&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, the fire of Bel.... Like the
other public worship of the Druids, the Beltane feast seems to have
been performed on hills or eminences. They thought it degrading to
him whose temple is the universe, to suppose that he would dwell in
any house made with hands. Their sacrifices were therefore offered
in the open air, frequently upon the tops of hills, where they were
presented with the grandest views of nature, and were nearest the
seat of warmth and order. And, according to tradition, such was the
manner of celebrating this festival in the Highlands within the
last hundred years. But since the decline of superstition, it has
been celebrated by the people of each hamlet on some hill or rising
ground around which their cattle were pasturing. Thither the young
folks repaired in the morning, and cut a trench, on the summit of
which a seat of turf was formed for the company. And in the middle
a pile of wood or other fuel was placed, which of old they kindled
with <i>tein-eigin</i>&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, forced-fire or
<i>need-fire</i>. Although, for many years past, they have been
contented with common fire, yet we shall now describe the process,
because it will hereafter appear that recourse is still had to the
<i>tein-eigin</i> upon extraordinary emergencies.</p>
<p>[Need-fire kindled by the friction of oak wood.]</p>
<p>"The night before, all the fires in the country were carefully
extinguished, and next morning the materials for exciting this
sacred fire were prepared. The most primitive method seems to be
that which was used in the islands of <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page148" name="page148"></a>[pg 148]</span> Skye, Mull, and Tiree.
A well-seasoned plank of oak was procured, in the midst of which a
hole was bored. A wimble of the same timber was then applied, the
end of which they fitted to the hole. But in some parts of the
mainland the machinery was different. They used a frame of green
wood, of a square form, in the centre of which was an axle-tree. In
some places three times three persons, in others three times nine,
were required for turning round by turns the axle-tree or wimble.
If any of them had been guilty of murder, adultery, theft, or other
atrocious crime, it was imagined either that the fire would not
kindle, or that it would be devoid of its usual virtue. So soon as
any sparks were emitted by means of the violent friction, they
applied a species of agaric which grows on old birch-trees, and is
very combustible. This fire had the appearance of being immediately
derived from heaven, and manifold were the virtues ascribed to it.
They esteemed it a preservative against witchcraft, and a sovereign
remedy against malignant diseases, both in the human species and in
cattle; and by it the strongest poisons were supposed to have their
nature changed.</p>
<p>[The Beltane cake and the Beltane carline
(<i>cailleach</i>).]</p>
<p>"After kindling the bonfire with the <i>tein-eigin</i> the
company prepared their victuals. And as soon as they had finished
their meal, they amused themselves a while in singing and dancing
round the fire. Towards the close of the entertainment, the person
who officiated as master of the feast produced a large cake baked
with eggs and scalloped round the edge, called <i>am bonnach
beal-tine&mdash;i.e.</i> the Beltane cake. It was divided into a
number of pieces, and distributed in great form to the company.
There was one particular piece which whoever got was called
<i>cailleach beal-tine&mdash;i.e.</i>, the Beltane <i>carline</i>,
a term of great reproach. Upon his being known, part of the company
laid hold of him and made a show of putting him into the fire; but
the majority interposing, he was rescued. And in some places they
laid him flat on the ground, making as if they would quarter him.
Afterwards, he was pelted with egg-shells, and retained the odious
appellation during the whole year. And while the feast was fresh in
people's memory, they affected to speak of the <i>cailleach
beal-tine</i> as dead.</p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page149" name="page149"></a>[pg
149]</span>
<p>"This festival was longest observed in the interior Highlands,
for towards the west coast the traces of it are faintest. In
Glenorchy and Lorne, a large cake is made on that day, which they
consume in the house; and in Mull it has a large hole in the
middle, through which each of the cows in the fold is milked. In
Tiree it is of a triangular form. The more elderly people remember
when this festival was celebrated without-doors with some solemnity
in both these islands. There are at present no vestiges of it in
Skye or the Long Island, the inhabitants of which have substituted
the <i>connach Micheil</i> or St. Michael's cake. It is made at
Michaelmas with milk and oatmeal, and some eggs are sprinkled on
its surface. Part of it is sent to the neighbours.</p>
<p>"It is probable that at the original Beltane festival there were
two fires kindled near one another. When any person is in a
critical dilemma, pressed on each side by unsurmountable
difficulties, the Highlanders have a proverb, <i>The e' eada anda
theine bealtuin</i>&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, he is between the two
Beltane fires. There are in several parts small round hills, which,
it is like, owe their present names to such solemn uses. One of the
highest and most central in Icolmkil is called
<i>Cnoch-nan-ainneal</i>&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, the hill of the fires.
There is another of the same name near the kirk of Balquhidder; and
at Killin there is a round green eminence which seems to have been
raised by art. It is called
<i>Tom-nan-ainneal</i>&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, the eminence of the
fires. Around it there are the remains of a circular wall about two
feet high. On the top a stone stands upon end. According to the
tradition of the inhabitants, it was a place of Druidical worship;
and it was afterwards pitched on as the most venerable spot for
holding courts of justice for the country of Breadalbane. The earth
of this eminence is still thought to be possessed of some healing
virtue, for when cattle are observed to be diseased some of it is
sent for, which is rubbed on the part affected."<a id=
"footnotetag370" name="footnotetag370"></a><a href=
"#footnote370"><sup>370</sup></a></p>
<p>[Local differences in the Beltane cakes; evidence of two fires
at Beltane; Beltane pies and cakes in the parish of Callander.]</p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page150" name="page150"></a>[pg
150]</span>
<p>In the parish of Callander, a beautiful district of western
Perthshire, the Beltane custom was still in vogue towards the end
of the eighteenth century. It has been described as follows by the
parish minister of the time: "Upon the first day of May, which is
called <i>Beltan</i>, or <i>Bal-tein</i> day, all the boys in a
township or hamlet, meet in the moors. They cut a table in the
green sod, of a round figure, by casting a trench in the ground, of
such circumference as to hold the whole company. They kindle a
fire, and dress a repast of eggs and milk in the consistence of a
custard. They knead a cake of oatmeal, which is toasted at the
embers against a stone. After the custard is eaten up, they divide
the cake into so many portions, as similar as possible to one
another in size and shape, as there are persons in the company.
They daub one of these portions all over with charcoal, until it be
perfectly black. They put all the bits of the cake into a bonnet.
Every one, blindfold, draws out a portion. He who holds the bonnet,
is entitled to the last bit. Whoever draws the black bit, is the
<i>devoted</i> person who is to be sacrificed to <i>Baal</i><a id=
"footnotetag371" name="footnotetag371"></a><a href=
"#footnote371"><sup>371</sup></a> whose favour they mean to
implore, in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page151" name=
"page151"></a>[pg 151]</span> rendering the year productive of the
sustenance of man and beast. There is little doubt of these inhuman
sacrifices having been once offered in this country, as well as in
the east, although they now pass from the act of <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page152" name="page152"></a>[pg 152]</span>
sacrificing, and only compel the <i>devoted</i> person to leap
three times through the flames; with which the ceremonies of this
festival are closed."<a id="footnotetag372" name=
"footnotetag372"></a><a href="#footnote372"><sup>372</sup></a></p>
<a id="beltaneperthshire" name="beltaneperthshire"></a>
<p>[Pennant's description of the Beltane fires and cakes in
Perthshire.]</p>
<p>Thomas Pennant, who travelled in Perthshire in the year 1769,
tells us that "on the first of May, the herdsmen of every village
hold their Bel-tien, a rural sacrifice. They cut a square trench on
the ground, leaving the turf in the middle; on that they make a
fire of wood, on which they dress a large caudle of eggs, butter,
oatmeal and milk; and bring besides the ingredients of the caudle,
plenty of beer and whisky; for each of the company must contribute
something. The rites begin with spilling some of the caudle on the
ground, by way of libation: on that every one takes a cake of
oatmeal, upon which are raised nine square knobs, each dedicated to
some particular being, the supposed preserver of their flocks and
herds, or to some particular animal, the real destroyer of them:
each person then turns his face to the fire, breaks off a knob, and
flinging it over his shoulders, says, 'This I give to thee,
preserve thou my horses; this to thee, preserve thou my sheep; and
so on,' After that, they use the-same ceremony to the noxious
animals: 'This I give to thee, O fox! spare thou my lambs; this to
thee, O hooded crow! this to thee, O eagle!' When the ceremony is
over, they dine on the caudle; and after the feast is finished,
what is left is hid by two persons deputed for that purpose; but on
the next Sunday they re-assemble, and finish the reliques of the
first entertainment"<a id="footnotetag373" name=
"footnotetag373"></a><a href="#footnote373"><sup>373</sup></a></p>
<p>[Beltane cakes and fires in the parishes of Logierait and
Kirkmichael; omens drawn from the cakes.]</p>
<p>Another writer of the eighteenth century has described the
Beltane festival as it was held in the parish of Logierait in
Perthshire. He says: "On the first of May, O.S., a festival called
<i>Beltan</i> is annually held here. It is chiefly celebrated by
the cow-herds, who assemble by scores in the fields, to dress a
dinner for themselves, of boiled milk <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page153" name="page153"></a>[pg 153]</span> and eggs. These dishes
they eat with a sort of cakes baked for the occasion, and having
small lumps in the form of <i>nipples</i>, raised all over the
surface."<a id="footnotetag374" name="footnotetag374"></a><a href=
"#footnote374"><sup>374</sup></a> In this last account no mention
is made of bonfires, but they were probably lighted, for a
contemporary writer informs us that in the parish of Kirkmichael,
which adjoins the parish of Logierait on the east, the custom of
lighting a fire in the fields and baking a consecrated cake on the
first of May was not quite obsolete in his time.<a id=
"footnotetag375" name="footnotetag375"></a><a href=
"#footnote375"><sup>375</sup></a> We may conjecture that the cake
with knobs was formerly used for the purpose of determining who
should be the "Beltane carline" or victim doomed to the flames. A
trace of this custom survived, perhaps, in the custom of baking
oatmeal cakes of a special kind and rolling them down hill about
noon on the first of May; for it was thought that the person whose
cake broke as it rolled would die or be unfortunate within the
year. These cakes, or bannocks as we call them in Scotland, were
baked in the usual way, but they were washed over with a thin
batter composed of whipped egg, milk or cream, and a little
oatmeal. This custom appears to have prevailed at or near Kingussie
in Inverness-shire. At Achterneed, near Strathpeffer in Ross-shire,
the Beltane bannocks were called <i>tcharnican</i> or hand-cakes,
because they were kneaded entirely in the hand, and not on a board
or table like common cakes; and after being baked they might not be
placed anywhere but in the hands of the children who were to eat
them.<a id="footnotetag376" name="footnotetag376"></a><a href=
"#footnote376"><sup>376</sup></a></p>
<a id="beltanenescotland" name="beltanenescotland"></a>
<p>[Beltane fires in the north-east of Scotland to burn the
witches; the Beltane cake.]</p>
<p>In the north-east of Scotland the Beltane fires were still
kindled in the latter half of the eighteenth century; the herdsmen
of several farms used to gather dry wood, kindle it, and dance
three times "southways" about the burning <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page154" name="page154"></a>[pg 154]</span>
pile.<a id="footnotetag377" name="footnotetag377"></a><a href=
"#footnote377"><sup>377</sup></a> But in this region, according to
a later authority, the Beltane fires were lit not on the first but
on the second of May, Old Style. They were called bone-fires. The
people believed that on that evening and night the witches were
abroad and busy casting spells on cattle and stealing cows' milk.
To counteract their machinations, pieces of rowan-tree and
woodbine, but especially of rowan-tree, were placed over the doors
of the cow-houses, and fires were kindled by every farmer and
cottar. Old thatch, straw, furze, or broom was piled in a heap and
set on fire a little after sunset. While some of the bystanders
kept tossing the blazing mass, others hoisted portions of it on
pitchforks or poles and ran hither and thither, holding them as
high as they could. Meantime the young people danced round the fire
or ran through the smoke shouting, "Fire! blaze and burn the
witches; fire! fire! burn the witches." In some districts a large
round cake of oat or barley meal was rolled through the ashes. When
all the fuel was consumed, the people scattered the ashes far and
wide, and till the night grew quite dark they continued to run
through them, crying, "Fire! burn the witches."<a id=
"footnotetag378" name="footnotetag378"></a><a href=
"#footnote378"><sup>378</sup></a></p>
<a id="beltanehebrides" name="beltanehebrides"></a>
<p>[Beltane cakes and fires in the Hebrides.]</p>
<p>In the Hebrides "the Beltane bannock is smaller than that made
at St. Michael's, but is made in the same way; it is no longer made
in Uist, but Father Allan remembers seeing his grandmother make one
about twenty-five years ago. There was also a cheese made,
generally on the first of May, which was kept to the next Beltane
as a sort of charm against the bewitching of milk-produce. The
Beltane customs seem to have been the same as elsewhere. Every fire
was put out and a large one lit on the top of the hill, and the
cattle driven round it sunwards (<i>dessil</i>), to keep off
murrain all the year. Each man would take home fire wherewith to
kindle his own."<a id="footnotetag379" name=
"footnotetag379"></a><a href="#footnote379"><sup>379</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page155" name="page155"></a>[pg
155]</span> <a id="beltanewales" name="beltanewales"></a>
<p>[Beltane fires and cakes in Wales.]</p>
<p>In Wales also the custom of lighting Beltane fires at the
beginning of May used to be observed, but the day on which they
were kindled varied from the Eve of May Day to the third of May.
The flame was sometimes elicited by the friction of two pieces of
oak, as appears from the following description. "The fire was done
in this way. Nine men would turn their pockets inside out, and see
that every piece of money and all metals were off their persons.
Then the men went into the nearest woods, and collected sticks of
nine different kinds of trees. These were carried to the spot where
the fire had to be built. There a circle was cut in the sod, and
the sticks were set crosswise. All around the circle the people
stood and watched the proceedings. One of the men would then take
two bits of oak, and rub them together until a flame was kindled.
This was applied to the sticks, and soon a large fire was made.
Sometimes two fires were set up side by side. These fires, whether
one or two, were called <i>coelcerth</i> or bonfire. Round cakes of
oatmeal and brown meal were split in four, and placed in a small
flour-bag, and everybody present had to pick out a portion. The
last bit in the bag fell to the lot of the bag-holder. Each person
who chanced to pick up a piece of brown-meal cake was compelled to
leap three times over the flames, or to run thrice between the two
fires, by which means the people thought they were sure of a
plentiful harvest. Shouts and screams of those who had to face the
ordeal could be heard ever so far, and those who chanced to pick
the oatmeal portions sang and danced and clapped their hands in
approval, as the holders of the brown bits leaped three times over
the flames, or ran three times between the two fires. As a rule, no
danger attended <span class="pagenum"><a id="page156" name=
"page156"></a>[pg 156]</span> these curious celebrations, but
occasionally somebody's clothes caught fire, which was quickly put
out. The greatest fire of the year was the eve of May, or May
first, second, or third. The Midsummer Eve fire was more for the
harvest. Very often a fire was built on the eve of November. The
high ground near the Castle Ditches at Llantwit Major, in the Vale
of Glamorgan, was a familiar spot for the Beltane on May third and
on Midsummer Eve.... Sometimes the Beltane fire was lighted by the
flames produced by stone instead of wood friction. Charred logs and
faggots used in the May Beltane were carefully preserved, and from
them the next fire was lighted. May fires were always started with
old faggots of the previous year, and midsummer from those of the
last summer. It was unlucky to build a midsummer fire from May
faggots. People carried the ashes left after these fires to their
homes, and a charred brand was not only effectual against
pestilence, but magical in its use. A few of the ashes placed in a
person's shoes protected the wearer from any great sorrow or
woe."<a id="footnotetag380" name="footnotetag380"></a><a href=
"#footnote380"><sup>380</sup></a></p>
<p>[Welsh belief that passage over or between the fires ensured
good crops.]</p>
<p>From the foregoing account we learn that bonfires were kindled
in Wales on Midsummer Eve and Hallowe'en (the thirty-first of
October), as well as at the beginning of May, but that the Beltane
fires in May were deemed the most important. To the Midsummer Eve
and Hallowe'en fires we shall return presently. The belief of the
people that by leaping thrice over the bonfires or running thrice
between them they ensured a plentiful harvest is worthy of note.
The mode in which this result was supposed to be brought about is
indicated by another writer on Welsh folk-lore, according to whom
it used to be held that "the bonfires lighted in May or Midsummer
protected the lands from sorcery, so that good crops would follow.
The ashes were also considered valuable as charms."<a id=
"footnotetag381" name="footnotetag381"></a><a href=
"#footnote381"><sup>381</sup></a> Hence it appears that the heat of
the fires was thought to fertilize the fields, not directly by
quickening the seeds in the ground, but indirectly by counteracting
the baleful influence <span class="pagenum"><a id="page157" name=
"page157"></a>[pg 157]</span> of witchcraft or perhaps by burning
up the persons of the witches.</p>
<a id="beltaneman" name="beltaneman"></a>
<p>[Beltane fires in the Isle of Man to burn the witches; Beltane
fires in Nottinghamshire.]</p>
<p>"The Druidical anniversary of Beil or Baal is still celebrated
in the Isle of Man. On the first of May, 1837, the Baal fires were,
as usual on that day, so numerous as to give the island the
appearance of a general conflagration."<a id="footnotetag382" name=
"footnotetag382"></a><a href="#footnote382"><sup>382</sup></a> By
May Day in Manx folk-lore is meant May Day Old Style, or <i>Shenn
Laa Boaldyn</i>, as it is called in Manx. The day was one on which
the power of elves and witches was particularly dreaded, and the
people resorted to many precautions in order to protect themselves
against these mischievous beings. Hence at daybreak they set fire
to the ling or gorse, for the purpose of burning out the witches,
who are wont to lurk in the form of hares.<a id="footnotetag383"
name="footnotetag383"></a><a href="#footnote383"><sup>383</sup></a>
On the Hemlock Stone, a natural pillar of sandstone standing on
Stapleford Hill in Nottinghamshire, a fire used to be solemnly
kindled every year on Beltane Eve. The custom seems to have
survived down to the beginning of the nineteenth century; old
people could remember and describe the ceremony long after it had
fallen into desuetude.<a id="footnotetag384" name=
"footnotetag384"></a><a href="#footnote384"><sup>384</sup></a></p>
<a id="beltaneireland" name="beltaneireland"></a>
<p>[Beltane fires in Ireland.]</p>
<p>The Beltane fires appear to have been kindled also in Ireland,
for Cormac, "or somebody in his name, says that <i>belltaine</i>,
May-day, was so called from the 'lucky fire,' or the 'two fires,'
which the druids of Erin used to make on that day with great
incantations; and cattle, he adds, used to be brought to those
fires, or to be driven between them, as a safeguard against the
diseases of the year."<a id="footnotetag385" name=
"footnotetag385"></a><a href="#footnote385"><sup>385</sup></a>
Again, a very ancient Irish poem, enumerating the May Day
celebrations, mentions among them a bonfire on a hill (<i>tendal ar
cnuc</i>); and another old authority says that these fires were
kindled in the name of the idol-god Bel.<a id="footnotetag386"
name="footnotetag386"></a><a href="#footnote386"><sup>386</sup></a>
From an old life of St. Patrick we learn that on a day <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page158" name="page158"></a>[pg 158]</span> in
spring the heathen of Ireland were wont to extinguish all their
fires until a new fire was kindled with solemn ceremony in the
king's house at Tara. In the year in which St. Patrick landed in
Ireland it chanced that the night of the extinguished fires
coincided with the Eve of Easter; and the saint, ignorant of this
pagan superstition, resolved to celebrate his first Easter in
Ireland after the true Christian fashion by lighting the holy
Paschal fire on the hill of Slane, which rises high above the left
bank of the Boyne, about twelve miles from the mouth of the river.
So that night, looking from his palace at Tara across the darkened
landscape, the king of Tara saw the solitary fire flaring on the
top of the hill of Slane, and in consternation he asked his wise
men what that light meant. They warned him of the danger that it
betokened for the ancient faith of Erin.<a id="footnotetag387"
name="footnotetag387"></a><a href="#footnote387"><sup>387</sup></a>
In spite of the difference of date between Easter and Beltane, we
may suspect that the new fire annually kindled with solemn ceremony
about Easter in the king of Ireland's palace at Tara was no other
than the Beltane fire. We have seen that in the Highlands of
Scotland down to modern times it was customary to extinguish all
fires in the neighbourhood before proceeding to kindle the sacred
flame.<a id="footnotetag388" name="footnotetag388"></a><a href=
"#footnote388"><sup>388</sup></a> The Irish historian Geoffrey
Keating, who wrote in the first part of the seventeenth century,
tells us that the men of Ireland held a great fair every year in
the month of May at Uisnech (<i>Ushnagh</i>) in the county of
Meath, "and at it they were wont to exchange their goods and their
wares and their jewels. At it, they were, also, wont to make a
sacrifice to the Arch-God that they adored, whose name was
B&egrave;l (<i>bayl</i>). It was, likewise, their usage to light
two fires to B&egrave;l, in every district of Ireland, at this
season, and to drive a pair of each kind of cattle that the
district contained, between those two fires, as a preservative to
guard them against all the diseases of that year. It is from that
fire, thus made in honour of B&egrave;l, that the day [the first of
May] on which the noble feast of the apostles, Philip and James, is
held, has been called B&egrave;ltaini, or B&egrave;altaine
(<i>Bayltinnie</i>); for Beltaini is the same as
B&egrave;il-tein&egrave;, <i>i.e.</i> Tein&eacute; Bh&egrave;il
(<i>Tinnie Vayl</i>) or <span class="pagenum"><a id="page159" name=
"page159"></a>[pg 159]</span> B&egrave;l's Fire."<a id=
"footnotetag389" name="footnotetag389"></a><a href=
"#footnote389"><sup>389</sup></a> The custom of driving cattle
through or between fires on May Day or the eve of May Day persisted
in Ireland down to a time within living memory. Thus Sir John Rhys
was informed by a Manxman that an Irish cattle-dealer of his
acquaintance used to drive his cattle through fire on May Day so as
to singe them a little, since he believed that it would preserve
them from harm. When the Manxman was asked where the dealer came
from, he answered, "From the mountains over there," pointing to the
Mourne Mountains then looming faintly in the mists on the western
horizon.<a id="footnotetag390" name="footnotetag390"></a><a href=
"#footnote390"><sup>390</sup></a></p>
<a id="maydaysweden" name="maydaysweden"></a>
<p>[Fires on the Eve of May Day in Sweden; fires on the Eve of May
Day in Austria and Saxony for the purpose of burning the
witches.]</p>
<p>The first of May is a great popular festival in the more midland
and southern parts of Sweden. On the eve of the festival, huge
bonfires, which should be lighted by striking two flints together,
blaze on all the hills and knolls. Every large hamlet has its own
fire, round which the young people dance in a ring. The old folk
notice whether the flames incline to the north or to the south. In
the former case, the spring will be cold and backward; in the
latter, it will be mild and genial.<a id="footnotetag391" name=
"footnotetag391"></a><a href="#footnote391"><sup>391</sup></a>
Similarly, in Bohemia, on the eve of May Day, young people kindle
fires on hills and eminences, at crossways, and in pastures, and
dance round them. They leap over the glowing embers or even through
the flames. The ceremony is called "burning the witches." In some
places an effigy representing a witch used to be burnt in the
bonfire.<a id="footnotetag392" name="footnotetag392"></a><a href=
"#footnote392"><sup>392</sup></a> We have to remember that the eve
of May Day is the notorious Walpurgis Night, when the witches are
everywhere speeding unseen through the air on their hellish
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page160" name="page160"></a>[pg
160]</span> errands. On this witching night children in Voigtland
also light bonfires on the heights and leap over them. Moreover,
they wave burning brooms or toss them into the air. So far as the
light of the bonfire reaches, so far will a blessing rest on the
fields. The kindling of the fires on Walpurgis Night is called
"driving away the witches."<a id="footnotetag393" name=
"footnotetag393"></a><a href="#footnote393"><sup>393</sup></a> The
custom of kindling fires on the eve of May Day (Walpurgis Night)
for the purpose of burning the witches is, or used to be,
widespread in the Tyrol, Moravia, Saxony and Silesia.<a id=
"footnotetag394" name="footnotetag394"></a><a href=
"#footnote394"><sup>394</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect4-4" name="sect4-4">&sect; 4. <i>The Midsummer
Fires</i></a></h4>
<a id="summersolstice" name="summersolstice"></a>
<p>[The great season for fire-festivals in Europe is the summer
solstice, Midsummer Eve or Midsummer Day, which the church has
dedicated to St. John the Baptist; the bonfires, the torches, and
the burning wheels of the festival.]</p>
<p>But the season at which these fire-festivals have been mostly
generally held all over Europe is the summer solstice, that is
Midsummer Eve (the twenty-third of June) or Midsummer Day (the
twenty-fourth of June). A faint tinge of Christianity has been
given to them by naming Midsummer Day after St. John the Baptist,
but we cannot doubt that the celebration dates from a time long
before the beginning of our era. The summer solstice, or Midsummer
Day, is the great turning-point in the sun's career, when, after
climbing higher and higher day by day in the sky, the luminary
stops and thenceforth retraces his steps down the heavenly road.
Such a moment could not but be regarded with anxiety by primitive
man so soon as he began to observe and ponder the courses of the
great lights across the celestial vault; and having still to learn
his own powerlessness in face of the vast cyclic changes of nature,
he may have fancied that he could help the sun in his seeming
decline&mdash;could prop his failing <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page161" name="page161"></a>[pg 161]</span> steps and rekindle the
sinking flame of the red lamp in his feeble hand. In some such
thoughts as these the midsummer festivals of our European peasantry
may perhaps have taken their rise. Whatever their origin, they have
prevailed all over this quarter of the globe, from Ireland on the
west to Russia on the east, and from Norway and Sweden on the north
to Spain and Greece on the south.<a id="footnotetag395" name=
"footnotetag395"></a><a href="#footnote395"><sup>395</sup></a>
According to a medi&aelig;val writer, the three great features of
the midsummer celebration were the bonfires, the procession with
torches round the fields, and the custom of rolling a wheel. He
tells us that boys burned bones and filth of various kinds to make
a foul smoke, and that the smoke drove away certain noxious dragons
which at this time, excited by the summer heat, copulated in the
air and poisoned the wells and rivers by dropping their seed into
them; and he explains the custom of trundling a wheel to mean that
the sun, having now reached the highest point in the ecliptic,
begins thenceforward to descend.<a id="footnotetag396" name=
"footnotetag396"></a><a href="#footnote396"><sup>396</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page162" name="page162"></a>[pg
162]</span> <a id="summerkirchmeyer" name="summerkirchmeyer"></a>
<p>[T. Kirchmeyer's description of the Midsummer Festival.]</p>
<p>A good general account of the midsummer customs, together with
some of the reasons popularly alleged for observing them, is given
by Thomas Kirchmeyer, a writer of the sixteenth century, in his
poem <i>The Popish Kingdome</i>:&mdash;</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Then doth the joyfull feast of John the Baptist take his
turne,</p>
<p>When bonfiers great with loftie flame, in every towne doe
burne;</p>
<p>And yong men round about with maides, doe daunce in every
streete,</p>
<p>With garlands wrought of Motherwort, or else with Vervain
sweete,</p>
<p>And many other flowres faire, with Violets in their handes,</p>
<p>Whereas they all do fondly thinke, that whosoever standes,</p>
<p>And thorow the flowres beholds the flame, his eyes shall feele
no paine.</p>
<p>When thus till night they daunced have, they through the fire
amaine</p>
<p>With striving mindes doe runne, and all their hearbes they cast
therin,</p>
<p>And then with wordes devout and prayers, they solemnely
begin,</p>
<p>Desiring God that all their illes may there consumed bee,</p>
<p>Whereby they thinke through all that yeare from Agues to be
free.</p>
<p>Some others get a rotten wheele, all worne and cast aside,</p>
<p>Which covered round about with strawe, and tow, they closely
hide:</p>
<p>And caryed to some mountaines top, being all with fire
light,</p>
<p>They hurle it downe with violence, when darke appeares the
night:</p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page163" name="page163"></a>[pg
163]</span>
<p>Resembling much the Sunne, that from the heavens downe should
fal,</p>
<p>A straunge and monstrous sight it seemes, and fearfull to them
all;</p>
<p>But they suppose their mischiefes all are likewise throwne to
hell,</p>
<p>And that from harmes and daungers now, in safetie here they
dwell."<a id="footnotetag397" name="footnotetag397"></a><a href=
"#footnote397"><sup>397</sup></a></p>
</div>
</div>
<p>From these general descriptions, which to some extent still hold
good, or did so till lately, we see that the main features of the
midsummer fire-festival resemble those which we have found to
characterize the vernal festivals of fire. The similarity of the
two sets of ceremonies will plainly appear from the following
examples.</p>
<a id="summergermany" name="summergermany"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Germany; the celebration at Konz on the
Moselle: the rolling of a burning wheel down hill.]</p>
<p>A writer of the first half of the sixteenth century informs us
that in almost every village and town of Germany public bonfires
were kindled on the Eve of St. John, and young and old, of both
sexes, gathered about them and passed the time in dancing and
singing. People on this occasion wore chaplets of mugwort and
vervain, and they looked at the fire through bunches of larkspur
which they held in their hands, believing that this would preserve
their eyes in a healthy state throughout the year. As each
departed, he threw the mugwort and vervain into the fire, saying,
"May all my ill-luck depart and be burnt up with these."<a id=
"footnotetag398" name="footnotetag398"></a><a href=
"#footnote398"><sup>398</sup></a> At Lower Konz, a village prettily
situated on a hillside overlooking the Moselle, in the midst of a
wood of walnut-trees and fruit-trees, the midsummer festival used
to be celebrated as follows. A quantity of straw was collected on
the top of the steep Stromberg Hill. Every inhabitant, or at least
every householder, had to contribute his share of straw to the
pile; a recusant was looked at askance, and if in the course of the
year he happened to break a leg or lose a child, there was not a
gossip in the village but knew the reason why. At nightfall the
whole male population, men and boys, mustered on the top of the
hill; the women and girls were not allowed to join them, but had to
take up their position at a certain spring half-way down the slope.
On the summit stood a huge wheel completely encased in some of the
straw which had been jointly contributed by the villagers; the rest
of the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page164" name="page164"></a>[pg
164]</span> straw was made into torches. From each side of the
wheel the axle-tree projected about three feet, thus furnishing
handles to the lads who were to guide it in its descent. The mayor
of the neighbouring town of Sierck, who always received a basket of
cherries for his services, gave the signal; a lighted torch was
applied to the wheel, and as it burst into flame, two young
fellows, strong-limbed and swift of foot, seized the handles and
began running with it down the slope. A great shout went up. Every
man and boy waved a blazing torch in the air, and took care to keep
it alight so long as the wheel was trundling down the hill. Some of
them followed the fiery wheel, and watched with amusement the
shifts to which its guides were put in steering it round the
hollows and over the broken ground on the mountainside. The great
object of the young men who guided the wheel was to plunge it
blazing into the water of the Moselle; but they rarely succeeded in
their efforts, for the vineyards which cover the greater part of
the declivity impeded their progress, and the wheel was often
burned out before it reached the river. As it rolled past the women
and girls at the spring, they raised cries of joy which were
answered by the men on the top of the mountain; and the shouts were
echoed by the inhabitants of neighbouring villages who watched the
spectacle from their hills on the opposite bank of the Moselle. If
the fiery wheel was successfully conveyed to the bank of the river
and extinguished in the water, the people looked for an abundant
vintage that year, and the inhabitants of Konz had the right to
exact a waggon-load of white wine from the surrounding vineyards.
On the other hand, they believed that, if they neglected to perform
the ceremony, the cattle would be attacked by giddiness and
convulsions and would dance in their stalls.<a id="footnotetag399"
name="footnotetag399"></a><a href=
"#footnote399"><sup>399</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerbavaria" name="summerbavaria"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Bavaria; Cattle driven through the fire;
the new fire; omens of the harvest drawn from the fires; burning
discs thrown into the air.]</p>
<p>Down at least to the middle of the nineteenth century the
midsummer fires used to blaze all over Upper Bavaria. <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page165" name="page165"></a>[pg 165]</span> They
were kindled especially on the mountains, but also far and wide in
the lowlands, and we are told that in the darkness and stillness of
night the moving groups, lit up by the flickering glow of the
flames, presented an impressive spectacle. In some places the
people shewed their sense of the sanctity of the fires by using for
fuel the trees past which the gay procession had defiled, with
fluttering banners, on Corpus Christi Day. In others the children
collected the firewood from door to door on the eve of the
festival, singing their request for fuel at every house in doggerel
verse. Cattle were driven through the fire to cure the sick animals
and to guard such as were sound against plague and harm of every
kind throughout the year. Many a householder on that day put out
the fire on the domestic hearth and rekindled it by means of a
brand taken from the midsummer bonfire. The people judged of the
height to which the flax would grow in the year by the height to
which the flames of the bonfire rose; and whoever leaped over the
burning pile was sure not to suffer from backache in reaping the
corn at harvest. But it was especially the practice for lovers to
spring over the fire hand in hand, and the way in which each couple
made the leap was the subject of many a jest and many a
superstition. In one district the custom of kindling the bonfires
was combined with that of lighting wooden discs and hurling them in
the air after the manner which prevails at some of the spring
festivals.<a id="footnotetag400" name="footnotetag400"></a><a href=
"#footnote400"><sup>400</sup></a> In many parts of Bavaria it was
believed that the flax would grow as high as the young people
leaped over the fire.<a id="footnotetag401" name=
"footnotetag401"></a><a href="#footnote401"><sup>401</sup></a> In
others the old folk used to plant three charred sticks from the
bonfire in the fields, believing that this would make the flax grow
tall.<a id="footnotetag402" name="footnotetag402"></a><a href=
"#footnote402"><sup>402</sup></a> Elsewhere an extinguished brand
was put in the roof of the house to protect it against fire. In the
towns about W&uuml;rzburg the bonfires used to be kindled in the
market-places, and the young people who jumped over them wore
garlands of flowers, especially of mugwort and vervain, and carried
sprigs of larkspur in their hands. They thought <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page166" name="page166"></a>[pg 166]</span> that
such as looked at the fire holding a bit of larkspur before their
face would be troubled by no malady of the eyes throughout the
year.<a id="footnotetag403" name="footnotetag403"></a><a href=
"#footnote403"><sup>403</sup></a> Further, it was customary at
W&uuml;rzburg, in the sixteenth century, for the bishop's followers
to throw burning discs of wood into the air from a mountain which
overhangs the town. The discs were discharged by means of flexible
rods, and in their flight through the darkness presented the
appearance of fiery dragons.<a id="footnotetag404" name=
"footnotetag404"></a><a href="#footnote404"><sup>404</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerswabia" name="summerswabia"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Swabia; omens drawn from the leaps over
the fires; burning wheels rolled down hill; burning the Angel-Man
at Rottenburg.]</p>
<p>In the valley of the Lech, which divides Upper Bavaria from
Swabia, the midsummer customs and beliefs are, or used to be, very
similar. Bonfires are kindled on the mountains on Midsummer Day;
and besides the bonfire a tall beam, thickly wrapt in straw and
surmounted by a cross-piece, is burned in many places. Round this
cross as it burns the lads dance with loud shouts; and when the
flames have subsided, the young people leap over the fire in pairs,
a young man and a young woman together. If they escape unsmirched,
the man will not suffer from fever, and the girl will not become a
mother within the year. Further, it is believed that the flax will
grow that year as high as they leap over the fire; and that if a
charred billet be taken from the fire and stuck in a flax-field it
will promote the growth of the flax.<a id="footnotetag405" name=
"footnotetag405"></a><a href="#footnote405"><sup>405</sup></a>
Similarly in Swabia, lads and lasses, hand in hand, leap over the
midsummer bonfire, praying that the hemp may grow three ells high,
and they set fire to wheels of straw and send them rolling down the
hill. Among the places where burning wheels were thus bowled down
hill at Midsummer were the Hohenstaufen mountains in Wurtemberg and
the Frauenberg near Gerhausen.<a id="footnotetag406" name=
"footnotetag406"></a><a href="#footnote406"><sup>406</sup></a> At
Deffingen, in Swabia, as the people sprang over the midsummer
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page167" name="page167"></a>[pg
167]</span> bonfire they cried out, "Flax, flax! may the flax this
year grow seven ells high!"<a id="footnotetag407" name=
"footnotetag407"></a><a href="#footnote407"><sup>407</sup></a> At
Rottenburg in Swabia, down to the year 1807 or 1808, the festival
was marked by some special features. About mid-day troops of boys
went about the town begging for firewood at the houses. In each
troop there were three leaders, one of whom carried a dagger, a
second a paper banner, and a third a white plate covered with a
white cloth. These three entered each house and recited verses, in
which they expressed an intention of roasting Martin Luther and
sending him to the devil; and for this meritorious service they
expected to be paid, the contributions being received in the
cloth-covered plate. In the evening they counted up their money and
proceeded to "behead the Angel-man." For this ceremony an open
space was chosen, sometimes in the middle of the town. Here a stake
was thrust into the ground and straw wrapt about it, so as to make
a rude effigy of human form with arms, head, and face. Every boy
brought a handful of nosegays and fastened them to the straw-man,
who was thus enveloped in flowers. Fuel was heaped about the stake
and set on fire. When the Angel-man, as the straw-effigy was
called, blazed up, all the boys of the neighbourhood, who had
gathered expectantly around, fell upon him with their wooden swords
and hewed him to pieces. As soon as he had vanished in smoke and
flame, the lads leaped backward and forward over the glowing
embers, and later in the evening they feasted on the proceeds of
their collection.<a id="footnotetag408" name=
"footnotetag408"></a><a href="#footnote408"><sup>408</sup></a> Here
the Angel-man burnt in the fire appears to be identified with
Martin Luther, to whom, as we have seen, allusion was made during
the house-to-house visitation. The identification was probably
modern, for we may assume that the custom of burning an effigy in
the Midsummer bonfire is far older than the time of Luther.</p>
<a id="summerbaden" name="summerbaden"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Baden; omens drawn from leaps over the
fires; burning discs thrown into the air; Midsummer fires in
Alsace, Lorraine, the Eifel, the Harz districts and Thuringia;
burning barrel swung round a pole.]</p>
<p>In Baden the children used to collect fuel from house to house
for the Midsummer bonfire on St. John's Day; and lads and lasses
leaped over the fire in couples. Here, <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page168" name="page168"></a>[pg 168]</span> as elsewhere, a close
connexion was traced between these bonfires and the harvest. In
some places it was thought that those who leaped over the fires
would not suffer from backache at reaping. Sometimes, as the young
folk sprang over the flames, they cried, "Grow, that the hemp may
be three ells high!" This notion that the hemp or the corn would
grow as high as the flames blazed or as the people jumped over
them, seems to have been widespread in Baden. It was held that the
parents of the young people who bounded highest over the fire would
have the most abundant harvest; and on the other hand, if a man
contributed nothing to the bonfire, it was imagined that there
would be no blessing on his crops, and that his hemp in particular
would never grow.<a id="footnotetag409" name=
"footnotetag409"></a><a href="#footnote409"><sup>409</sup></a> In
the neighbourhood of B&uuml;hl and Achern the St. John's fires were
kindled on the tops of hills; only the unmarried lads of the
village brought the fuel, and only the unmarried young men and
women sprang through the flames. But most of the villagers, old and
young, gathered round the bonfires, leaving a clear space for the
leapers to take their run. One of the bystanders would call out the
names of a pair of sweethearts; on which the two would step out
from the throng, take each other by the hand, and leap high and
lightly through the swirling smoke and flames, while the spectators
watched them critically and drew omens of their married life from
the height to which each of them bounded. Such an invitation to
jump together over the bonfire was regarded as tantamount to a
public betrothal.<a id="footnotetag410" name=
"footnotetag410"></a><a href="#footnote410"><sup>410</sup></a> Near
Offenburg, in the Black Forest, on Midsummer Day the village boys
used to collect faggots and straw on some steep and conspicuous
height, and they spent some time in making circular wooden discs by
slicing the trunk of a pine-tree across. When darkness had fallen,
they kindled the bonfire, and then, as it blazed up, they lighted
the discs at it, and, after swinging them to and fro at the end of
a stout and supple hazel-wand, they hurled them one after the
other, whizzing and flaming, into the air, where they described
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page169" name="page169"></a>[pg
169]</span> great arcs of fire, to fall at length, like
shooting-stars, at the foot of the mountain.<a id="footnotetag411"
name="footnotetag411"></a><a href="#footnote411"><sup>411</sup></a>
In many parts of Alsace and Lorraine the midsummer fires still
blaze annually or did so not very many years ago.<a id=
"footnotetag412" name="footnotetag412"></a><a href=
"#footnote412"><sup>412</sup></a> At Speicher in the Eifel, a
district which lies on the middle Rhine, to the west of Coblentz, a
bonfire used to be kindled in front of the village on St. John's
Day, and all the young people had to jump over it. Those who failed
to do so were not allowed to join the rest in begging for eggs from
house to house. Where no eggs were given, they drove a wedge into
the keyhole of the door. On this day children in the Eifel used
also to gather flowers in the fields, weave them into garlands, and
throw the garlands on the roofs or hang them on the doors of the
houses. So long as the flowers remained there, they were supposed
to guard the house from fire and lightning.<a id="footnotetag413"
name="footnotetag413"></a><a href="#footnote413"><sup>413</sup></a>
In the southern Harz district and in Thuringia the Midsummer or St.
John's fires used to be commonly lighted down to about the middle
of the nineteenth century, and the custom has probably not died
out. At Edersleben, near Sangerhausen, a high pole was planted in
the ground and a tar-barrel was hung from it by a chain which
reached to the ground. The barrel was then set on fire and swung
round the pole amid shouts of joy.<a id="footnotetag414" name=
"footnotetag414"></a><a href="#footnote414"><sup>414</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerfriction" name="summerfriction"></a>
<p>[Midsummer fires kindled by the friction of wood in Germany and
Switzerland; driving away demons and witches.]</p>
<p>According to one account, German tradition required that the
midsummer fire should be lighted, not from a common hearth, but by
the friction of two sorts of wood, namely oak and fir.<a id=
"footnotetag415" name="footnotetag415"></a><a href=
"#footnote415"><sup>415</sup></a> In some old farm-houses of the
Surenthal and Winenthal, in Switzerland, a couple of holes or a
whole row of them may be seen facing each other in the door-posts
of the barn or stable. Sometimes the holes are smooth and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page170" name="page170"></a>[pg
170]</span> round; sometimes they are deeply burnt and blackened.
The explanation of them is this. About midsummer, but especially on
Midsummer Day, two such holes are bored opposite each other, into
which the extremities of a strong pole are fixed. The holes are
then stuffed with tow steeped in resin and oil; a rope is looped
round the pole, and two young men, who must be brothers or must
have the same baptismal name, and must be of the same age, pull the
ends of the rope backwards and forwards so as to make the pole
revolve rapidly, till smoke and sparks issue from the two holes in
the door-posts. The sparks are caught and blown up with tinder, and
this is the new and pure fire, the appearance of which is greeted
with cries of joy. Heaps of combustible materials are now ignited
with the new fire, and blazing bundles are placed on boards and
sent floating down the brook. The boys light torches at the new
fire and run to fumigate the pastures. This is believed to drive
away all the demons and witches that molest the cattle. Finally the
torches are thrown in a heap on the meadow and allowed to burn out.
On their way back the boys strew the ashes over the fields, which
is supposed to make them fertile. If a farmer has taken possession
of a new house, or if servants have changed masters, the boys
fumigate the new abode and are rewarded by the farmer with a
supper.<a id="footnotetag416" name="footnotetag416"></a><a href=
"#footnote416"><sup>416</sup></a></p>
<a id="summersilesia" name="summersilesia"></a>
<p>[Midsummer fires in Silesia; scaring away the witches.]</p>
<p>In Silesia, from the south-eastern part of the Sudeten range and
north-westward as far as Lausitz, the mountains are ablaze with
bonfires on Midsummer Eve; and from the valleys and the plains
round about Leobsch&uuml;tz, Neustadt, Z&uuml;lz, Oels, and other
places answering fires twinkle through the deepening gloom. While
they are smouldering and sending forth volumes of smoke across the
fields, young men kindle broom-stumps, soaked in pitch, at the
bonfires and then, brandishing the stumps, which emit showers of
sparks, they chase one another or dance with the girls round the
burning pile. Shots, too, are fired, and shouts raised. The fire,
the smoke, the shots, and the shouts are all intended to scare away
the witches, who are let loose on this witching day, and who would
certainly work harm to the crops and the cattle, if they were not
deterred by these salutary measures. <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page171" name="page171"></a>[pg 171]</span> Mere contact with the
fire brings all sorts of blessings. Hence when the bonfire is
burning low, the lads leap over it, and the higher they bound, the
better is the luck in store for them. He who surpasses his fellows
is the hero of the day and is much admired by the village girls. It
is also thought to be very good for the eyes to stare steadily at
the bonfire without blinking; moreover he who does so will not
drowse and fall asleep betimes in the long winter evenings. On
Midsummer Eve the windows and doors of houses in Silesia are
crowned with flowers, especially with the blue cornflowers and the
bright corn-cockles; in some villages long strings of garlands and
nosegays are stretched across the streets. The people believe that
on that night St. John comes down from heaven to bless the flowers
and to keep all evil things from house and home.<a id=
"footnotetag417" name="footnotetag417"></a><a href=
"#footnote417"><sup>417</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerdenmark" name="summerdenmark"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Denmark and Norway; keeping off the
witches; the Midsummer fires in Sweden.]</p>
<p>In Denmark and Norway also Midsummer fires were kindled on St.
John's Eve on roads, open spaces, and hills. People in Norway
thought that the fires banished sickness from among the
cattle.<a id="footnotetag418" name="footnotetag418"></a><a href=
"#footnote418"><sup>418</sup></a> Even yet the fires are said to be
lighted all over Norway on the night of June the twenty-third,
Midsummer Eve, Old Style. As many as fifty or sixty bonfires may
often be counted burning on the hills round Bergen. Sometimes fuel
is piled on rafts, ignited, and allowed to drift blazing across the
fiords in the darkness of night. The fires are thought to be
kindled in order to keep off the witches, who are said to be flying
from all parts that night to the Blocksberg, where the big witch
lives.<a id="footnotetag419" name="footnotetag419"></a><a href=
"#footnote419"><sup>419</sup></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page172" name="page172"></a>[pg 172]</span> In Sweden the Eve of
St. John (St. Hans) is the most joyous night of the whole year.
Throughout some parts of the country, especially in the provinces
of Bohus and Scania and in districts bordering on Norway, it is
celebrated by the frequent discharge of firearms and by huge
bonfires, formerly called Balder's Balefires (<i>Balder's
Balar</i>), which are kindled at dusk on hills and eminences and
throw a glare of light over the surrounding landscape. The people
dance round the fires and leap over or through them. In parts of
Norrland on St. John's Eve the bonfires are lit at the cross-roads.
The fuel consists of nine different sorts of wood, and the
spectators cast into the flames a kind of toad-stool
(<i>B&auml;ran</i>) in order to counteract the power of the Trolls
and other evil spirits, who are believed to be abroad that night;
for at that mystic season the mountains open and from their
cavernous depths the uncanny crew pours forth to dance and disport
themselves for a time. The peasants believe that should any of the
Trolls be in the vicinity they will shew themselves; and if an
animal, for example a he or she goat, happens to be seen near the
blazing, crackling pile, the peasants are firmly persuaded that it
is no other than the Evil One in person.<a id="footnotetag420"
name="footnotetag420"></a><a href="#footnote420"><sup>420</sup></a>
Further, it deserves to be remarked that in Sweden St. John's Eve
is a festival of water as well as of fire; for certain holy springs
are then supposed to be endowed with wonderful medicinal virtues,
and many sick people resort to them for the healing of their
infirmities.<a id="footnotetag421" name=
"footnotetag421"></a><a href="#footnote421"><sup>421</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerswitzerland" name="summerswitzerland"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Switzerland and Austria; effigies burnt
in the fires; burning wheels rolled down hill.]</p>
<p>In Switzerland on Midsummer Eve fires are, or used to be,
kindled on high places in the cantons of Bern, Neuchatel, Valais,
and Geneva.<a id="footnotetag422" name=
"footnotetag422"></a><a href="#footnote422"><sup>422</sup></a> In
Austria the midsummer customs and superstitions resemble those of
Germany. Thus in some parts of the Tyrol bonfires are kindled and
burning discs hurled into the air.<a id="footnotetag423" name=
"footnotetag423"></a><a href="#footnote423"><sup>423</sup></a> In
the lower valley of the Inn a taterdemalian effigy is carted about
the village on Midsummer <span class="pagenum"><a id="page173"
name="page173"></a>[pg 173]</span> Day and then burned. He is
called the <i>Lotter</i>, which has been corrupted into Luther. At
Ambras, one of the villages where Martin Luther is thus burned in
effigy, they say that if you go through the village between eleven
and twelve on St. John's Night and wash yourself in three wells,
you will see all who are to die in the following year.<a id=
"footnotetag424" name="footnotetag424"></a><a href=
"#footnote424"><sup>424</sup></a> At Gratz on St. John's Eve (the
twenty-third of June) the common people used to make a puppet
called the <i>Tatermann</i>, which they dragged to the bleaching
ground, and pelted with burning besoms till it took fire.<a id=
"footnotetag425" name="footnotetag425"></a><a href=
"#footnote425"><sup>425</sup></a> At Reutte, in the Tyrol, people
believed that the flax would grow as high as they leaped over the
midsummer bonfire, and they took pieces of charred wood from the
fire and stuck them in their flax-fields the same night, leaving
them there till the flax harvest had been got in.<a id=
"footnotetag426" name="footnotetag426"></a><a href=
"#footnote426"><sup>426</sup></a> In Lower Austria fires are lit in
the fields, commonly in front of a cross, and the people dance and
sing round them and throw flowers into the flames. Before each
handful of flowers is tossed into the fire, a set speech is made;
then the dance is resumed and the dancers sing in chorus the last
words of the speech. At evening bonfires are kindled on the
heights, and the boys caper round them, brandishing lighted torches
drenched in pitch. Whoever jumps thrice across the fire will not
suffer from fever within the year. Cart-wheels are often smeared
with pitch, ignited, and sent rolling and blazing down the
hillsides.<a id="footnotetag427" name="footnotetag427"></a><a href=
"#footnote427"><sup>427</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerbohemia" name="summerbohemia"></a>
<p>[Midsummer fires in Bohemia; wreaths thrown across the fire;
uses made of the singed wreaths; burning wheels rolled down hill;
embers of the fire stuck in fields, gardens, and houses as a
talisman against lightning and conflagration; use of mugwort;
cattle protected against witchcraft.]</p>
<p>All over Bohemia bonfires still burn on Midsummer Eve. In the
afternoon boys go about with handcarts from house to house
collecting fuel, such as sticks, brushwood, old besoms, and so
forth. They make their request at each house in rhyming verses,
threatening with evil consequences the curmudgeons who refuse them
a dole. Sometimes the young men fell a tall straight fir in the
woods and set it up on a height, where the girls deck it with
nosegays, wreaths of leaves, and red ribbons. Then brushwood is
piled about it, and at nightfall the whole is set on fire. While
the flames break out, the young men climb <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page174" name="page174"></a>[pg 174]</span> the
tree and fetch down the wreaths which the girls had placed on it.
After that, lads and lasses stand on opposite sides of the fire and
look at one another through the wreaths to see whether they will be
true to each other and marry within the year. Also the girls throw
the wreaths across the flames to the men, and woe to the awkward
swain who fails to catch the wreath thrown him by his sweetheart.
When the blaze has died down, each couple takes hands, and leaps
thrice across the fire. He or she who does so will be free from
ague throughout the year, and the flax will grow as high as the
young folks leap. A girl who sees nine bonfires on Midsummer Eve
will marry before the year is out. The singed wreaths are carried
home and carefully preserved throughout the year. During
thunderstorms a bit of the wreath is burned on the hearth with a
prayer; some of it is given to kine that are sick or calving, and
some of it serves to fumigate house and cattle-stall, that man and
beast may keep hale and well. Sometimes an old cartwheel is smeared
with resin, ignited, and sent rolling down the hill. Often the boys
collect all the worn-out besoms they can get hold of, dip them in
pitch, and having set them on fire wave them about or throw them
high into the air. Or they rush down the hillside in troops,
brandishing the flaming brooms and shouting, only however to return
to the bonfire on the summit when the brooms have burnt out. The
stumps of the brooms and embers from the fire are preserved and
stuck in cabbage gardens to protect the cabbages from caterpillars
and gnats. Some people insert charred sticks and ashes from the
bonfire in their sown fields and meadows, in their gardens and the
roofs of their houses, as a talisman against lightning and foul
weather; or they fancy that the ashes placed in the roof will
prevent any fire from breaking out in the house. In some districts
they crown or gird themselves with mugwort while the midsummer fire
is burning, for this is supposed to be a protection against ghosts,
witches, and sickness; in particular, a wreath of mugwort is a sure
preventive of sore eyes. Sometimes the girls look at the bonfires
through garlands of wild flowers, praying the fire to strengthen
their eyes and eyelids. She who does this thrice will have no sore
eyes <span class="pagenum"><a id="page175" name="page175"></a>[pg
175]</span> all that year. In some parts of Bohemia they used to
drive the cows through the midsummer fire to guard them against
witchcraft.<a id="footnotetag428" name=
"footnotetag428"></a><a href="#footnote428"><sup>428</sup></a></p>
<a id="summermoravia" name="summermoravia"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Moravia, Austrian Silesia, and the
district of Cracow; fire kindled by the friction of wood.]</p>
<p>The Germans of Moravia in like manner still light bonfires on
open grounds and high places on Midsummer Eve; and they kindle
besoms in the flames and then stick the charred stumps in the
cabbage-fields as a powerful protection against caterpillars. On
the same mystic evening Moravian girls gather flowers of nine sorts
and lay them under their pillow when they go to sleep; then they
dream every one of him who is to be her partner for life. For in
Moravia maidens in their beds as well as poets by haunted streams
have their Midsummer Night's dreams.<a id="footnotetag429" name=
"footnotetag429"></a><a href="#footnote429"><sup>429</sup></a> In
Austrian Silesia the custom also prevails of lighting great
bonfires on hilltops on Midsummer Eve, and here too the boys swing
blazing besoms or hurl them high in the air, while they shout and
leap and dance wildly. Next morning every door is decked with
flowers and birchen saplings.<a id="footnotetag430" name=
"footnotetag430"></a><a href="#footnote430"><sup>430</sup></a> In
the district of Cracow, especially towards the Carpathian
Mountains, great fires are kindled by the peasants in the fields or
on the heights at nightfall on Midsummer Eve, which among them goes
by the name of Kupalo's Night. The fire must be kindled by the
friction of two sticks. The young people dance round or leap over
it; and a band of sturdy fellows run a race with lighted torches,
the winner being rewarded with a peacock's feather, which he keeps
throughout the year as a distinction. Cattle also are driven round
the fire in the belief that this is a charm against pestilence and
disease of every sort.<a id="footnotetag431" name=
"footnotetag431"></a><a href="#footnote431"><sup>431</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page176" name="page176"></a>[pg
176]</span> <a id="summerslavs" name="summerslavs"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires among the Slavs of Russia; cattle protected
against witchcraft; the fires lighted by the friction of wood.]</p>
<p>The name of Kupalo's Night, applied in this part of Galicia to
Midsummer Eve, reminds us that we have now passed from German to
Slavonic ground; even in Bohemia the midsummer celebration is
common to Slavs and Germans. We have already seen that in Russia
the summer solstice or Eve of St. John is celebrated by young men
and maidens, who jump over a bonfire in couples carrying a straw
effigy of Kupalo in their arms.<a id="footnotetag432" name=
"footnotetag432"></a><a href="#footnote432"><sup>432</sup></a> In
some parts of Russia an image of Kupalo is burnt or thrown into a
stream on St. John's Night.<a id="footnotetag433" name=
"footnotetag433"></a><a href="#footnote433"><sup>433</sup></a>
Again, in some districts of Russia the young folk wear garlands of
flowers and girdles of holy herbs when they spring through the
smoke or flames; and sometimes they drive the cattle also through
the fire in order to protect the animals against wizards and
witches, who are then ravenous after milk.<a id="footnotetag434"
name="footnotetag434"></a><a href="#footnote434"><sup>434</sup></a>
In Little Russia a stake is driven into the ground on St. John's
Night, wrapt in straw, and set on fire. As the flames rise the
peasant women throw birchen boughs into them, saying, "May my flax
be as tall as this bough!"<a id="footnotetag435" name=
"footnotetag435"></a><a href="#footnote435"><sup>435</sup></a> In
Ruthenia the bonfires are lighted by a flame procured by the
friction of wood. While the elders of the party are engaged in thus
"churning" the fire, the rest maintain a respectful silence; but
when the flame bursts from the wood, they break forth into joyous
songs. As soon as the bonfires are kindled, the young people take
hands and leap in pairs through the smoke, if not through the
flames; and after that the cattle in their turn are driven through
the fire.<a id="footnotetag436" name="footnotetag436"></a><a href=
"#footnote436"><sup>436</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerprussia" name="summerprussia"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Prussia and Lithuania thought to protect
against witchcraft, thunder, hail, and cattle disease; the fire
kindled by the friction of wood.]</p>
<p>In many parts of Prussia and Lithuania great fires are kindled
on Midsummer Eve. All the heights are ablaze with them, as far as
the eye can see. The fires are supposed to be a protection against
witchcraft, thunder, hail, and cattle disease, especially if next
morning the cattle are driven over the places where the fires
burned. Above all, the bonfires ensure the farmer against the arts
of witches, who try to steal the milk from his cows by charms and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page177" name="page177"></a>[pg
177]</span> spells. That is why next morning you may see the young
fellows who lit the bonfire going from house to house and receiving
jugfuls of milk. And for the same reason they stick burs and
mugwort on the gate or the hedge through which the cows go to
pasture, because that is supposed to be a preservative against
witchcraft.<a id="footnotetag437" name=
"footnotetag437"></a><a href="#footnote437"><sup>437</sup></a> In
Masuren, a district of Eastern Prussia inhabited by a branch of the
Polish family, it is the custom on the evening of Midsummer Day to
put out all the fires in the village. Then an oaken stake is driven
into the ground and a wheel is fixed on it as on an axle. This
wheel the villagers, working by relays, cause to revolve with great
rapidity till fire is produced by friction. Every one takes home a
lighted brand from the new fire and with it rekindles the fire on
the domestic hearth.<a id="footnotetag438" name=
"footnotetag438"></a><a href="#footnote438"><sup>438</sup></a> In
the sixteenth century Martin of Urzedow, a Polish priest, denounced
the heathen practices of the women who on St. John's Eve (Midsummer
Eve) kindled fires by the friction of wood, danced, and sang songs
in honour of the devil.<a id="footnotetag439" name=
"footnotetag439"></a><a href="#footnote439"><sup>439</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerletts" name="summerletts"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires among the Letts of Russia; Midsummer Day in
ancient Rome.]</p>
<p>Among the Letts who inhabit the Baltic provinces of Russia the
most joyful festival of the year is held on Midsummer Day. The
people drink and dance and sing and adorn themselves and their
houses with flowers and branches. Chopped boughs of fir are strewn
about the rooms, and leaves are stuck in the roofs. In every
farm-yard a birch tree is set up, and every person of the name of
John who enters the farm that day must break off a twig from the
tree and hang up on its branches in return a small present for the
family. When the serene twilight of the summer night has veiled the
landscape, bonfires gleam on all the hills, and wild shouts of
"Ligho! Ligho!" echo from the woods and fields. In Riga the day is
a festival of flowers. From all the neighbourhood the peasants
stream into the city laden with flowers and garlands. A market of
flowers is held in an open square and on the chief bridge over the
river; here wreaths of immortelles, which grow wild in the meadows
and woods, are sold in great profusion and deck the houses
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page178" name="page178"></a>[pg
178]</span> of Riga for long afterwards. Roses, too, are now at the
prime of their beauty, and masses of them adorn the flower-stalls.
Till far into the night gay crowds parade the streets to music or
float on the river in gondolas decked with flowers.<a id=
"footnotetag440" name="footnotetag440"></a><a href=
"#footnote440"><sup>440</sup></a> So long ago in ancient Rome
barges crowned with flowers and crowded with revellers used to
float down the Tiber on Midsummer Day, the twenty-fourth of
June,<a id="footnotetag441" name="footnotetag441"></a><a href=
"#footnote441"><sup>441</sup></a> and no doubt the strains of music
were wafted as sweetly across the water to listeners on the banks
as they still are to the throngs of merrymakers at Riga.</p>
<a id="summersouthslavs" name="summersouthslavs"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires among the South Slavs.]</p>
<p>Bonfires are commonly kindled by the South Slavonian peasantry
on Midsummer Eve, and lads and lasses dance and shout round them in
the usual way. The very names of St. John's Day (<i>Ivanje</i>) and
the St. John's fires (<i>kries</i>) are said to act like electric
sparks on the hearts and minds of these swains, kindling a thousand
wild, merry, and happy fancies and ideas in their rustic breasts.
At Kamenagora in Croatia the herdsmen throw nine three-year old
vines into the bonfire, and when these burst into flames the young
men who are candidates for matrimony jump through the blaze. He who
succeeds in leaping over the fire without singeing himself will be
married within the year. At Vidovec in Croatia parties of two girls
and one lad unite to kindle a Midsummer bonfire and to leap through
the flames; he or she who leaps furthest will soonest wed.
Afterwards lads and lasses dance in separate rings, but the ring of
lads bumps up against the ring of girls and breaks it, and the girl
who has to let go her neighbour's hand will forsake her true love
hereafter.<a id="footnotetag442" name="footnotetag442"></a><a href=
"#footnote442"><sup>442</sup></a> In Servia on Midsummer Eve
herdsmen light torches of birch bark and march round the sheepfolds
and cattle-stalls; then they climb the hills and there allow the
torches to burn out.<a id="footnotetag443" name=
"footnotetag443"></a><a href="#footnote443"><sup>443</sup></a></p>
<a id="summermagyars" name="summermagyars"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires among the Magyars of Hungary.]</p>
<p>Among the Magyars in Hungary the midsummer fire-festival is
marked by the same features that meet us in so many parts of
Europe. On Midsummer Eve in many <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page179" name="page179"></a>[pg 179]</span> places it is customary
to kindle bonfires on heights and to leap over them, and from the
manner in which the young people leap the bystanders predict
whether they will marry soon. At Nograd-Ludany the young men and
women, each carrying a truss of straw, repair to a meadow, where
they pile the straw in seven or twelve heaps and set it on fire.
Then they go round the fire singing, and hold a bunch of iron-wort
in the smoke, while they say, "No boil on my body, no sprain in my
foot!" This holding of the flowers over the flames is regarded, we
are told, as equally important with the practice of walking through
the fire barefoot and stamping it out. On this day also many
Hungarian swineherds make fire by rotating a wheel round a wooden
axle wrapt in hemp, and through the fire thus made they drive their
pigs to preserve them from sickness.<a id="footnotetag444" name=
"footnotetag444"></a><a href="#footnote444"><sup>444</sup></a> In
villages on the Danube, where the population is a cross between
Magyar and German, the young men and maidens go to the high banks
of the river on Midsummer Eve; and while the girls post themselves
low down the slope, the lads on the height above set fire to little
wooden wheels and, after swinging them to and fro at the end of a
wand, send them whirling through the air to fall into the Danube.
As he does so, each lad sings out the name of his sweetheart, and
she listens well pleased down below.<a id="footnotetag445" name=
"footnotetag445"></a><a href="#footnote445"><sup>445</sup></a></p>
<a id="summeresthonians" name="summeresthonians"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires among the Esthonians; the Midsummer fires
in Oesel.]</p>
<p>The Esthonians of Russia, who, like the Magyars, belong to the
great Turanian family of mankind, also celebrate the summer
solstice in the usual way. On the Eve of St. John all the people of
a farm, a village, or an estate, walk solemnly in procession, the
girls decked with flowers, the men with leaves and carrying bundles
of straw under their arms. The lads carry lighted torches or
flaming hoops steeped in tar at the top of long poles. Thus they go
singing to the cattle-sheds, the granaries, and so forth, and
afterwards march thrice round the dwelling-house. Finally, preceded
by the shrill music of the bagpipes and shawms, they repair to a
neighbouring hill, where the materials of a bonfire have
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page180" name="page180"></a>[pg
180]</span> been collected. Tar-barrels filled with combustibles
are hung on poles, or the trunk of a felled tree has been set up
with a great mass of juniper piled about it in the form of a
pyramid. When a light has been set to the pile, old and young
gather about it and pass the time merrily with song and music till
break of day. Every one who comes brings fresh fuel for the fire,
and they say, "Now we all gather together, where St. John's fire
burns. He who comes not to St. John's fire will have his barley
full of thistles, and his oats full of weeds." Three logs are
thrown into the fire with special ceremony; in throwing the first
they say, "Gold of pleasure (a plant with yellow flowers) into the
fire!" in throwing the second they say, "Weeds to the unploughed
land!" but in throwing the third they cry, "Flax on my field!" The
fire is said to keep the witches from the cattle.<a id=
"footnotetag446" name="footnotetag446"></a><a href=
"#footnote446"><sup>446</sup></a> According to others, it ensures
that for the whole year the milk shall be "as pure as silver and as
the stars in the sky, and the butter as yellow as the sun and the
fire and the gold."<a id="footnotetag447" name=
"footnotetag447"></a><a href="#footnote447"><sup>447</sup></a> In
the Esthonian island of Oesel, while they throw fuel into the
midsummer fire, they call out, "Weeds to the fire, flax to the
field," or they fling three billets into the flames, saying, "Flax
grow long!" And they take charred sticks from the bonfire home with
them and keep them to make the cattle thrive. In some parts of the
island the bonfire is formed by piling brushwood and other
combustibles round a tree, at the top of which a flag flies.
Whoever succeeds in knocking down the flag with a pole before it
begins to burn will have good luck. Formerly the festivities lasted
till daybreak, and ended in scenes of debauchery which looked
doubly hideous by the growing light of a summer morning.<a id=
"footnotetag448" name="footnotetag448"></a><a href=
"#footnote448"><sup>448</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerfinns" name="summerfinns"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires among the Finns and Cheremiss of
Russia.]</p>
<p>Still farther north, among a people of the same Turanian
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page181" name="page181"></a>[pg
181]</span> stock, we learn from an eye-witness that Midsummer
Night used to witness a sort of witches' sabbath on the top of
every hill in Finland. The bonfire was made by setting up four tall
birches in a square and piling the intermediate space with fuel.
Round the roaring flames the people sang and drank and gambolled in
the usual way.<a id="footnotetag449" name=
"footnotetag449"></a><a href="#footnote449"><sup>449</sup></a>
Farther east, in the valley of the Volga, the Cheremiss celebrate
about midsummer a festival which Haxthausen regarded as identical
with the midsummer ceremonies of the rest of Europe. A sacred tree
in the forest, generally a tall and solitary oak, marks the scene
of the solemnity. All the males assemble there, but no woman may be
present. A heathen priest lights seven fires in a row from
north-west to south-east; cattle are sacrificed and their blood
poured in the fires, each of which is dedicated to a separate
deity. Afterwards the holy tree is illumined by lighted candles
placed on its branches; the people fall on their knees and with
faces bowed to the earth pray that God would be pleased to bless
them, their children, their cattle, and their bees, grant them
success in trade, in travel, and in the chase, enable them to pay
the Czar's taxes, and so forth.<a id="footnotetag450" name=
"footnotetag450"></a><a href="#footnote450"><sup>450</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerfrance" name="summerfrance"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in France; Bossuet on the Midsummer
festival.]</p>
<p>When we pass from the east to the west of Europe we still find
the summer solstice celebrated with rites of the same general
character. Down to about the middle of the nineteenth century the
custom of lighting bonfires at midsummer prevailed so commonly in
France that there was hardly a town or a village, we are told,
where they were not kindled.<a id="footnotetag451" name=
"footnotetag451"></a><a href="#footnote451"><sup>451</sup></a>
Though the pagan origin of the custom may be regarded as certain,
the Catholic Church threw a Christian cloak over it by boldly
declaring that the bonfires were lit in token of the general
rejoicing at the birth of the Baptist, who opportunely came into
the world at the solstice of summer, just as his greater successor
did at the solstice of winter; so that the whole year might be said
to revolve on <span class="pagenum"><a id="page182" name=
"page182"></a>[pg 182]</span> the golden hinges of these two great
birthdays.<a id="footnotetag452" name="footnotetag452"></a><a href=
"#footnote452"><sup>452</sup></a> Writing in the seventeenth
century Bishop Bossuet expressly affirms this edifying theory of
the Midsummer bonfires, and he tells his catechumens that the
Church herself participated in the illumination, since in several
dioceses, including his own diocese of Meaux, a number of parishes
kindled what were called ecclesiastical fires for the purpose of
banishing the superstitions practised at the purely mundane
bonfires. These superstitions, he goes on to say, consisted in
dancing round the fire, playing, feasting, singing ribald songs,
throwing herbs across the fire, gathering herbs at noon or while
fasting, carrying them on the person, preserving them throughout
the year, keeping brands or cinders of the fire, and other similar
practices.<a id="footnotetag453" name="footnotetag453"></a><a href=
"#footnote453"><sup>453</sup></a> However excellent the intentions
of the ecclesiastical authorities may have been, they failed of
effecting their purpose; for the superstitions as well as the
bonfires survived in France far into the nineteenth century, if
indeed they are extinct even now at the beginning of the twentieth.
Writing in the latter part of the nineteenth century Mr. Ch.
Cuissard tells us that he himself witnessed in Touraine and Poitou
the superstitious practices which he describes as follows: "The
most credulous examine the ways in which the flame burns and draw
good or bad omens accordingly. Others, after leaping through the
flames crosswise, pass their little children through them thrice,
fully persuaded that the little ones will then be able to walk at
once. In some places the shepherds make their sheep tread the
embers of the extinct fire in order to preserve them from the
foot-rot. Here you may see about midnight an old woman grubbing
among the cinders of the pyre to find the hair of the Holy Virgin
or Saint <span class="pagenum"><a id="page183" name=
"page183"></a>[pg 183]</span> John, which she deems an infallible
specific against fever. There, another woman is busy plucking the
roots of the herbs which have been burned on the surface of the
ground; she intends to eat them, imagining that they are an
infallible preservative against cancer. Elsewhere a girl wears on
her neck a flower which the touch of St. John's fire has turned for
her into a talisman, and she is sure to marry within the year.
Shots are fired at the tree planted in the midst of the fire to
drive away the demons who might purpose to send sicknesses about
the country. Seats are set round about the bonfire, in order that
the souls of dead relations may come and enjoy themselves for a
little with the living."<a id="footnotetag454" name=
"footnotetag454"></a><a href="#footnote454"><sup>454</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerbrittany" name="summerbrittany"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Brittany; uses made of the charred
sticks and flowers.]</p>
<p>In Brittany, apparently, the custom of the Midsummer bonfires is
kept up to this day. Thus in Lower Brittany every town and every
village still lights its <i>tantad</i> or bonfire on St. John's
Night. When the flames have died down, the whole assembly kneels
round about the bonfire and an old man prays aloud. Then they all
rise and march thrice round the fire; at the third turn they stop
and every one picks up a pebble and throws it on the burning pile.
After that they disperse.<a id="footnotetag455" name=
"footnotetag455"></a><a href="#footnote455"><sup>455</sup></a> In
Finist&egrave;re the bonfires of St. John's Day are kindled by
preference in an open space near a chapel of St. John; but if there
is no such chapel, they are lighted in the square facing the parish
church and in some districts at cross-roads. Everybody brings fuel
for the fire, it may be a faggot, a log, a branch, or an armful of
gorse. When the vespers are over, the parish priest sets a light to
the pile. All heads are bared, prayers recited, and hymns sung.
Then the dancing begins. The young folk skip round the blazing pile
and leap over it, when the flames have died down. If anybody makes
a false step and falls or rolls in the hot embers, he or she is
greeted with hoots and retires abashed from the circle of dancers.
Brands are carried home from the bonfire to protect the houses
against lightning, conflagrations, and certain maladies and spells.
The precious talisman is carefully kept in a cupboard till
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page184" name="page184"></a>[pg
184]</span> St. John's Day of the following year.<a id=
"footnotetag456" name="footnotetag456"></a><a href=
"#footnote456"><sup>456</sup></a> At Quimper, and in the district
of L&eacute;on, chairs used to be placed round the midsummer
bonfire, that the souls of the dead might sit on them and warm
themselves at the blaze.<a id="footnotetag457" name=
"footnotetag457"></a><a href="#footnote457"><sup>457</sup></a> At
Brest on this day thousands of people used to assemble on the
ramparts towards evening and brandish lighted torches, which they
swung in circles or flung by hundreds into the air. The closing of
the town gates put an end to the spectacle, and the lights might be
seen dispersing in all directions like wandering
will-o'-the-wisps.<a id="footnotetag458" name=
"footnotetag458"></a><a href="#footnote458"><sup>458</sup></a> In
Upper Brittany the materials for the midsummer bonfires, which
generally consist of bundles of furze and heath, are furnished by
voluntary contributions, and piled on the tops of hills round
poles, each of which is surmounted by a nosegay or a crown. This
nosegay or crown is generally provided by a man named John or a
woman named Jean, and it is always a John or a Jean who puts a
light to the bonfire. While the fire is blazing the people dance
and sing round it, and when the flames have subsided they leap over
the glowing embers. Charred sticks from the bonfire are thrown into
wells to improve the water, and they are also taken home as a
protection against thunder.<a id="footnotetag459" name=
"footnotetag459"></a><a href="#footnote459"><sup>459</sup></a> To
make them thoroughly effective, however, against thunder and
lightning you should keep them near your bed, between a bit of a
Twelfth Night cake and a sprig of boxwood which has been blessed on
Palm Sunday.<a id="footnotetag460" name=
"footnotetag460"></a><a href="#footnote460"><sup>460</sup></a>
Flowers from the nosegay or crown which overhung the fire are
accounted charms against disease and pain, both bodily and
spiritual; hence girls hang them at their breast by a thread of
scarlet wool. In many parishes of Brittany the priest used to go in
procession with the crucifix and kindle the bonfire with his own
hands; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page185" name="page185"></a>[pg
185]</span> and farmers were wont to drive their flocks and herds
through the fire in order to preserve them from sickness till
midsummer of the following year. Also it was believed that every
girl who danced round nine of the bonfires would marry within the
year.<a id="footnotetag461" name="footnotetag461"></a><a href=
"#footnote461"><sup>461</sup></a></p>
<a id="summernormandy" name="summernormandy"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Normandy; the fires as a protection
against witchcraft; the Brotherhood of the Green Wolf at
Jumi&egrave;ges; pretence of throwing the Green Wolf into the
fire.]</p>
<p>In Normandy the midsummer fires have now almost disappeared, at
least in the district known as the Bocage, but they used to shine
on every hill. They were commonly made by piling brushwood, broom,
and ferns about a tall tree, which was decorated with a crown of
moss and sometimes with flowers. While they burned, people danced
and sang round them, and young folk leaped over the flames or the
glowing ashes. In the valley of the Orne the custom was to kindle
the bonfire just at the moment when the sun was about to dip below
the horizon; and the peasants drove their cattle through the fires
to protect them against witchcraft, especially against the spells
of witches and wizards who attempted to steal the milk and
butter.<a id="footnotetag462" name="footnotetag462"></a><a href=
"#footnote462"><sup>462</sup></a> At Jumi&egrave;ges in Normandy,
down to the first half of the nineteenth century, the midsummer
festival was marked by certain singular features which bore the
stamp of a very high antiquity. Every year, on the twenty-third of
June, the Eve of St. John, the Brotherhood of the Green Wolf chose
a new chief or master, who had always to be taken from the hamlet
of Conihout. On being elected, the new head of the brotherhood
assumed the title of the Green Wolf, and donned a peculiar costume
consisting of a long green mantle and a very tall green hat of a
conical shape and without a brim. Thus arrayed he stalked solemnly
at the head of the brothers, chanting the hymn of St. John, the
crucifix and holy banner leading the way, to a place called
Chouquet. Here the procession was met by the priest, precentors,
and choir, who conducted the brotherhood to the parish church.
After hearing mass the company adjourned to the house of the Green
Wolf, where a simple repast, such as is required by the church on
fast-days, was served up to them. Then they <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page186" name="page186"></a>[pg 186]</span> danced
before the door till it was time to light the bonfire. Night being
come, the fire was kindled to the sound of hand-bells by a young
man and a young woman, both decked with flowers. As the flames
rose, the <i>Te Deum</i> was sung, and a villager thundered out a
parody in the Norman dialect of the hymn <i>ut queant laxis</i>.
Meantime the Green Wolf and his brothers, with their hoods down on
their shoulders and holding each other by the hand, ran round the
fire after the man who had been chosen to be the Green Wolf of the
following year. Though only the first and the last man of the chain
had a hand free, their business was to surround and seize thrice
the future Green Wolf, who in his efforts to escape belaboured the
brothers with a long wand which he carried. When at last they
succeeded in catching him they carried him to the burning pile and
made as if they would throw him on it. This ceremony over, they
returned to the house of the Green Wolf, where a supper, still of
the most meagre fare, was set before them. Up till midnight a sort
of religious solemnity prevailed. No unbecoming word might fall
from the lips of any of the company, and a censor, armed with a
hand-bell, was appointed to mark and punish instantly any
infraction of the rule. But at the stroke of twelve all this was
changed. Constraint gave way to license; pious hymns were replaced
by Bacchanalian ditties, and the shrill quavering notes of the
village fiddle hardly rose above the roar of voices that went up
from the merry brotherhood of the Green Wolf. Next day, the
twenty-fourth of June or Midsummer Day, was celebrated by the same
personages with the same noisy gaiety. One of the ceremonies
consisted in parading, to the sound of musketry, an enormous loaf
of consecrated bread, which, rising in tiers, was surmounted by a
pyramid of verdure adorned with ribbons. After that the holy
handbells, deposited on the step of the altar, were entrusted as
insignia of office to the man who was to be the Green Wolf next
year.<a id="footnotetag463" name="footnotetag463"></a><a href=
"#footnote463"><sup>463</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page187" name="page187"></a>[pg
187]</span> <a id="summerpicardy" name="summerpicardy"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Picardy.]</p>
<p>In the canton of Breteuil in Picardy (department of Oise) the
priest used to kindle the midsummer bonfire, and the people marched
thrice round it in procession. Some of them took ashes of the fire
home with them to protect the houses against lightning.<a id=
"footnotetag464" name="footnotetag464"></a><a href=
"#footnote464"><sup>464</sup></a> The custom is, or was down to
recent years, similar at Vorges, near Laon. An enormous pyre, some
fifty or sixty feet high, supported in the middle by a tall pole,
is constructed every year on the twenty-third of June, the Eve of
St. John. It stands at one end of the village, and all the
inhabitants contribute fuel to it: a cart goes round the village in
the morning, by order of the mayor, collecting combustibles from
house to house: no one would dream of refusing to comply with the
customary obligation. In the evening, after a service in honour of
St. John has been performed in the church, the clergy, the mayor,
the municipal authorities, the rural police, and the fire-brigade
march in procession to the bonfire, accompanied by the inhabitants
and a crowd of idlers drawn by curiosity from the neighbouring
villages. After addressing the throng in a sermon, to which they
pay little heed, the parish priest sprinkles the pyre with holy
water, and taking a lighted torch from the hand of an assistant
sets fire to the pile. The enormous blaze, flaring up against the
dark sky of the summer night, is seen for many miles around,
particularly from the hill of Laon. When it has died down into a
huge heap of glowing embers and grey ashes, every one carries home
a charred stick or some cinders; and the fire-brigade, playing
their hose on what remains, extinguishes the smouldering fire. The
people preserve the charred sticks and cinders throughout the year,
believing that these relics of St John's bonfire have power to
guard them from lightning and from contagious diseases.<a id=
"footnotetag465" name="footnotetag465"></a><a href=
"#footnote465"><sup>465</sup></a> At Ch&acirc;teau-Thierry, a town
of the department of Aisne, between Paris and Reims, the custom of
lighting bonfires and dancing round them at the midsummer festival
of St. John lasted down to about 1850; the fires were kindled
especially when June had <span class="pagenum"><a id="page188"
name="page188"></a>[pg 188]</span> been rainy, and the people
thought that the lighting of the bonfires would cause the rain to
cease.<a id="footnotetag466" name="footnotetag466"></a><a href=
"#footnote466"><sup>466</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerbeauce" name="summerbeauce"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Beauce and Perche; the fires as a
protection against witchcraft.]</p>
<p>In Beauce and Perche, two neighbouring districts of France to
the south-west of Paris, the midsummer bonfires have nearly or
wholly disappeared, but formerly they were commonly kindled and
went by the name of the "fires of St. John." The site of the
bonfire was either the village square or beside the cross in the
cemetery. Here a great pile of faggots, brushwood, and grass was
accumulated about a huge branch, which bore at the top a crown of
fresh flowers. The priest blessed the bonfire and the people danced
round it. When it blazed and crackled, the bystanders thrust their
heads into the puffs of smoke, in the belief that it would preserve
them from a multitude of ills; and when the fire was burnt out,
they rushed upon the charred embers and ashes and carried them
home, imagining that they had a secret virtue to guard their houses
from being struck by lightning or consumed by fire. Some of the
Perche farmers in the old days, not content with the public
bonfire, used to light little private bonfires in their farmyards
and make all their cattle pass through the smoke and flames for the
purpose of protecting them against witchcraft or disease.<a id=
"footnotetag467" name="footnotetag467"></a><a href=
"#footnote467"><sup>467</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerardennes" name="summerardennes"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in the Ardennes, the Vosges, and the Jura;
the Midsummer fires in Franche-Comt&eacute;; the Midsummer fires in
Berry and other parts of Central France.]</p>
<p>In the department of the Ardennes every one was wont to
contribute his faggot to the midsummer bonfire, and the clergy
marched at the head of the procession to kindle it. Failure to
light the fires would, in the popular belief, have exposed the
fields to the greatest danger. At Revin the young folk, besides
dancing round the fire to the strains of the village fiddler, threw
garlands of flowers across the flames to each other.<a id=
"footnotetag468" name="footnotetag468"></a><a href=
"#footnote468"><sup>468</sup></a> In the Vosges it is still
customary to kindle bonfires upon the hill-tops on Midsummer Eve;
the people believe that the fires help to preserve the fruits of
the earth and ensure good crops.<a id="footnotetag469" name=
"footnotetag469"></a><a href="#footnote469"><sup>469</sup></a> In
the Jura Mountains the midsummer <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page189" name="page189"></a>[pg 189]</span> bonfires went by the
name of <i>b&acirc;</i> or <i>beau</i>. They were lit on the most
conspicuous points of the landscape.<a id="footnotetag470" name=
"footnotetag470"></a><a href="#footnote470"><sup>470</sup></a> Near
St. Jean, in the Jura, it appears that at this season young people
still repair to the cross-roads and heights, and there wave burning
torches so as to present the appearance of fiery wheels in the
darkness.<a id="footnotetag471" name="footnotetag471"></a><a href=
"#footnote471"><sup>471</sup></a> In Franche-Comt&eacute;, the
province of France which lies immediately to the west of the Jura
mountains, the fires of St. John still shone on the saint's day in
several villages down to recent years. They were generally lit on
high ground and the young folks of both sexes sang and danced round
them, and sprang over the dying flames.<a id="footnotetag472" name=
"footnotetag472"></a><a href="#footnote472"><sup>472</sup></a> In
Bresse bonfires used to be kindled on Midsummer Eve (the
twenty-third of June) and the people danced about them in a circle.
Devout persons, particularly old women, circumambulated the fires
fourteen times, telling their beads and mumbling seven
<i>Paters</i> and seven <i>Aves</i> in the hope that thereby they
would feel no pains in their backs when they stooped over the
sickle in the harvest field.<a id="footnotetag473" name=
"footnotetag473"></a><a href="#footnote473"><sup>473</sup></a> In
Berry, a district of Central France, the midsummer fire was lit on
the Eve of St. John and went by the name of the
<i>j&ocirc;n&eacute;e, joann&eacute;e</i>, or
<i>jouann&eacute;e</i>. Every family according to its means
contributed faggots, which were piled round a pole on the highest
ground in the neighbourhood. In the hamlets the office of kindling
the fire devolved on the oldest man, but in the towns it was the
priest or the mayor who discharged the duty. Here, as in Brittany,
people supposed that a girl who had danced round nine of the
midsummer bonfires would marry within the year. To leap several
times over the fire was regarded as a sort of purification which
kept off sickness and brought good luck to the leaper. Hence the
nimble youth bounded through the smoke and flames, and when the
fire had somewhat abated parents jumped across it with their
children in their arms in order that the little ones might also
partake of its <span class="pagenum"><a id="page190" name=
"page190"></a>[pg 190]</span> beneficent influence. Embers from the
extinct bonfire were taken home, and after being dipped in holy
water were kept as a talisman against all kinds of misfortune, but
especially against lightning.<a id="footnotetag474" name=
"footnotetag474"></a><a href="#footnote474"><sup>474</sup></a> The
same virtue was ascribed to the ashes and charred sticks of the
midsummer bonfire in P&eacute;rigord, where everybody contributed
his share of fuel to the pile and the whole was crowned with
flowers, especially with roses and lilies.<a id="footnotetag475"
name="footnotetag475"></a><a href="#footnote475"><sup>475</sup></a>
On the borders of the departments of Creuse and Corr&egrave;ze, in
Central France, the fires of St. John used to be lit on the Eve of
the saint's day (the twenty-third of June); the custom seems to
have survived till towards the end of the nineteenth century. Men,
women, and children assembled round the fires, and the young people
jumped over them. Children were brought by their parents or elder
brothers into contact with the flames in the belief that this would
save them from fever. Older people girded themselves with stalks of
rye taken from a neighbouring field, because they fancied that by
so doing they would not grow weary in reaping the corn at
harvest.<a id="footnotetag476" name="footnotetag476"></a><a href=
"#footnote476"><sup>476</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerpoitou" name="summerpoitou"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Poitou.]</p>
<p>Bonfires were lit in almost all the hamlets of Poitou on the Eve
of St. John. People marched round them thrice, carrying a branch of
walnut in their hand. Shepherdesses and children passed sprigs of
mullein (<i>verbascum</i>) and nuts across the flames; the nuts
were supposed to cure toothache, and the mullein to protect the
cattle from sickness and sorcery. When the fire died down people
took some of the ashes home with them, either to keep them in the
house as a preservative against thunder or to scatter them on the
fields for the purpose of destroying corn-cockles and darnel.
Stones were also placed round the fire, and it was believed that
the first to lift one of these stones next morning would find under
it the hair of St. John.<a id="footnotetag477" name=
"footnotetag477"></a><a href="#footnote477"><sup>477</sup></a> In
Poitou also it used to be <span class="pagenum"><a id="page191"
name="page191"></a>[pg 191]</span> customary on the Eve of St. John
to trundle a blazing wheel wrapt in straw over the fields to
fertilize them.<a id="footnotetag478" name=
"footnotetag478"></a><a href="#footnote478"><sup>478</sup></a> This
last custom is said to be now extinct,<a id="footnotetag479" name=
"footnotetag479"></a><a href="#footnote479"><sup>479</sup></a> but
it is still usual, or was so down to recent years, in Poitou to
kindle fires on this day at cross-roads or on the heights. The
oldest or youngest person present sets a light to the pile, which
consists of broom, gorse, and heath. A bright and crackling blaze
shoots up, but soon dies down, and over it the young folk leap.
They also throw stones into it, picking the stone according to the
size of the turnips that they wish to have that year. It is said
that "the good Virgin" comes and sits on the prettiest of the
stones, and next morning they see there her beautiful golden
tresses. At Lussac, in Poitou, the lighting of the midsummer
bonfire is still an affair of some ceremony. A pyramid of faggots
is piled round a tree or tall pole on the ground where the fair is
held; the priest goes in procession to the spot and kindles the
pile. When prayers have been said and the clergy have withdrawn,
the people continue to march round the fire, telling their beads,
but it is not till the flames have begun to die down that the youth
jump over them. A brand from the midsummer bonfire is supposed to
be a preservative against thunder.<a id="footnotetag480" name=
"footnotetag480"></a><a href="#footnote480"><sup>480</sup></a></p>
<a id="summervienne" name="summervienne"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in the departments of Vienne and
Deux-S&egrave;vres and in the provinces of Saintonge and
Aunis.]</p>
<p>In the department of Vienne the bonfire was kindled by the
oldest man, and before the dance round the flames began it was the
custom to pass across them a great bunch of mullein (<i>bouillon
blanc</i>) and a branch of walnut, which next morning before
sunrise were fastened over the door of the chief cattle-shed.<a id=
"footnotetag481" name="footnotetag481"></a><a href=
"#footnote481"><sup>481</sup></a> A similar custom prevailed in the
neighbouring department of Deux-S&egrave;vres; but here it was the
priest who kindled the bonfire, and old men used to put embers of
the fire in their wooden shoes as a preservative <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page192" name="page192"></a>[pg 192]</span>
against many evils.<a id="footnotetag482" name=
"footnotetag482"></a><a href="#footnote482"><sup>482</sup></a> In
some towns and villages of Saintonge and Aunis, provinces of
Western France now mostly comprised in the department of Charente
Inf&eacute;rieure, the fires of St. John are still kindled on
Midsummer Eve, but the custom is neither so common nor carried out
with so much pomp and ceremony as formerly. Great quantities of
wood used to be piled on an open space round about a huge post or a
tree stripped of its leaves and branches. Every one took care to
contribute a faggot to the pile, and the whole population marched
to the spot in procession with the crucifix at their head and the
priest bringing up the rear. The squire, or other person of high
degree, put the torch to the pyre, and the priest blessed it. In
the southern and eastern parts of Saintonge children and cattle
were passed through the smoke of the bonfires to preserve them from
contagious diseases, and when the fire had gone out the people
scuffled for the charred fragments of the great post, which they
regarded as talismans against thunder. Next morning, on Midsummer
Day, every shepherdess in the neighbourhood was up very early, for
the first to drive her sheep over the blackened cinders and ashes
of the great bonfire was sure to have the best flock all that year.
Where the shepherds shrunk from driving their flocks through the
smoke and flames of the bonfire they contented themselves with
marking the hinder-quarters of the animals with a broom which had
been blackened in the ashes.<a id="footnotetag483" name=
"footnotetag483"></a><a href="#footnote483"><sup>483</sup></a></p>
<a id="summersouthernfrance" name="summersouthernfrance"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Southern France; Midsummer festival of
fire and water in Provence; bathing in the sea at Midsummer;
temporary Midsummer kings at Aix and Marseilles.]</p>
<p>In the mountainous part of Comminges, a province of Southern
France, now comprised in the department of Haute Garonne, the
midsummer fire is made by splitting open the trunk of a tall tree,
stuffing the crevice with shavings, and igniting the whole. A
garland of flowers is fastened to the top of the tree, and at the
moment when the fire is lighted the man who was last married has to
climb up a ladder and bring the flowers down. In the flat parts of
the same district the materials of the midsummer bonfires consist
of fuel piled in the usual way; but they must be <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page193" name="page193"></a>[pg 193]</span> put
together by men who have been married since the last midsummer
festival, and each of these benedicts is obliged to lay a wreath of
flowers on the top of the pile.<a id="footnotetag484" name=
"footnotetag484"></a><a href="#footnote484"><sup>484</sup></a> At
the entrance of the valley of Aran young people set up on the banks
of the Garonne a tree covered with ribbons and garlands; at the end
of a year the withered tree and faded flowers furnish excellent
fuel. So on the Eve of St. John the villagers assemble, and an old
man or a child kindles the fire which is to consume tree and
garlands together. While the blaze lasts the people sing and dance;
and the burnt tree is then replaced by another which will suffer
the same fate after the lapse of a year.<a id="footnotetag485"
name="footnotetag485"></a><a href="#footnote485"><sup>485</sup></a>
In some districts of the French Pyrenees it is deemed necessary to
leap nine times over the midsummer fire if you would be assured of
prosperity.<a id="footnotetag486" name=
"footnotetag486"></a><a href="#footnote486"><sup>486</sup></a> A
traveller in Southern France at the beginning of the nineteenth
century tells us that "the Eve of St. John is also a day of joy for
the Proven&ccedil;als. They light great fires and the young folk
leap over them. At Aix they shower squibs and crackers on the
passers-by, which has often had disagreeable consequences. At
Marseilles they drench each other with scented water, which is
poured from the windows or squirted from little syringes; the
roughest jest is to souse passers-by with clean water, which gives
rise to loud bursts of laughter."<a id="footnotetag487" name=
"footnotetag487"></a><a href="#footnote487"><sup>487</sup></a> At
Draguignan, in the department of Var, fires used to be lit in every
street on the Eve of St. John, and the people roasted pods of
garlic at them; the pods were afterwards distributed to every
family. Another diversion of the evening was to pour cans of water
from the houses on the heads of people in the streets.<a id=
"footnotetag488" name="footnotetag488"></a><a href=
"#footnote488"><sup>488</sup></a> In Provence the midsummer fires
are still popular. Children go from door to door begging for fuel,
and they are seldom sent empty away. Formerly the priest, the
mayor, and the aldermen used to walk in procession to the bonfire,
and even deigned to light it; after which the assembly marched
thrice round the burning pile, while the <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page194" name="page194"></a>[pg 194]</span> church
bells pealed and rockets fizzed and sputtered in the air. Dancing
began later, and the bystanders threw water on each other. At
Ciotat, while the fire was blazing, the young people plunged into
the sea and splashed each other vigorously. At Vitrolles they
bathed in a pond in order that they might not suffer from fever
during the year, and at Saintes-Maries they watered the horses to
protect them from the itch.<a id="footnotetag489" name=
"footnotetag489"></a><a href="#footnote489"><sup>489</sup></a> At
Aix a nominal king, chosen from among the youth for his skill in
shooting at a popinjay, presided over the festival. He selected his
own officers, and escorted by a brilliant train marched to the
bonfire, kindled it, and was the first to dance round it. Next day
he distributed largesse to his followers. His reign lasted a year,
during which he enjoyed certain privileges. He was allowed to
attend the mass celebrated by the commander of the Knights of St.
John on St. John's Day: the right of hunting was accorded to him;
and soldiers might not be quartered in his house. At Marseilles
also on this day one of the guilds chose a king of the
<i>badache</i> or double axe; but it does not appear that he
kindled the bonfire, which is said to have been lighted with great
ceremony by the pr&eacute;fet and other authorities.<a id=
"footnotetag490" name="footnotetag490"></a><a href=
"#footnote490"><sup>490</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerbelgium" name="summerbelgium"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Belgium; bonfires on St. Peter's Day in
Brabant; the King and Queen of the Roses; effigies burnt in the
Midsummer fires.]</p>
<p>In Belgium the custom of kindling the midsummer bonfires has
long disappeared from the great cities, but it is still kept up in
rural districts and small towns of Brabant, Flanders, and Limburg.
People leap across the fires to protect themselves against fever,
and in eastern Flanders women perform similar leaps for the purpose
of ensuring an easy delivery. At Termonde young people go from door
to door collecting fuel for the fires and reciting verses, in which
they beg the inmates to give them "wood of St. John" and to keep
some wood for St. Peter's Day (the twenty-ninth of June); for in
Belgium the Eve of St. Peter's Day is celebrated by bonfires and
dances exactly like those which commemorate St. John's Eve. The
ashes of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page195" name=
"page195"></a>[pg 195]</span> the St. John's fires are deemed by
Belgian peasants an excellent remedy for consumption, if you take a
spoonful or two of them, moistened with water, day by day. People
also burn vervain in the fires, and they say that in the ashes of
the plant you may find, if you look for it, the "Fool's
Stone."<a id="footnotetag491" name="footnotetag491"></a><a href=
"#footnote491"><sup>491</sup></a> In many parts of Brabant St.
Peter's bonfire used to be much larger than that of his rival St.
John. When it had burned out, both sexes engaged in a game of ball,
and the winner became the King of Summer or of the Ball and had the
right to choose his Queen. Sometimes the winner was a woman, and it
was then her privilege to select her royal mate. This pastime was
well known at Louvain and it continued to be practised at Grammont
and Mespelaer down to the second half of the nineteenth century. At
Mespelaer, which is a village near Termonde, a huge pile of
eglantine, reeds, and straw was collected in a marshy meadow for
the bonfire; and next evening after vespers the young folk who had
lit it assembled at the "Good Life" tavern to play the game. The
winner was crowned with a wreath of roses, and the rest danced and
sang in a ring about him. At Grammont, while the bonfire was lit
and the dances round it took place on St. Peter's Eve, the festival
of the "Crown of Roses" was deferred till the following Sunday. The
young folk arranged among themselves beforehand who should be King
and Queen of the Roses: the rosy wreaths were hung on cords across
the street: the dancers danced below them, and at a given moment
the wreaths fell on the heads of the chosen King and Queen, who had
to entertain their fellows at a feast. According to some people the
fires of St. Peter, like those of St. John, were lighted in order
to drive away dragons.<a id="footnotetag492" name=
"footnotetag492"></a><a href="#footnote492"><sup>492</sup></a> In
French Flanders down to 1789 a straw figure representing a man was
always burned in the midsummer bonfire, and the figure of a woman
was burned on St. Peter's Day.<a id="footnotetag493" name=
"footnotetag493"></a><a href="#footnote493"><sup>493</sup></a> In
Belgium people jump over the midsummer bonfires as a <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page196" name="page196"></a>[pg 196]</span>
preventive of colic, and they keep the ashes at home to hinder fire
from breaking out.<a id="footnotetag494" name=
"footnotetag494"></a><a href="#footnote494"><sup>494</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerengland" name="summerengland"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in England; Stow's description of the
Midsummer fires in London; the Midsummer fires at Eton.]</p>
<p>The custom of lighting bonfires at midsummer has been observed
in many parts of our own country. "On the Vigil of Saint John the
Baptist, commonly called Midsummer Eve, it was usual in most
country places, and also in towns and cities, for the inhabitants,
both old and young, and of both sexes, to meet together, and make
merry by the side of a large fire made in the middle of the street,
or in some open and convenient place, over which the young men
frequently leaped by way of frolic, and also exercised themselves
with various sports and pastimes, more especially with running,
wrestling, and dancing. These diversions they continued till
midnight, and sometimes till cock-crowing."<a id="footnotetag495"
name="footnotetag495"></a><a href="#footnote495"><sup>495</sup></a>
In the streets of London the midsummer fires were lighted in the
time of Queen Elizabeth down to the end of the sixteenth century,
as we learn from Stow's description, which runs thus: "In the
months of June and July, on the vigils of festival days, and on the
same festival days in the evenings after the sun setting, there
were usually made bonfires in the streets, every man bestowing wood
or labour towards them; the wealthier sort also, before their doors
near to the said bonfires, would set out tables on the vigils
furnished with sweet bread and good drink, and on the festival days
with meats and drinks plentifully, whereunto they would invite
their neighbours and passengers also to sit and be merry with them
in great familiarity, praising God for His benefits bestowed on
them. These were called bonfires as well of good amity amongst
neighbours that being before at controversy, were there, by the
labour of others, reconciled, and made of bitter enemies loving
friends; and also for the virtue that a great fire hath to purge
the infection of the air. On the vigil of St. John the Baptist, and
on St. Peter and Paul the Apostles, every man's door being shadowed
with green birch, long fennel, St John's wort, orpin, white lilies,
and such like, garnished upon with garlands of beautiful flowers,
had also lamps of glass, with oil burning in them all the night;
some hung <span class="pagenum"><a id="page197" name=
"page197"></a>[pg 197]</span> out branches of iron curiously
wrought, containing hundreds of lamps alight at once, which made a
goodly show, namely, in New Fish Street, Thames Street, etc."<a id=
"footnotetag496" name="footnotetag496"></a><a href=
"#footnote496"><sup>496</sup></a> In the sixteenth century the Eton
boys used to kindle a bonfire on the east side of the church both
on St John's Day and on St. Peter's Day.<a id="footnotetag497"
name="footnotetag497"></a><a href="#footnote497"><sup>497</sup></a>
Writing in the second half of the seventeenth century, the
antiquary John Aubrey tells us that bonfires were still kindled in
many places on St. John's Night, but that the civil wars had thrown
many of these old customs out of fashion. Wars, he adds, extinguish
superstition as well as religion and laws, and there is nothing
like gunpowder for putting phantoms to flight.<a id=
"footnotetag498" name="footnotetag498"></a><a href=
"#footnote498"><sup>498</sup></a></p>
<a id="summernorthengland" name="summernorthengland"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in the north of England; the Midsummer
fires in Northumberland.]</p>
<p>In the north of England these fires used to be lit in the open
streets. Young and old gathered round them, and while the young
leaped over the fires and engaged in games, their elders looked on
and probably remembered with regret the days when they used to foot
it as nimbly. Sometimes the fires were kindled on the tops of high
hills. The people also carried firebrands about the fields.<a id=
"footnotetag499" name="footnotetag499"></a><a href=
"#footnote499"><sup>499</sup></a> The custom of kindling bonfires
on Midsummer Eve prevailed all over Cumberland down to the second
half of the eighteenth century.<a id="footnotetag500" name=
"footnotetag500"></a><a href="#footnote500"><sup>500</sup></a> In
Northumberland the custom seems to have lasted into the first
quarter of the nineteenth century; the fires were lit in the
villages and on the tops of high hills, and the people sported and
danced round them.<a id="footnotetag501" name=
"footnotetag501"></a><a href="#footnote501"><sup>501</sup></a>
Moreover, the villagers used to run with burning brands round their
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page198" name="page198"></a>[pg
198]</span> fields and to snatch ashes from a neighbour's fire,
saying as they did so, "We have the flower (or flour) of the
wake."<a id="footnotetag502" name="footnotetag502"></a><a href=
"#footnote502"><sup>502</sup></a> At Sandhill bonfires were kindled
on the Eve of St. Peter as well as on Midsummer Eve; the custom is
attested for the year 1575, when it was described as ancient.<a id=
"footnotetag503" name="footnotetag503"></a><a href=
"#footnote503"><sup>503</sup></a> We are told that "on Midsummer's
eve, reckoned according to the old style, it was formerly the
custom of the inhabitants, young and old, not only of Whalton, but
of most of the adjacent villages, to collect a large cartload of
whins and other combustible materials, which was dragged by them
with great rejoicing (a fiddler being seated on the top of the
cart) into the village and erected into a pile. The people from the
surrounding country assembled towards evening, when it was set on
fire; and whilst the young danced around it, the elders looked on
smoking their pipes and drinking their beer, until it was consumed.
There can be little doubt that this curious old custom dates from a
very remote antiquity." In a law-suit, which was tried in 1878, the
rector of Whalton gave evidence of the constant use of the village
green for the ceremony since 1843. "The bonfire," he said, "was
lighted a little to the north-east of the well at Whalton, and
partly on the footpath, and people danced round it and jumped
through it. That was never interrupted." The Rev. G.R. Hall,
writing in 1879, says that "the fire festivals or bonfires of the
summer solstice at the Old Midsummer until recently were
commemorated on Christenburg Crags and elsewhere by leaping through
and dancing round the fires, as those who have been present have
told me."<a id="footnotetag504" name="footnotetag504"></a><a href=
"#footnote504"><sup>504</sup></a> Down to the early part of the
nineteenth century bonfires called Beal-fires used to be lit on
Midsummer Eve all over the wolds in the East Riding of
Yorkshire.<a id="footnotetag505" name="footnotetag505"></a><a href=
"#footnote505"><sup>505</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page199" name="page199"></a>[pg
199]</span> <a id="summerherefordshire" name=
"summerherefordshire"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Herefordshire, Somersetshire,
Devonshire, and Cornwall; the Cornish fires on Midsummer Eve and
St. Peter's Eve.]</p>
<p>In Herefordshire and Somersetshire the peasants used to make
fires in the fields on Midsummer Eve "to bless the apples."<a id=
"footnotetag506" name="footnotetag506"></a><a href=
"#footnote506"><sup>506</sup></a> In Devonshire the custom of
leaping over the midsummer fires was also observed.<a id=
"footnotetag507" name="footnotetag507"></a><a href=
"#footnote507"><sup>507</sup></a> "In Cornwall, the festival fires,
called bonfires, are kindled on the Eves of St. John Baptist and
St. Peter's day; and Midsummer is thence, in the Cornish tongue,
called <i>Goluan</i>, which signifies both light and rejoicing. At
these fires the Cornish attend with lighted torches, tarred and
pitched at the end, and make their perambulations round their
fires, going from village to village and carrying their torches
before them; this is certainly the remains of Druid superstition;
for, <i>Faces praeferre</i>, to carry lighted torches was reckoned
a kind of gentilism, and as such particularly prohibited by the
Gallick Councils."<a id="footnotetag508" name=
"footnotetag508"></a><a href="#footnote508"><sup>508</sup></a> At
Penzance and elsewhere in the county the people danced and sang
about the bonfires on Midsummer Eve. On Whiteborough, a large
tumulus near Launceston, a huge bonfire used to be kindled on
Midsummer Eve; a tall summer pole with a large bush at the top was
fixed in the centre of the bonfire.<a id="footnotetag509" name=
"footnotetag509"></a><a href="#footnote509"><sup>509</sup></a> The
Cornish fires at this season appear to have been commonly lit on
high and conspicuous hills, such as Tregonan, Godolphin, Carnwarth,
and Cam Brea. When it grew dusk on Midsummer Eve, old men would
hobble away to some height whence they counted the fires and drew a
presage from their number.<a id="footnotetag510" name=
"footnotetag510"></a><a href="#footnote510"><sup>510</sup></a> "It
is the immemorial usage in Penzance, and the neighbouring towns and
villages, to kindle bonfires and torches on Midsummer-eve; and on
Midsummer-day to hold a fair on Penzance quay, where the country
folks assemble from the adjoining parishes in great numbers to make
excursions on the water. St. Peter's Eve <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page200" name="page200"></a>[pg 200]</span> (the
twenty-eighth of June) is distinguished by a similar display of
bonfires and torches, although the 'quay-fair' on St. Peter's-day
(the twenty-ninth of June), has been discontinued upwards of forty
years. On these eves a line of tar-barrels, relieved occasionally
by large bonfires, is seen in the centre of each of the principal
streets in Penzance. On either side of this line young men and
women pass up and down, swinging round their heads heavy torches
made of large pieces of folded canvas steeped in tar, and nailed to
the ends of sticks between three and four feet long; the flames of
some of these almost equal those of the tar-barrels. Rows of
lighted candles, also, when the air is calm, are fixed outside the
windows or along the sides of the streets. In St. Just, and other
mining parishes, the young miners, mimicking their fathers'
employments, bore rows of holes in the rocks, load them with
gunpowder, and explode them in rapid succession by trains of the
same substance. As the holes are not deep enough to split the
rocks, the same little batteries serve for many years. On these
nights, Mount's Bay has a most animating appearance, although not
equal to what was annually witnessed at the beginning of the
present century, when the whole coast, from the Land's End to the
Lizard, wherever a town or a village existed, was lighted up with
these stationary or moving fires. In the early part of the evening,
children may be seen wearing wreaths of flowers&mdash;a custom in
all probability originating from the ancient use of these ornaments
when they danced around the fires. At the close of the fireworks in
Penzance, a great number of persons of both sexes, chiefly from the
neighbourhood of the quay, used always, until within the last few
years, to join hand in hand, forming a long string, and run through
the streets, playing 'thread the needle,' heedless of the fireworks
showered upon them, and oftentimes leaping over the yet glowing
embers. I have on these occasions seen boys following one another,
jumping through flames higher than themselves."<a id=
"footnotetag511" name="footnotetag511"></a><a href=
"#footnote511"><sup>511</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerwales" name="summerwales"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Wales and the Isle of Man; burning wheel
rolled down hill.]</p>
<p>In Wales the midsummer fires were kindled on St. John's
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page201" name="page201"></a>[pg
201]</span> Eve and on St. John's Day. Three or nine different
kinds of wood and charred faggots carefully preserved from the last
midsummer were deemed necessary to build the bonfire, which was
generally done on rising ground. Various herbs were thrown into the
blaze; and girls with bunches of three or nine different kinds of
flowers would take the hands of boys, who wore flowers in their
buttonholes and hats, and together the young couples would leap
over the fires. On the same two midsummer days roses and wreaths of
flowers were hung over the doors and windows. "Describing a
midsummer fire, an old inhabitant, born in 1809, remembered being
taken to different hills in the Vale of Glamorgan to see
festivities in which people from all parts of the district
participated. She was at that time about fourteen, and old enough
to retain a vivid recollection of the circumstances. People
conveyed trusses of straw to the top of the hill, where men and
youths waited for the contributions. Women and girls were stationed
at the bottom of the hill. Then a large cart-wheel was thickly
swathed with straw, and not an inch of wood was left in sight. A
pole was inserted through the centre of the wheel, so that long
ends extended about a yard on each side. If any straw remained, it
was made up into torches at the top of tall sticks. At a given
signal the wheel was lighted, and sent rolling downhill. If this
fire-wheel went out before it reached the bottom of the hill, a
very poor harvest was promised. If it kept lighted all the way
down, and continued blazing for a long time, the harvest would be
exceptionally abundant. Loud cheers and shouts accompanied the
progress of the wheel."<a id="footnotetag512" name=
"footnotetag512"></a><a href="#footnote512"><sup>512</sup></a> At
Darowen in Wales small bonfires were kindled on Midsummer
Eve.<a id="footnotetag513" name="footnotetag513"></a><a href=
"#footnote513"><sup>513</sup></a> On the same day people in the
Isle of Man were wont to light fires to the windward of every
field, so that the smoke might pass over the corn; and they folded
their cattle and carried blazing furze or gorse round them several
times.<a id="footnotetag514" name="footnotetag514"></a><a href=
"#footnote514"><sup>514</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerireland" name="summerireland"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Ireland; passage of people and cattle
through the fires; cattle driven through the fire; ashes used to
fertilize the fields; the White Horse at the Midsummer fire.]</p>
<p>A writer of the last quarter of the seventeenth century
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page202" name="page202"></a>[pg
202]</span> tells us that in Ireland, "on the Eves of St. John
Baptist and St. Peter, they always have in every town a bonfire,
late in the evenings, and carry about bundles of reeds fast tied
and fired; these being dry, will last long, and flame better than a
torch, and be a pleasing divertive prospect to the distant
beholder; a stranger would go near to imagine the whole country was
on fire."<a id="footnotetag515" name="footnotetag515"></a><a href=
"#footnote515"><sup>515</sup></a> Another writer says of the South
of Ireland: "On Midsummer's Eve, every eminence, near which is a
habitation, blazes with bonfires; and round these they carry
numerous torches, shouting and dancing, which affords a beautiful
sight."<a id="footnotetag516" name="footnotetag516"></a><a href=
"#footnote516"><sup>516</sup></a> An author who described Ireland
in the first quarter of the eighteenth century says: "On the vigil
of St. John the Baptist's Nativity, they make bonfires, and run
along the streets and fields with wisps of straw blazing on long
poles to purify the air, which they think infectious, by believing
all the devils, spirits, ghosts, and hobgoblins fly abroad this
night to hurt mankind."<a id="footnotetag517" name=
"footnotetag517"></a><a href="#footnote517"><sup>517</sup></a>
Another writer states that he witnessed the festival in Ireland in
1782: "At the house where I was entertained, it was told me, that
we should see, at midnight, the most singular sight in Ireland,
which was the lighting of fires in honour of the sun. Accordingly,
exactly at midnight, the fires began to appear; and taking the
advantage of going up to the leads of the house, which had a widely
extended view, I saw on a radius of thirty miles, all around, the
fires burning on every eminence which the country afforded. I had a
farther satisfaction in learning, from undoubted authority, that
the people danced round the fires, and at the close went through
these fires, and made their sons and daughters, together with their
cattle, pass through the fire; and the whole was conducted with
religious solemnity."<a id="footnotetag518" name=
"footnotetag518"></a><a href="#footnote518"><sup>518</sup></a> That
the custom prevailed in full force as late as 1867 appears from a
notice in a newspaper of that date, which runs thus: "The old pagan
fire-worship still survives in Ireland, though nominally
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page203" name="page203"></a>[pg
203]</span> in honour of St. John. On Sunday night bonfires were
observed throughout nearly every county in the province of
Leinster. In Kilkenny, fires blazed on every hillside at intervals
of about a mile. There were very many in the Queen's County, also
in Kildare and Wexford. The effect in the rich sunset appeared to
travellers very grand. The people assemble, and dance round the
fires, the children jump through the flames, and in former times
live coals were carried into the corn-fields to prevent
blight."<a id="footnotetag519" name="footnotetag519"></a><a href=
"#footnote519"><sup>519</sup></a> In County Leitrim on St. John's
Eve, which is called Bonfire Day, fires are still lighted after
dusk on the hills and along the sides of the roads.<a id=
"footnotetag520" name="footnotetag520"></a><a href=
"#footnote520"><sup>520</sup></a> All over Kerry the same thing
continues to be done, though not so commonly as of old. Small fires
were made across the road, and to drive through them brought luck
for the year. Cattle were also driven through the fires. On
Lettermore Island, in South Connemara, some of the ashes from the
midsummer bonfire are thrown on the fields to fertilize them.<a id=
"footnotetag521" name="footnotetag521"></a><a href=
"#footnote521"><sup>521</sup></a> One writer informs us that in
Munster and Connaught a bone must always be burned in the fire; for
otherwise the people believe that the fire will bring no luck. He
adds that in many places sterile beasts and human beings are passed
through the fire, and that as a boy he himself jumped through the
fire "for luck."<a id="footnotetag522" name=
"footnotetag522"></a><a href="#footnote522"><sup>522</sup></a> An
eye-witness has described as follows a remarkable ceremony observed
in Ireland on Midsummer Eve: "When the fire burned for some hours,
and got low, an indispensable part of the ceremony commenced. Every
one present of the peasantry passed through it, and several
children were thrown across the sparkling embers; while a wooden
frame, of some eight feet long, with a horse's head fixed to one
end, and a large white sheet thrown over it concealing the wood and
the man on whose head it was carried, made its appearance. This was
greeted with loud shouts of 'The white horse!' and having been
safely carried by the skill of its <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page204" name="page204"></a>[pg 204]</span> bearer several times
through the fire with a bold leap, it pursued the people, who ran
screaming and laughing in every direction. I asked what the horse
was meant for, and was told that it represented 'all
cattle.'"<a id="footnotetag523" name="footnotetag523"></a><a href=
"#footnote523"><sup>523</sup></a></p>
<p>[Lady Wilde's account of the Midsummer fires in Ireland.]</p>
<p>Lady Wilde's account of the midsummer festival in Ireland is
picturesque and probably correct in substance, although she does
not cite her authorities. As it contains some interesting features
which are not noticed by the other writers on Ireland whom I have
consulted, I will quote the greater part of it in full. "In ancient
times," she says, "the sacred fire was lighted with great ceremony
on Midsummer Eve; and on that night all the people of the adjacent
country kept fixed watch on the western promontory of Howth, and
the moment the first flash was seen from that spot the fact of
ignition was announced with wild cries and cheers repeated from
village to village, when all the local fires began to blaze, and
Ireland was circled by a cordon of flame rising up from every hill.
Then the dance and song began round every fire, and the wild
hurrahs filled the air with the most frantic revelry. Many of these
ancient customs are still continued, and the fires are still
lighted on St. John's Eve on every hill in Ireland. When the fire
has burned down to a red glow the young men strip to the waist and
leap over or through the flames; this is done backwards and
forwards several times, and he who braves the greatest blaze is
considered the victor over the powers of evil, and is greeted with
tremendous applause. When the fire burns still lower, the young
girls leap the flame, and those who leap clean over three times
back and forward will be certain of a speedy marriage and good luck
in after-life, with many children. The married women then walk
through the lines of the burning embers; and when the fire is
nearly burnt and trampled down, the yearling cattle are driven
through the hot ashes, and their back is singed with a lighted
hazel twig. These rods are kept safely afterwards, being considered
of immense power to drive the cattle to and from the watering
places. As the fire diminishes the shouting grows fainter, and the
song and the dance commence; while <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page205" name="page205"></a>[pg 205]</span> professional
story-tellers narrate tales of fairy-land, or of the good old times
long ago, when the kings and princes of Ireland dwelt amongst their
own people, and there was food to eat and wine to drink for all
comers to the feast at the king's house. When the crowd at length
separate, every one carries home a brand from the fire, and great
virtue is attached to the lighted <i>brone</i> which is safely
carried to the house without breaking or falling to the ground.
Many contests also arise amongst the young men; for whoever enters
his house first with the sacred fire brings the good luck of the
year with him."<a id="footnotetag524" name=
"footnotetag524"></a><a href="#footnote524"><sup>524</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerwaterireland" name="summerwaterireland"></a>
<p>[Holy water resorted to on Midsummer Eve in Ireland.]</p>
<p>In Ireland, as elsewhere, water was also apparently thought to
acquire a certain mystical virtue at midsummer. "At Stoole, near
Downpatrick, there is a ceremony commencing at twelve o'clock at
night on Midsummer Eve. Its sacred mount is consecrated to St.
Patrick; the plain contains three wells, to which the most
extraordinary virtues are attributed. Here and there are heaps of
stones, around some of which appear great numbers of people,
running with as much speed as possible; around others crowds of
worshippers kneel with bare legs and feet as an indispensable part
of the penance. The men, without coats, with handkerchiefs on their
heads instead of hats, having gone seven times round each heap,
kiss the ground, cross themselves, and proceed to the hill; here
they ascend, on their bare knees, by a path so steep and rugged
that it would be difficult to walk up. Many hold their hands
clasped at the back of their necks, and several carry large stones
on their heads. Having repeated this ceremony seven times, they go
to what is called St. Patrick's Chair, which are two great flat
stones fixed upright in the hill; here they cross and bless
themselves as they step in between these stones, and, while
repeating prayers, an old man, seated for the purpose, turns them
round on their feet three times, for which he is paid; the devotee
then goes to conclude his penance at a pile of stones, named the
Altar. While this busy scene is continued by the multitude, the
wells and streams issuing from them are thronged by crowds of halt,
maimed, and blind, pressing <span class="pagenum"><a id="page206"
name="page206"></a>[pg 206]</span> to wash away their infirmities
with water consecrated by their patron saint, and so powerful is
the impression of its efficacy on their minds, that many of those
who go to be healed, and who are not totally blind, or altogether
crippled, really believe for a time that they are by means of its
miraculous virtues perfectly restored."<a id="footnotetag525" name=
"footnotetag525"></a><a href="#footnote525"><sup>525</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerscotland" name="summerscotland"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Scotland; fires on St. Peter's Day (the
twenty-ninth of June).]</p>
<p>In Scotland the traces of midsummer fires are few. We are told
by a writer of the eighteenth century that "the midsummer-even
fire, a relict of Druidism," was kindled in some parts of the
county of Perth.<a id="footnotetag526" name=
"footnotetag526"></a><a href="#footnote526"><sup>526</sup></a>
Another writer of the same period, describing what he calls the
Druidical festivals of the Highlanders, says that "the least
considerable of them is that of midsummer. In the Highlands of
Perthshire there are some vestiges of it. The cowherd goes three
times round the fold, according to the course of the sun, with a
burning torch in his hand. They imagined this rite had a tendency
to purify their herds and flocks, and to prevent diseases. At their
return the landlady makes an entertainment for the cowherd and his
associates."<a id="footnotetag527" name=
"footnotetag527"></a><a href="#footnote527"><sup>527</sup></a> In
the northeast of Scotland, down to the latter half of the
eighteenth century, farmers used to go round their lands with
burning torches about the middle of June.<a id="footnotetag528"
name="footnotetag528"></a><a href="#footnote528"><sup>528</sup></a>
On the hill of Cairnshee, in the parish of Durris, Kincardineshire,
the herdsmen of the country round about annually kindle a bonfire
at sunset on Midsummer Day (the twenty-fourth of June); the men or
lads collect the fuel and push each other through the smoke and
flames. The custom is kept up through the benefaction of a certain
Alexander Hogg, a native of the parish, who died about 1790 and
left a small sum for the maintenance of a midsummer bonfire on the
spot, because as <span class="pagenum"><a id="page207" name=
"page207"></a>[pg 207]</span> a boy he had herded cattle on the
hill. We may conjecture that in doing so he merely provided for the
continuance of an old custom which he himself had observed in the
same place in his youth.<a id="footnotetag529" name=
"footnotetag529"></a><a href="#footnote529"><sup>529</sup></a> At
the village of Tarbolton in Ayrshire a bonfire has been annually
kindled from time immemorial on the evening of the first Monday
after the eleventh of June. A noted cattle-market was formerly held
at the fair on the following day. The bonfire is still lit at the
gloaming by the lads and lasses of the village on a high mound or
hillock just outside of the village. Fuel for it is collected by
the lads from door to door. The youth dance round the fire and leap
over the fringes of it. The many cattle-drovers who used to
assemble for the fair were wont to gather round the blazing pile,
smoke their pipes, and listen to the young folk singing in chorus
on the hillock. Afterwards they wrapped themselves in their plaids
and slept round the bonfire, which was intended to last all
night.<a id="footnotetag530" name="footnotetag530"></a><a href=
"#footnote530"><sup>530</sup></a> Thomas Moresin of Aberdeen, a
writer of the sixteenth century, says that on St. Peter's Day,
which is the twenty-ninth of June, the Scotch ran about at night
with lighted torches on mountains and high grounds, "as Ceres did
when she roamed the whole earth in search of Proserpine";<a id=
"footnotetag531" name="footnotetag531"></a><a href=
"#footnote531"><sup>531</sup></a> and towards the end of the
eighteenth century the parish minister of Loudoun, a district of
Ayrshire whose "bonny woods and braes" have been sung by Burns,
wrote that "the custom still remains amongst the herds and young
people to kindle fires in the high grounds in honour of Beltan.
<i>Beltan</i>, which in Gaelic signifies <i>Baal</i>, or
<i>Bel's-fire</i>, was antiently the time of this solemnity. It is
now kept on St. Peter's day."<a id="footnotetag532" name=
"footnotetag532"></a><a href="#footnote532"><sup>532</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page208" name="page208"></a>[pg
208]</span> <a id="summerspain" name="summerspain"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Spain and the Azores; divination on
Midsummer Eve in the Azores; the Midsummer fires in Corsica and
Sardinia.]</p>
<p>All over Spain great bonfires called <i>lumes</i> are still lit
on Midsummer Eve. They are kept up all night, and the children leap
over them in a certain rhythmical way which is said to resemble the
ancient dances. On the coast, people at this season plunge into the
sea; in the inland districts the villagers go and roll naked in the
dew of the meadows, which is supposed to be a sovereign
preservative against diseases of the skin. On this evening, too,
girls who would pry into the future put a vessel of water on the
sill outside their window; and when the clocks strike twelve, they
break an egg in the water and see, or fancy they see, in the shapes
assumed by the pulp, as it blends with the liquid, the likeness of
future bridegrooms, castles, coffins, and so forth. But generally,
as might perhaps have been anticipated, the obliging egg exhibits
the features of a bridegroom.<a id="footnotetag533" name=
"footnotetag533"></a><a href="#footnote533"><sup>533</sup></a> In
the Azores, also, bonfires are lit on Midsummer Eve (St. John's
Eve), and boys jump over them for luck. On that night St. John
himself is supposed to appear in person and bless all the seas and
waters, driving out the devils and demons who had been disporting
themselves in them ever since the second day of November; that is
why in the interval between the second of November and the
twenty-third of June nobody will bathe in the sea or in a hot
spring. On Midsummer Eve, too, you can always see the devil, if you
will go into a garden at midnight. He is invariably found standing
near a mustard-plant. His reason for adopting this posture has not
been ascertained; perhaps in the chilly air of the upper world he
is attracted by the genial warmth of the mustard. Various forms of
divination are practised by people in the Azores on Midsummer Eve.
Thus a new-laid egg is broken <span class="pagenum"><a id="page209"
name="page209"></a>[pg 209]</span> into a glass of water, and the
shapes which it assumes foreshadow the fate of the person
concerned. Again, seven saucers are placed in a row, filled
respectively with water, earth, ashes, keys, a thimble, money, and
grass, which things signify travel, death, widowhood, housekeeping,
spinsterhood, riches, and farming. A blindfolded person touches one
or other of the saucers with a wand and so discovers his or her
fate. Again, three broad beans are taken; one is left in its skin,
one is half peeled, and the third is peeled outright. The three
denote respectively riches, competence, and poverty. They are
hidden and searched for; and he who finds one of them knows
accordingly whether he will be rich, moderately well-off, or poor.
Again, girls take slips of paper and write the names of young men
twice over on them. These they fold up and crumple and place one
set under their pillows and the other set in a saucer full of
water. In the morning they draw one slip of paper from under their
pillow, and see whether one in the water has opened out. If the
names on the two slips are the same, it is the name of her future
husband. Young men do the same with girls' names. Once more, if a
girl rises at sunrise, goes out into the street, and asks the first
passer-by his Christian name, that will be her husband's
name.<a id="footnotetag534" name="footnotetag534"></a><a href=
"#footnote534"><sup>534</sup></a> Some of these modes of divination
resemble those which are or used to be practised in Scotland at
Hallowe'en.<a id="footnotetag535" name=
"footnotetag535"></a><a href="#footnote535"><sup>535</sup></a> In
Corsica on the Eve of St. John the people set fire to the trunk of
a tree or to a whole tree, and the young men and maidens dance
round the blaze, which is called <i>fucaraia</i>.<a id=
"footnotetag536" name="footnotetag536"></a><a href=
"#footnote536"><sup>536</sup></a> We have seen that at Ozieri, in
Sardinia, a great bonfire is kindled on St. John's Eve, and that
the young people dance round it.<a id="footnotetag537" name=
"footnotetag537"></a><a href="#footnote537"><sup>537</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerabruzzi" name="summerabruzzi"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in the Abruzzi; bathing on Midsummer Eve in
the Abruzzi; the Midsummer fires in Sicily; the witches at
Midsummer.]</p>
<p>Passing to Italy, we find that the midsummer fires are still
lighted on St. John's Eve in many parts of the Abruzzi. They are
commonest in the territory which was inhabited in antiquity by the
Vestini; they are rarer in the land of the ancient Marsi, and they
disappear entirely in the lower valley <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page210" name="page210"></a>[pg 210]</span> of the Sangro. For the
most part, the fires are fed with straw and dry grass, and are
kindled in the fields near the villages or on high ground. As they
blaze up, the people dance round or over them. In leaping across
the flames the boys cry out, "St. John, preserve my thighs and
legs!" Formerly it used to be common to light the bonfires also in
the towns in front of churches of St. John, and the remains of the
sacred fire were carried home by the people; but this custom has
mostly fallen into disuse. However, at Celano the practice is still
kept up of taking brands and ashes from the bonfires to the houses,
although the fires are no longer kindled in front of the churches,
but merely in the streets.<a id="footnotetag538" name=
"footnotetag538"></a><a href="#footnote538"><sup>538</sup></a> In
the Abruzzi water also is supposed to acquire certain marvellous
and beneficent properties on St. John's Night. Hence many people
bathe or at least wash their faces and hands in the sea or a river
at that season, especially at the moment of sunrise. Such a bath is
said to be an excellent cure for diseases of the skin. At
Castiglione a Casauria the people, after washing in the river or in
springs, gird their waists and wreath their brows with sprigs of
briony in order to keep them from aches and pains.<a id=
"footnotetag539" name="footnotetag539"></a><a href=
"#footnote539"><sup>539</sup></a> In various parts of Sicily, also,
fires are kindled on Midsummer Eve (St. John's Eve), the
twenty-third of June. On the Madonie mountains, in the north of the
island, the herdsmen kindle them at intervals, so that the crests
of the mountains are seen ablaze in the darkness for many miles.
About Acireale, on the east coast of the island, the bonfires are
lit by boys, who jump over them. At Chiaromonte the witches that
night acquire extraordinary powers; hence everybody then puts a
broom outside of his house, because a broom is an excellent
protective against witchcraft.<a id="footnotetag540" name=
"footnotetag540"></a><a href="#footnote540"><sup>540</sup></a> At
Orvieto the midsummer fires were specially excepted from the
prohibition directed against bonfires in general.<a id=
"footnotetag541" name="footnotetag541"></a><a href=
"#footnote541"><sup>541</sup></a></p>
<a id="summermalta" name="summermalta"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Malta ]</p>
<p>In Malta also the people celebrate Midsummer Eve <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page211" name="page211"></a>[pg 211]</span> (St.
John's Eve) "by kindling great fires in the public streets, and
giving their children dolls to carry in their arms on this day, in
order to make good the prophecy respecting the Baptist, <i>Multi in
nativitate ejus gaudebunt</i>. Days and even weeks before this
festival, groups of children are seen going out into the country
fields to gather straw, twigs, and all sorts of other combustibles,
which they store up for St. John's Eve. On the night of the
twenty-third of June, the day before the festival of the Saint,
great fires are kindled in the streets, squares, and market places
of the towns and villages of the Island, and as fire after fire
blazes out of the darkness of that summer night, the effect is
singularly striking. These fires are sometimes kept up for hours,
being continually fed by the scores of bystanders, who take great
delight in throwing amidst the flames some old rickety piece of
furniture which they consider as lumber in their houses. Lots of
happy and reckless children, and very often men, are seen merrily
leaping in succession over and through the crackling flames. At the
time of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, the Grand Master
himself, soon after the <i>Angelus</i>, used to leave his palace,
accompanied by the Grand Prior, the Bishop, and two bailiffs, to
set fire to some pitch barrels which were placed for the occasion
in the square facing the sacred Hospital. Great crowds used to
assemble here in order to assist at this ceremony. The setting
ablaze of the five casks, and later on of the eight casks, by the
Grand Master, was a signal for the others to kindle their fires in
the different parts of the town."<a id="footnotetag542" name=
"footnotetag542"></a><a href="#footnote542"><sup>542</sup></a></p>
<a id="summergreece" name="summergreece"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in Greece; the Midsummer fires in Macedonia
and Albania.]</p>
<p>In Greece, the custom of kindling fires on St. John's Eve and
jumping over them is said to be still universal. One reason
assigned for it is a wish to escape from the fleas.<a id=
"footnotetag543" name="footnotetag543"></a><a href=
"#footnote543"><sup>543</sup></a> According to another account, the
women cry out, as they leap over the fire, "I leave my sins behind
me."<a id="footnotetag544" name="footnotetag544"></a><a href=
"#footnote544"><sup>544</sup></a> In Lesbos the fires on St. John's
Eve are usually lighted by threes, and <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page212" name="page212"></a>[pg 212]</span> the people spring
thrice over them, each with a stone on his head, saying, "I jump
the hare's fire, my head a stone!" On the morning of St. John's Day
those who dwell near the coast go to bathe in the sea. As they go
they gird themselves with osiers, and when they are in the water
they let the osiers float away, saying, "Let my maladies go away!"
Then they look for what is called "the hairy stone," which
possesses the remarkable property not only of keeping moths from
clothes but even of multiplying the clothes in the chest where it
is laid up, and the more hairs on the stone the more will the
clothes multiply in the chest.<a id="footnotetag545" name=
"footnotetag545"></a><a href="#footnote545"><sup>545</sup></a> In
Calymnos the midsummer fire is supposed to ensure abundance in the
coming year as well as deliverance from fleas. The people dance
round the fires singing, with stones on their heads, and then jump
over the blaze or the glowing embers. When the fire is burning low,
they throw the stones into it; and when it is nearly out, they make
crosses on their legs and then go straightway and bathe in the
sea.<a id="footnotetag546" name="footnotetag546"></a><a href=
"#footnote546"><sup>546</sup></a> In Cos the lads and lasses dance
round the bonfires on St. John's Eve. Each of the lads binds a
black stone on his head, signifying that he wishes to become as
strong as the stone. Also they make the sign of the cross on their
feet and legs and jump over the fire.<a id="footnotetag547" name=
"footnotetag547"></a><a href="#footnote547"><sup>547</sup></a> On
Midsummer Eve the Greeks of Macedonia light fires after supper in
front of their gates. The garlands, now faded, which were hung over
the doors on May Day, are taken down and cast into the flames,
after which the young folk leap over the blaze, fully persuaded
that St. John's fire will not burn them.<a id="footnotetag548"
name="footnotetag548"></a><a href="#footnote548"><sup>548</sup></a>
In Albania fires of dry herbage are, or used to be, lit everywhere
on St. John's Eve; young and old leap over them, for such a leap is
thought to be good for the health.<a id="footnotetag549" name=
"footnotetag549"></a><a href="#footnote549"><sup>549</sup></a></p>
<a id="summeramerica" name="summeramerica"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires in America.]</p>
<p>From the Old World the midsummer fires have been <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page213" name="page213"></a>[pg 213]</span>
carried across the Atlantic to America. In Brazil people jump over
the fires of St. John, and at this season they can take hot coals
in their mouths without burning themselves.<a id="footnotetag550"
name="footnotetag550"></a><a href="#footnote550"><sup>550</sup></a>
In Bolivia on the Eve of St. John it is usual to see bonfires
lighted on the hills and even in the streets of the capital La Paz.
As the city stands at the bottom of an immense ravine, and the
Indians of the neighbourhood take a pride in kindling bonfires on
heights which might seem inaccessible, the scene is very striking
when the darkness of night is suddenly and simultaneously lit up by
hundreds of fires, which cast a glare on surrounding objects,
producing an effect at once weird and picturesque.<a id=
"footnotetag551" name="footnotetag551"></a><a href=
"#footnote551"><sup>551</sup></a></p>
<a id="summermorocco" name="summermorocco"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer fires among the Mohammedans of Morocco and
Algeria.]</p>
<p>The custom of kindling bonfires on Midsummer Day or on Midsummer
Eve is widely spread among the Mohammedan peoples of North Africa,
particularly in Morocco and Algeria; it is common both to the
Berbers and to many of the Arabs or Arabic-speaking tribes. In
these countries Midsummer Day (the twenty-fourth of June, Old
Style) is called [Arabic: <i>l'ansara</i>]. The fires are lit in
the courtyards, at cross-roads, in the fields, and sometimes on the
threshing-floors. Plants which in burning give out a thick smoke
and an aromatic smell are much sought after for fuel on these
occasions; among the plants used for the purpose are giant-fennel,
thyme, rue, chervil-seed, camomile, geranium, and penny-royal.
People expose themselves, and especially their children, to the
smoke, and drive it towards the orchards and the crops. Also they
leap across the fires; in some places everybody ought to repeat the
leap seven times. Moreover they take burning brands from the fires
and carry them through the houses in order to fumigate them. They
pass things through the fire, and bring the sick into contact with
it, while they utter prayers for their recovery. The ashes of the
bonfires are also reputed to possess beneficial properties; hence
in some places people rub their hair or their bodies with
them.<a id="footnotetag552" name="footnotetag552"></a><a href=
"#footnote552"><sup>552</sup></a> For example, the Andjra
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page214" name="page214"></a>[pg
214]</span> mountaineers of Morocco kindle large fires in open
places of their villages on Midsummer Day. Men, women, and children
jump over the flames or the glowing embers, believing that by so
doing they rid themselves of all misfortune which may be clinging
to them; they imagine, also, that such leaps cure the sick and
procure offspring for childless couples. Moreover, they burn straw,
together with some marjoram and alum, in the fold where the cattle,
sheep, and goats are penned for the night; the smoke, in their
opinion, will make the animals thrive. On Midsummer Day the Arabs
of the Mnasara tribe make fires outside their tents, near their
animals, on their fields, and in their gardens. Large quantities of
penny-royal are burned in these fires, and over some of them the
people leap thrice to and fro. Sometimes small fires are also
kindled inside the tents. They say that the smoke confers blessings
on everything with which it comes into contact. At Salee, on the
Atlantic coast of Morocco, persons who suffer from diseased eyes
rub them with the ashes of the midsummer fire; and in Casablanca
and Azemmur the people hold their faces over the fire, because the
smoke is thought to be good for the eyes. The Arab tribe Ulad Bu
Aziz, in the Dukkala province of Morocco, kindle midsummer
bonfires, not for themselves and their cattle, but only for crops
and fruit; nobody likes to reap his crops before Midsummer Day,
because if he did they would lose the benefit of the blessed
influence which flows from the smoke of the bonfires. <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page215" name="page215"></a>[pg 215]</span> Again,
the Beni Mgild, a Berber tribe of Morocco, light fires of straw on
Midsummer Eve and leap thrice over them to and fro. They let some
of the smoke pass underneath their clothes, and married women hold
their breasts over the fire, in order that their children may be
strong. Moreover, they paint their eyes and lips with some black
powder, in which ashes of the bonfire are mixed. And in order that
their horses may also benefit by the fires, they dip the right
forelegs of the animals in the smoke and flames or in the hot
embers, and they rub ashes on the foreheads and between the
nostrils of the horses. Berbers of the Rif province, in northern
Morocco, similarly make great use of fires at midsummer for the
good of themselves, their cattle, and their fruit-trees. They jump
over the bonfires in the belief that this will preserve them in
good health, and they light fires under fruit-trees to keep the
fruit from falling untimely. And they imagine that by rubbing a
paste of the ashes on their hair they prevent the hair from falling
off their heads.<a id="footnotetag553" name=
"footnotetag553"></a><a href="#footnote553"><sup>553</sup></a></p>
<p>[Beneficial effect ascribed to the smoke of the fires; ill luck
supposed to be burnt in the Midsummer fires; the Midsummer festival
in North Africa comprises rites concerned with water as well as
with fire; the Midsummer festival in North Africa is probably older
than Mohammedanism.]</p>
<p>In all these Moroccan customs, we are told, the beneficial
effect is attributed wholly to the smoke, which is supposed to be
endued with a magical quality that removes misfortune from men,
animals, fruit-trees, and crops. But in some parts of Morocco
people at midsummer kindle fires of a different sort, not for the
sake of fumigation, but in order to burn up misfortune in the
flames. Thus on Midsummer Eve the Berber tribe of the Beni Mgild
burn three sheaves of unthreshed wheat or barley, "one for the
children, one for the crops, and one for the animals." On the same
occasion they burn the tent of a widow who has never given birth to
a child; by so doing they think to rid the village of ill luck. It
is said that at midsummer the Zemmur burn a tent, which belongs to
somebody who was killed in war during a feast; or if there is no
such person in the village, the schoolmaster's tent is burned
instead. Among the Arabic-speaking Beni Ahsen it is customary for
those who live near the river Sbu to make a little hut of straw at
midsummer, set it on fire, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page216"
name="page216"></a>[pg 216]</span> and let it float down the river.
Similarly the inhabitants of Salee burn a straw hut on the river
which flows past their town.<a id="footnotetag554" name=
"footnotetag554"></a><a href="#footnote554"><sup>554</sup></a></p>
<p>Further it deserves to be noticed that in Northern Africa, as in
Southern Europe, the midsummer festival comprises rites concerned
with water as well as with fire. For example, among the Beni-Snous
the women light a fire in an oven, throw perfumes into it, and
circumambulate a tank, which they also incense after a fashion. In
many places on the coast, as in the province of Oran and
particularly in the north of Morocco, everybody goes and bathes in
the sea at midsummer; and in many towns of the interior, such as
Fez, Mequinez, and especially Merrakech, people throw water over
each other on this day; and where water is scarce, earth is used
instead, according to the Mohammedan principle which permits
ablutions to be performed with earth or sand when water cannot be
spared for the purpose.<a id="footnotetag555" name=
"footnotetag555"></a><a href="#footnote555"><sup>555</sup></a>
People of the Andjra district in Morocco not only bathe themselves
in the sea or in rivers at midsummer, they also bathe their
animals, their horses, mules, donkeys, cattle, sheep, and goats;
for they think that on that day water possesses a blessed virtue
(<i>baraka</i>), which removes sickness and misfortune. In Aglu,
again, men, women, and children bathe in the sea or springs or
rivers at midsummer, alleging that by so doing they protect
themselves against disease for the whole year. Among the Berbers of
the Rif district the custom of bathing on this day is commonly
observed, and animals share the ablutions.<a id="footnotetag556"
name="footnotetag556"></a><a href=
"#footnote556"><sup>556</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerwater" name="summerwater"></a>
<p>[Some Mohammedans of North Africa kindle fires and observe water
ceremonies at their movable New Year; water ceremonies at New Year
in Morocco; the rites of fire and water at Midsummer and New Year
in Morocco seem to be identical in character; the duplication of
the festival is probably due to a conflict between the solar
calendar of the Romans and the lunar calendar of the Arabs.]</p>
<p>The celebration of a midsummer festival by Mohammedan peoples is
particularly remarkable, because the Mohammedan calendar, being
purely lunar and uncorrected by intercalation, necessarily takes no
note of festivals which occupy fixed points in the solar year; all
strictly Mohammedan feasts, being pinned to the moon, slide
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page217" name="page217"></a>[pg
217]</span> gradually with that luminary through the whole period
of the earth's revolution about the sun. This fact of itself seems
to prove that among the Mohammedan peoples of Northern Africa, as
among the Christian peoples of Europe, the midsummer festival is
quite independent of the religion which the people publicly
profess, and is a relic of a far older paganism. There are, indeed,
independent grounds for thinking that the Arabs enjoyed the
advantage of a comparatively well-regulated solar year before the
prophet of God saddled them with the absurdity and inconvenience of
a purely lunar calendar.<a id="footnotetag557" name=
"footnotetag557"></a><a href="#footnote557"><sup>557</sup></a> Be
that as it may, it is notable that some Mohammedan people of North
Africa kindle fires and bathe in water at the movable New Year of
their lunar calendar instead of at the fixed Midsummer of the solar
year; while others again practise these observances at both
seasons. New Year's Day, on which the rites are celebrated, is
called <i>Ashur</i>; it is the tenth day of Moharram, the first
month of the Mohammedan calendar. On that day bonfires are kindled
in Tunis and also at Merrakech and among some tribes of the
neighbourhood.<a id="footnotetag558" name=
"footnotetag558"></a><a href="#footnote558"><sup>558</sup></a> At
Demnat, in the Great Atlas mountains, people kindle a large bonfire
on New Year's Eve and leap to and fro over the flames, uttering
words which imply that by these leaps they think to purify
themselves from all kinds of evil. At Aglu, in the province of Sus,
the fire is lighted at three different points by an unmarried girl,
and when it has died down the young men leap over the glowing
embers, saying, "We shook on you, O Lady Ashur, fleas, and lice,
and the illnesses of the heart, as also those of the bones; we
shall pass through you again next year and the following years with
safety and health." Both at Aglu and Glawi, in the Great Atlas,
smaller fires are also kindled, over which the animals <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page218" name="page218"></a>[pg 218]</span> are
driven. At Demnat girls who wish to marry wash themselves in water
which has been boiled over the New Year fire; and in Dukkala people
use the ashes of that fire to rub sore eyes with. New Year fires
appear to be commonly kindled among the Berbers who inhabit the
western portion of the Great Atlas, and also among the
Arabic-speaking tribes of the plains; but Dr. Westermarck found no
traces of such fires among the Arabic-speaking mountaineers of
Northern Morocco and the Berbers of the Rif province. Further, it
should be observed that water ceremonies like those which are
practised at Midsummer are very commonly observed in Morocco at the
New Year, that is, on the tenth day of the first month. On the
morning of that day (<i>Ashur</i>) all water or, according to some
people, only spring water is endowed with a magical virtue
(<i>baraka</i>), especially before sunrise. Hence at that time the
people bathe and pour water over each other; in some places they
also sprinkle their animals, tents, or rooms. In Dukkala some of
the New Year water is preserved at home till New Year's Day
(<i>Ashur</i>) of next year; some of it is kept to be used as
medicine, some of it is poured on the place where the corn is
threshed, and some is used to water the money which is to be buried
in the ground; for the people think that the earth-spirits will not
be able to steal the buried treasures which have thus been
sanctified with the holy water.<a id="footnotetag559" name=
"footnotetag559"></a><a href="#footnote559"><sup>559</sup></a></p>
<a id="summerberber" name="summerberber"></a>
<p>[The Midsummer festival in Morocco seems to be of Berber
origin.]</p>
<p>Thus the rites of fire and water which are observed in Morocco
at Midsummer and New Year appear to be identical in character and
intention, and it seems certain that the duplication of the rites
is due to a conflict between two calendars, namely the old Julian
calendar of the Romans, which was based on the sun, and the newer
Mohammedan calendar of the Arabs, which is based on the moon. For
not only was the Julian calendar in use throughout the whole of
Northern Africa under the Roman Empire; to this day it is
everywhere employed among Mohammedans for the regulation of
agriculture and all the affairs of daily life; its practical
convenience has made it indispensable, <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page219" name="page219"></a>[pg 219]</span> and the lunar calendar
of orthodox Mohammedanism is scarcely used except for purposes of
chronology. Even the old Latin names of the months are known and
employed, in slightly disguised forms, throughout the whole Moslem
world; and little calendars of the Julian year circulate in
manuscript among Mohammedans, permitting them to combine the
practical advantages of pagan science with a nominal adherence to
orthodox absurdity.<a id="footnotetag560" name=
"footnotetag560"></a><a href="#footnote560"><sup>560</sup></a> Thus
the heathen origin of the midsummer festival is too palpable to
escape the attention of good Mohammedans, who accordingly frown
upon the midsummer bonfires as pagan superstitions, precisely as
similar observances in Europe have often been denounced by orthodox
Christianity. Indeed, many religious people in Morocco entirely
disapprove of the whole of the midsummer ceremonies, maintaining
that they are all bad; and a conscientious schoolmaster will even
refuse his pupils a holiday at midsummer, though the boys sometimes
offer him a bribe if he will sacrifice his scruples to his
avarice.<a id="footnotetag561" name="footnotetag561"></a><a href=
"#footnote561"><sup>561</sup></a> As the midsummer customs appear
to flourish among all the Berbers of Morocco but to be unknown
among the pure Arabs who have not been affected by Berber
influence, it seems reasonable to infer with Dr. Westermarck that
the midsummer festival has belonged from time immemorial to the
Berber race, and that so far as it is now observed by the Arabs of
Morocco, it has been learned by them from the Berbers, the old
indigenous inhabitants of the country. Dr. Westermarck may also be
right in holding that, in spite of the close similarity which
obtains between the midsummer festival of Europe and the midsummer
festival of North Africa, the latter is not a copy of the former,
but that both have been handed down independently from a time
beyond the purview of history, when such ceremonies were common to
the Mediterranean race.<a id="footnotetag562" name=
"footnotetag562"></a><a href="#footnote562"><sup>562</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page220" name="page220"></a>[pg
220]</span>
<h4><a id="sect4-5" name="sect4-5">&sect; 5. <i>The Autumn
Fires</i></a></h4>
<a id="autumnaugust" name="autumnaugust"></a>
<p>[Festivals of fire in August; Russian feast of Florus and Laurus
on August 18th; "Living fire" made by the friction of wood.]</p>
<p>In the months which elapse between midsummer and the setting in
of winter the European festivals of fire appear to be few and
unimportant. On the evening of the first day of August, which is
the Festival of the Cross, bonfires are commonly lit in Macedonia
and boys jump over them, shouting, "Dig up! bury!" but whom or what
they wish to dig up or bury they do not know.<a id="footnotetag563"
name="footnotetag563"></a><a href="#footnote563"><sup>563</sup></a>
The Russians hold the feast of two martyrs, Florus and Laurus, on
the eighteenth day of August, Old Style. "On this day the Russians
lead their horses round the church of their village, beside which
on the foregoing evening they dig a hole with two mouths. Each
horse has a bridle made of the bark of the linden-tree. The horses
go through this hole one after the other, opposite to one of the
mouths of which the priest stands with a sprinkler in his hand,
with which he sprinkles them. As soon as the horses have passed by
their bridles are taken off, and they are made to go between two
fires that they kindle, called by the Russians <i>Givoy Agon</i>,
that is to say, living fires, of which I shall give an account. I
shall before remark, that the Russian peasantry throw the bridles
of their horses into one of these fires to be consumed. This is the
manner of their lighting these <i>givoy agon</i>, or living fires.
Some men hold the ends of a stick made of the plane-tree, very dry,
and about a fathom long. This stick they hold firmly over one of
birch, perfectly dry, and rub with violence and quickly against the
former; the birch, which is somewhat softer than the plane, in a
short time inflames, and serves them to light both the fires I have
described."<a id="footnotetag564" name=
"footnotetag564"></a><a href="#footnote564"><sup>564</sup></a></p>
<a id="autumnnativity" name="autumnnativity"></a>
<p>[Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin on the eighth of September
at Capri and Naples.]</p>
<p>The Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin on the eighth day of
September is celebrated at Naples and Capri with fireworks,
bonfires, and assassinations. On this subject my <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page221" name="page221"></a>[pg 221]</span> friend
Professor A. E. Housman, who witnessed the celebration in different
years at both places, has kindly furnished me with the following
particulars: "In 1906 I was in the island of Capri on September the
eighth, the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin. The anniversary
was duly solemnised by fire-works at nine or ten in the evening,
which I suppose were municipal; but just after sundown the boys
outside the villages were making small fires of brushwood on waste
bits of ground by the wayside. Very pretty it looked, with the
flames blowing about in the twilight; but what took my attention
was the listlessness of the boys and their lack of interest in the
proceeding. A single lad, the youngest, would be raking the fire
together and keeping it alight, but the rest stood lounging about
and looking in every other direction, with the air of discharging
mechanically a traditional office from which all zest had
evaporated." "The pious orgy at Naples on September the eighth went
through the following phases when I witnessed it in 1897. It began
at eight in the evening with an illumination of the fa&ccedil;ade
of Santa Maria Piedigrotta and with the whole population walking
about blowing penny trumpets. After four hours of this I went to
bed at midnight, and was lulled to sleep by barrel-organs, which
supersede the trumpets about that hour. At four in the morning I
was waked by detonations as if the British fleet were bombarding
the city, caused, I was afterwards told, by dynamite rockets. The
only step possible beyond this is assassination, which accordingly
takes place about peep of day: I forget now the number of the
slain, but I think the average is eight or ten, and I know that in
honour of my presence they murdered a few more than usual."</p>
<p>[The Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin may have replaced a
pagan festival; the coincidence of the Midsummer festival with the
summer solstice implies that the founders of the festival regulated
their calendar by observation of the sun.]</p>
<p>It is no doubt possible that these illuminations and fireworks,
like the assassinations, are merely the natural and spontaneous
expressions of that overflowing joy with which the thought of the
birth of the Virgin must fill every pious heart; but when we
remember how often the Church has skilfully decanted the new wine
of Christianity into the old bottles of heathendom, we may be
allowed to conjecture that the ecclesiastical authorities adroitly
timed the Nativity of the Virgin so as to coincide with an old
pagan festival <span class="pagenum"><a id="page222" name=
"page222"></a>[pg 222]</span> of that day, in which fire, noise,
and uproar, if not broken heads and bloodshed, were conspicuous
features. The penny trumpets blown on this occasion recall the like
melodious instruments which figure so largely in the celebration of
Befana (the Eve of Epiphany) at Rome.<a id="footnotetag565" name=
"footnotetag565"></a><a href="#footnote565"><sup>565</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect4-6" name="sect4-6">&sect; 6. <i>The Hallowe'en
Fires</i></a></h4>
<a id="halloweencelts" name="halloweencelts"></a>
<p>[On the other hand the Celts divided their year, not by the
solstices, but by the beginning of summer (the first of May) and
the beginning of winter (the first of November).]</p>
<p>From the foregoing survey we may infer that among the heathen
forefathers of the European peoples the most popular and widespread
fire-festival of the year was the great celebration of Midsummer
Eve or Midsummer Day. The coincidence of the festival with the
summer solstice can hardly be accidental. Rather we must suppose
that our pagan ancestors purposely timed the ceremony of fire on
earth to coincide with the arrival of the sun at the highest point
of his course in the sky. If that was so, it follows that the old
founders of the midsummer rites had observed the solstices or
turning-points of the sun's apparent path in the sky, and that they
accordingly regulated their festal calendar to some extent by
astronomical considerations.</p>
<p>[The division seems to have been neither astronomical nor
agricultural but pastoral, being determined by the times when
cattle are driven to and from their summer pasture.]</p>
<p>But while this may be regarded as fairly certain for what we may
call the aborigines throughout a large part of the continent, it
appears not to have been true of the Celtic peoples who inhabited
the Land's End of Europe, the islands and promontories that stretch
out into the Atlantic ocean on the North-West. The principal
fire-festivals of the Celts, which have survived, though in a
restricted area and with diminished pomp, to modern times and even
to our own day, were seemingly timed without any reference to the
position of the sun in the heaven. They were two in number, and
fell at an interval of six months, one being celebrated on the eve
of May Day and the other on Allhallow Even or Hallowe'en, as it is
now commonly called, that is, on the thirty-first of October, the
day preceding All Saints' or Allhallows' Day. These dates coincide
with none of the four great hinges on which the solar year
revolves, to wit, the solstices and the equinoxes. Nor do they
agree with the principal seasons of the agricultural <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page223" name="page223"></a>[pg 223]</span> year,
the sowing in spring and the reaping in autumn. For when May Day
comes, the seed has long been committed to the earth; and when
November opens, the harvest has long been reaped and garnered, the
fields lie bare, the fruit-trees are stripped, and even the yellow
leaves are fast fluttering to the ground. Yet the first of May and
the first of November mark turning-points of the year in Europe;
the one ushers in the genial heat and the rich vegetation of
summer, the other heralds, if it does not share, the cold and
barrenness of winter. Now these particular points of the year, as
has been well pointed out by a learned and ingenious writer,<a id=
"footnotetag566" name="footnotetag566"></a><a href=
"#footnote566"><sup>566</sup></a> while they are of comparatively
little moment to the European husbandman, do deeply concern the
European herdsman; for it is on the approach of summer that he
drives his cattle out into the open to crop the fresh grass, and it
is on the approach of winter that he leads them back to the safety
and shelter of the stall. Accordingly it seems not improbable that
the Celtic bisection of the year into two halves at the beginning
of May and the beginning of November dates from a time when the
Celts were mainly a pastoral people, dependent for their
subsistence on their herds, and when accordingly the great epochs
of the year for them were the days on which the cattle went forth
from the homestead in early summer and returned to it again in
early winter.<a id="footnotetag567" name=
"footnotetag567"></a><a href="#footnote567"><sup>567</sup></a> Even
in Central Europe, remote from the region now occupied by the
Celts, a similar bisection of the year may be clearly traced in the
great popularity, on the one hand, of May Day and its Eve
(Walpurgis Night), and, on the other hand, of the Feast of All
Souls at the beginning of November, <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page224" name="page224"></a>[pg 224]</span> which under a thin
Christian cloak conceals an ancient pagan festival of the
dead.<a id="footnotetag568" name="footnotetag568"></a><a href=
"#footnote568"><sup>568</sup></a> Hence we may conjecture that
everywhere throughout Europe the celestial division of the year
according to the solstices was preceded by what we may call a
terrestrial division of the year according to the beginning of
summer and the beginning of winter.</p>
<a id="halloweenbeltane" name="halloweenbeltane"></a>
<p>[The two great Celtic festivals, Beltane and Hallowe'en.]</p>
<p>Be that as it may, the two great Celtic festivals of May Day and
the first of November or, to be more accurate, the Eves of these
two days, closely resemble each other in the manner of their
celebration and in the superstitions associated with them, and
alike, by the antique character impressed upon both, betray a
remote and purely pagan origin. The festival of May Day or Beltane,
as the Celts called it, which ushered in summer, has already been
described;<a id="footnotetag569" name="footnotetag569"></a><a href=
"#footnote569"><sup>569</sup></a> it remains to give some account
of the corresponding festival of Hallowe'en, which announced the
arrival of winter.</p>
<a id="halloweenbeginning" name="halloweenbeginning"></a>
<p>[Hallowe'en (the evening of October 31st) seems to have marked
the beginning of the Celtic year; the many forms of divination
resorted to at Hallowe'en are appropriate to the beginning of a New
Year; Hallowe'en also a festival of the dead.]</p>
<p>Of the two feasts Hallowe'en was perhaps of old the more
important, since the Celts would seem to have dated the beginning
of the year from it rather than from Beltane. In the Isle of Man,
one of the fortresses in which the Celtic language and lore longest
held out against the siege of the Saxon invaders, the first of
November, Old Style, has been regarded as New Year's day down to
recent times. Thus Manx mummers used to go round on Hallowe'en (Old
Style), singing, in the Manx language, a sort of Hogmanay song
which began "To-night is New Year's Night, <i>Hog-unnaa</i>!"<a id=
"footnotetag570" name="footnotetag570"></a><a href=
"#footnote570"><sup>570</sup></a> One of Sir John Rhys's Manx
informants, an old man of sixty-seven, "had been a farm servant
from the age of sixteen till he was twenty-six to the same man,
near Regaby, in the parish of Andreas, and he remembers his master
and a near neighbour of his discussing the term New Year's Day as
applied to the first of November, and explaining to the younger men
that it had always been so in old <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page225" name="page225"></a>[pg 225]</span> times. In fact, it
seemed to him natural enough, as all tenure of land ends at that
time, and as all servant men begin their service then."<a id=
"footnotetag571" name="footnotetag571"></a><a href=
"#footnote571"><sup>571</sup></a> In ancient Ireland, as we saw, a
new fire used to be kindled every year on Hallowe'en or the Eve of
Samhain, and from this sacred flame all the fires in Ireland were
rekindled.<a id="footnotetag572" name="footnotetag572"></a><a href=
"#footnote572"><sup>572</sup></a> Such a custom points strongly to
Samhain or All Saints' Day (the first of November) as New Year's
Day; since the annual kindling of a new fire takes place most
naturally at the beginning of the year, in order that the blessed
influence of the fresh fire may last throughout the whole period of
twelve months. Another confirmation of the view that the Celts
dated their year from the first of November is furnished by the
manifold modes of divination which, as we shall see presently, were
commonly resorted to by Celtic peoples on Hallowe'en for the
purpose of ascertaining their destiny, especially their fortune in
the coming year; for when could these devices for prying into the
future be more reasonably put in practice than at the beginning of
the year? As a season of omens and auguries Hallowe'en seems to
have far surpassed Beltane in the imagination of the Celts; from
which we may with some probability infer that they reckoned their
year from Hallowe'en rather than Beltane. Another circumstance of
great moment which points to the same conclusion is the association
of the dead with Hallowe'en. Not only among the Celts but
throughout Europe, Hallowe'en, the night which marks the transition
from autumn to winter, seems to have been of old the time of year
when the souls of the departed were supposed to revisit their old
homes in order to warm themselves by the fire and to comfort
themselves with the good cheer provided for them in the kitchen or
the parlour by their affectionate kinsfolk.<a id="footnotetag573"
name="footnotetag573"></a><a href="#footnote573"><sup>573</sup></a>
It was, perhaps, a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page226" name=
"page226"></a>[pg 226]</span> natural thought that the approach of
winter should drive the poor shivering hungry ghosts from the bare
fields and the leafless woodlands to the shelter of the cottage
with its familiar fireside.<a id="footnotetag574" name=
"footnotetag574"></a><a href="#footnote574"><sup>574</sup></a> Did
not the lowing kine then troop back from the summer pastures in the
forests and on the hills to be fed and cared for in the stalls,
while the bleak winds whistled among the swaying boughs and the
snow drifts deepened in the hollows? and could the good-man and the
good-wife deny to the spirits of their dead the welcome which they
gave to the cows?</p>
<a id="halloweenfairies" name="halloweenfairies"></a>
<p>[Fairies and Hobgoblins let loose at Hallowe'en.]</p>
<p>But it is not only the souls of the departed who are supposed to
be hovering unseen on the day "when autumn to winter resigns the
pale year." Witches then speed on their errands of mischief, some
sweeping through the air on besoms, others galloping along the
roads on tabby-cats, which for that evening are turned into
coal-black steeds.<a id="footnotetag575" name=
"footnotetag575"></a><a href="#footnote575"><sup>575</sup></a> The
fairies, too, are all let loose, and hobgoblins of every sort roam
freely about In South Uist and Eriskay there is a
saying:&mdash;</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Hallowe'en will come, will come,</p>
<p>Witchcraft [or divination] will be set agoing,</p>
<p>Fairies will be at full speed,</p>
<p>Running in every pass.</p>
<p>Avoid the road, children, children."<a id="footnotetag576" name=
"footnotetag576"></a><a href="#footnote576"><sup>576</sup></a></p>
</div>
</div>
<p>[Dancing with the fairies at Hallowe'en.]</p>
<p>In Cardiganshire on November Eve a bogie sits on every
stile.<a id="footnotetag577" name="footnotetag577"></a><a href=
"#footnote577"><sup>577</sup></a> On that night in Ireland all the
fairy hills are thrown wide open and the fairies swarm forth; any
man who is bold enough may then peep into the open green hills and
see the treasures hidden in them. Worse than that, the cave of
Cruachan in Connaught, known as "the Hell-gate of Ireland," is
unbarred on Samhain Eve or Hallowe'en, and a host of horrible
fiends and goblins used to rush forth, particularly a flock of
copper-red birds, which <span class="pagenum"><a id="page227" name=
"page227"></a>[pg 227]</span> blighted crops and killed animals by
their poisonous breath.<a id="footnotetag578" name=
"footnotetag578"></a><a href="#footnote578"><sup>578</sup></a> The
Scotch Highlanders have a special name <i>Samhanach</i> (derived
from <i>Samhain</i>, "All-hallows") for the dreadful bogies that go
about that night stealing babies and committing other
atrocities.<a id="footnotetag579" name=
"footnotetag579"></a><a href="#footnote579"><sup>579</sup></a> And
though the fairies are a kindlier folk, it is dangerous to see even
them at their revels on Hallowe'en. A melancholy case of this sort
is reported from the Ferintosh district of the Highlands, though
others say that it happened at the Slope of Big Stones in Harris.
Two young men were coming home after nightfall on Hallowe'en, each
with a jar of whisky on his back, when they saw, as they thought, a
house all lit up by the roadside, from which proceeded the sounds
of music and dancing. In reality it was not a house at all but a
fairy knoll, and it was the fairies who were jigging it about there
so merrily. But one of the young men was deceived and stepping into
the house joined in the dance, without even stopping to put down
the jar of whisky. His companion was wiser; he had a shrewd
suspicion that the place was not what it seemed, and on entering he
took the precaution of sticking a needle in the door. That disarmed
the power of the fairies, and he got away safely. Well, that day
twelve months he came back to the spot and what should he see but
his poor friend still dancing away with the jar of whisky on his
back? A weary man was he, as you may well believe, but he begged to
be allowed to finish the reel which he was in the act of executing,
and when they took him out into the open air, there was nothing of
him left but skin and bones.<a id="footnotetag580" name=
"footnotetag580"></a><a href="#footnote580"><sup>580</sup></a>
Again, the wicked fairies are apt to carry off men's wives with
them to fairyland; but the lost spouses can be recovered within a
year and a day when the procession of the fairies is defiling past
on Hallowe'en, always provided that the mortals did not partake of
elfin food while they were in elfinland.<a id="footnotetag581"
name="footnotetag581"></a><a href=
"#footnote581"><sup>581</sup></a></p>
<p>[Guleesh and the revels of the fairies at Hallowe'en.]</p>
<p>Sometimes valuable information may be obtained from the fairies
on Hallowe'en. There was a young man named <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page228" name="page228"></a>[pg 228]</span>
Guleesh in the County of Mayo. Near his house was a <i>rath</i> or
old fort with a fine grass bank running round it. One Hallowe'en,
when the darkness was falling, Guleesh went to the rath and stood
on a gray old flag. The night was calm and still; there was not a
breath of wind stirring, nor a sound to be heard except the hum of
the insects flitting past, or the whistle of the plovers, or the
hoarse scream of the wild geese as they winged their way far
overhead. Above the white fog the moon rose like a knob of fire in
the east, and a thousand thousand stars were twinkling in the sky.
There was a little frost in the air, the grass was white and crisp
and crackled under foot. Guleesh expected to see the fairies, but
they did not come. Hour after hour wore away, and he was just
bethinking him of going home to bed, when his ear caught a sound
far off coming towards him, and he knew what it was in a moment.
The sound grew louder and louder; at first it was like the beating
of waves on a stony shore, then it was like the roar of a
waterfall, at last it was like a mighty rushing wind in the tops of
the trees, then the storm burst upon the rath, and sure enough the
fairies were in it. The rout went by so suddenly that Guleesh lost
his breath; but he came to himself and listened. The fairies were
now gathered within the grassy bank of the rath, and a fine uproar
they made. But Guleesh listened with all his ears, and he heard one
fairy saying to another that a magic herb grew by Guleesh's own
door, and that Guleesh had nothing to do but pluck it and boil it
and give it to his sweetheart, the daughter of the King of France,
and she would be well, for just then she was lying very ill.
Guleesh took the hint, and everything went as the fairy had said.
And he married the daughter of the King of France; and they had
never a cark nor a care, a sickness nor a sorrow, a mishap nor a
misfortune to the day of their death.<a id="footnotetag582" name=
"footnotetag582"></a><a href="#footnote582"><sup>582</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweendivination" name="halloweendivination"></a>
<p>[Divination resorted to in Celtic countries at Hallowe'en.]</p>
<p>In all Celtic countries Hallowe'en seems to have been the great
season of the year for prying into the future; all kinds of
divination were put in practice that night. We read that Dathi, a
king of Ireland in the fifth century, <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page229" name="page229"></a>[pg 229]</span> happening to be at the
Druids' Hill (<i>Cnoc-nan-druad</i>) in the county of Sligo one
Hallowe'en, ordered his druid to forecast for him the future from
that day till the next Hallowe'en should come round. The druid
passed the night on the top of the hill, and next morning made a
prediction to the king which came true.<a id="footnotetag583" name=
"footnotetag583"></a><a href="#footnote583"><sup>583</sup></a> In
Wales Hallowe'en was the weirdest of all the <i>Teir Nos
Ysbrydion</i>, or Three Spirit Nights, when the wind, "blowing over
the feet of the corpses," bore sighs to the houses of those who
were to die within the year. People thought that if on that night
they went out to a cross-road and listened to the wind, they would
learn all the most important things that would befall them during
the next twelve months.<a id="footnotetag584" name=
"footnotetag584"></a><a href="#footnote584"><sup>584</sup></a> In
Wales, too, not so long ago women used to congregate in the parish
churches on the night of Hallowe'en and read their fate from the
flame of the candle which each of them held in her hand; also they
heard the names or saw the coffins of the parishioners who would
die within the year, and many were the sad scenes to which these
gloomy visions gave rise.<a id="footnotetag585" name=
"footnotetag585"></a><a href="#footnote585"><sup>585</sup></a> And
in the Highlands of Scotland anybody who pleased could hear
proclaimed aloud the names of parishioners doomed to perish within
the next twelve months, if he would only take a three-legged stool
and go and sit on it at three cross-roads, while the church clock
was striking twelve at midnight on Hallowe'en. It was even in his
power to save the destined victims from their doom by taking with
him articles of wearing apparel and throwing them away, one by one,
as each name was called out by the mysterious voice.<a id=
"footnotetag586" name="footnotetag586"></a><a href=
"#footnote586"><sup>586</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweenscotland" name="halloweenscotland"></a>
<p>[Hallowe'en bonfires in the Highlands of Scotland; John Ramsay's
account of the Hallowe'en bonfires; divination from stones at the
fire; Hallowe'en fires in the parishes of Callander and
Logierait.]</p>
<p>But while a glamour of mystery and awe has always clung to
Hallowe'en in the minds of the Celtic peasantry, the popular
celebration of the festival has been, at least in modern times, by
no means of a prevailingly gloomy cast; on the contrary it has been
attended by picturesque features and <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page230" name="page230"></a>[pg 230]</span> merry pastimes, which
rendered it the gayest night of all the year. Amongst the things
which in the Highlands of Scotland contributed to invest the
festival with a romantic beauty were the bonfires which used to
blaze at frequent intervals on the heights. "On the last day of
autumn children gathered ferns, tar-barrels, the long thin stalks
called <i>g&agrave;inisg</i>, and everything suitable for a
bonfire. These were placed in a heap on some eminence near the
house, and in the evening set fire to. The fires were called
<i>Samhnagan</i>. There was one for each house, and it was an
object of ambition who should have the biggest. Whole districts
were brilliant with bonfires, and their glare across a Highland
loch, and from many eminences, formed an exceedingly picturesque
scene."<a id="footnotetag587" name="footnotetag587"></a><a href=
"#footnote587"><sup>587</sup></a> Like the Beltane fires on the
first of May, the Hallowe'en bonfires seem to have been kindled
most commonly in the Perthshire Highlands. Travelling in the parish
of Moulin, near Pitlochrie, in the year 1772, the Englishman Thomas
Pennant writes that "Hallow Eve is also kept sacred: as soon as it
is dark, a person sets fire to a bush of broom fastened round a
pole, and, attended with a crowd, runs about the village. He then
flings it down, heaps great quantity of combustible matters on it,
and makes a great bonfire. A whole tract is thus illuminated at the
same time, and makes a fine appearance."<a id="footnotetag588"
name="footnotetag588"></a><a href="#footnote588"><sup>588</sup></a>
The custom has been described more fully by a Scotchman of the
eighteenth century, John Ramsay of Ochtertyre. On the evening of
Hallowe'en "the young people of every hamlet assembled upon some
eminence near the houses. There they made a bonfire of ferns or
other fuel, cut the same day, which from the feast was called
<i>Samh-nag</i> or <i>Savnag</i>, a fire of rest and pleasure.
Around it was placed a circle of stones, one for each person of the
families to whom they belonged. And when it grew dark the bonfire
was kindled, at which a loud shout was set up. Then each person
taking a torch of ferns or sticks in his hand, ran round the fire
exulting; and sometimes <span class="pagenum"><a id="page231" name=
"page231"></a>[pg 231]</span> they went into the adjacent fields,
where, if there was another company, they visited the bonfire,
taunting the others if inferior in any respect to themselves. After
the fire was burned out they returned home, where a feast was
prepared, and the remainder of the evening was spent in mirth and
diversions of various kinds. Next morning they repaired betimes to
the bonfire, where the situation of the stones was examined with
much attention. If any of them were misplaced, or if the print of a
foot could be discerned near any particular stone, it was imagined
that the person for whom it was set would not live out the year. Of
late years this is less attended to, but about the beginning of the
present century it was regarded as a sure prediction. The
Hallowe'en fire is still kept up in some parts of the Low country;
but on the western coast and in the Isles it is never kindled,
though the night is spent in merriment and entertainments."<a id=
"footnotetag589" name="footnotetag589"></a><a href=
"#footnote589"><sup>589</sup></a> In the Perthshire parish of
Callander, which includes the now famous pass of the Trossachs
opening out on the winding and wooded shores of the lovely Loch
Katrine, the Hallowe'en bonfires were still kindled down to near
the end of the eighteenth century. When the fire had died down, the
ashes were carefully collected in the form of a circle, and a stone
was put in, near the circumference, for every person of the several
families interested in the bonfire. Next morning, if any of these
stones was found to be displaced or injured, the people made sure
that the person represented by it was <i>fey</i> or devoted, and
that he could not live twelve months from that day.<a id=
"footnotetag590" name="footnotetag590"></a><a href=
"#footnote590"><sup>590</sup></a> In the parish of Logierait, which
covers the beautiful valley of the Tummel, one of the fairest
regions of all Scotland, the Hallowe'en fire was somewhat
different. Faggots of heath, broom, and the dressings of flax were
kindled and carried on poles by men, who ran with them round the
villages, attended by a crowd. As soon as one faggot was burnt out,
a fresh one was lighted and fastened to the pole. Numbers of these
blazing faggots were often carried about together, and when
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page232" name="page232"></a>[pg
232]</span> the night happened to be dark, they formed a splendid
illumination.<a id="footnotetag591" name=
"footnotetag591"></a><a href="#footnote591"><sup>591</sup></a></p>
<p>[Hallowe'en fires on Loch Tay; Hallowe'en fires at
Balquhidder.]</p>
<p>Nor did the Hallowe'en fires die out in Perthshire with the end
of the eighteenth century. Journeying from Dunkeld to Aberfeldy on
Hallowe'en in the first half of the nineteenth century, Sheriff
Barclay counted thirty fires blazing on the hill tops, and saw the
figures of the people dancing like phantoms round the flames.<a id=
"footnotetag592" name="footnotetag592"></a><a href=
"#footnote592"><sup>592</sup></a> Again, "in 1860, I was residing
near the head of Loch Tay during the season of the Hallowe'en
feast. For several days before Hallowe'en, boys and youths
collected wood and conveyed it to the most prominent places on the
hill sides in their neighbourhood. Some of the heaps were as large
as a corn-stack or hayrick. After dark on Hallowe'en, these heaps
were kindled, and for several hours both sides of Loch Tay were
illuminated as far as the eye could see. I was told by old men that
at the beginning of this century men as well as boys took part in
getting up the bonfires, and that, when the fire was ablaze, all
joined hands and danced round the fire, and made a great noise; but
that, as these gatherings generally ended in drunkenness and rough
and dangerous fun, the ministers set their faces against the
observance, and were seconded in their efforts by the more
intelligent and well-behaved in the community; and so the practice
was discontinued by adults and relegated to school boys."<a id=
"footnotetag593" name="footnotetag593"></a><a href=
"#footnote593"><sup>593</sup></a> At Balquhidder down to the latter
part of the nineteenth century each household kindled its bonfire
at Hallowe'en, but the custom was chiefly observed by children. The
fires were lighted on any high knoll near the house; there was no
dancing round them.<a id="footnotetag594" name=
"footnotetag594"></a><a href="#footnote594"><sup>594</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweenbuchan" name="halloweenbuchan"></a>
<p>[Hallowe'en fires in Buchan to burn the witches; processions
with torches at Hallowe'en in the Braemar Highlands.]</p>
<p>Hallowe'en fires were also lighted in some districts of the
north-east of Scotland, such as Buchan. Villagers and farmers alike
must have their fire. In the villages the boys went from house to
house and begged a peat from each householder, usually with the
words, "Ge's a peat t' burn <span class="pagenum"><a id="page233"
name="page233"></a>[pg 233]</span> the witches." In some villages
the lads collected the peats in a cart, some of them drawing it
along and the others receiving the peats and loading them on the
cart. Along with the peats they accumulated straw, furze, potato
haulm, everything that would burn quickly, and when they had got
enough they piled it all in a heap and set it on fire. Then each of
the youths, one after another, laid himself down on the ground as
near to the fire as he could without being scorched, and thus lying
allowed the smoke to roll over him. The others ran through the
smoke and jumped over their prostrate comrade. When the heap was
burned down, they scattered the ashes. Each one took a share in
this part of the ceremony, giving a kick first with the right foot
and then with the left; and each vied with the other who should
scatter the most. After that some of them still continued to run
through the scattered ashes and to pelt each other with the
half-burned peats. At each farm a spot as high as possible, not too
near the steading, was chosen for the fire, and the proceedings
were much the same as at the village bonfire. The lads of one farm,
when their own fire was burned down and the ashes scattered,
sometimes went to a neighbouring fire and helped to kick the ashes
about.<a id="footnotetag595" name="footnotetag595"></a><a href=
"#footnote595"><sup>595</sup></a> Referring to this part of
Scotland, a writer at the end of the eighteenth century observes
that "the Hallow-even fire, another relict of druidism, was kindled
in Buchan. Various magic ceremonies were then celebrated to
counteract the influence of witches and demons, and to
prognosticate to the young their success or disappointment in the
matrimonial lottery. These being devoutly finished, the hallow fire
was kindled, and guarded by the male part of the family. Societies
were formed, either by pique or humour, to scatter certain fires,
and the attack and defence were often conducted with art and with
fury."<a id="footnotetag596" name="footnotetag596"></a><a href=
"#footnote596"><sup>596</sup></a> Down to about the middle of the
nineteenth century "the Braemar Highlanders made the circuit of
their fields with lighted torches at Hallowe'en to ensure their
fertility in the coming year. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page234"
name="page234"></a>[pg 234]</span> At that date the custom was as
follows: Every member of the family (in those days households were
larger than they are now) was provided with a bundle of fir
'can'les' with which to go the round. The father and mother stood
at the hearth and lit the splints in the peat fire, which they
passed to the children and servants, who trooped out one after the
other, and proceeded to tread the bounds of their little property,
going slowly round at equal distances apart, and invariably with
the sun. To go 'withershins' seems to have been reserved for
cursing and excommunication. When the fields had thus been
circumambulated the remaining spills were thrown together in a heap
and allowed to burn out."<a id="footnotetag597" name=
"footnotetag597"></a><a href="#footnote597"><sup>597</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweenhighlands" name="halloweenhighlands"></a>
<p>[Divination at Hallow-e'en in the Highlands and Lowlands of
Scotland; the stolen kail; sowing hemp seed; the winnowing basket;
the wet shirt; the thrown shoe.]</p>
<p>In the Highlands of Scotland, as the evening of Hallowe'en wore
on, young people gathered in one of the houses and resorted to an
almost endless variety of games, or rather forms of divination, for
the purpose of ascertaining the future fate of each member of the
company. Were they to marry or remain single, was the marriage to
take place that year or never, who was to be married first, what
sort of husband or wife she or he was to get, the name, the trade,
the colour of the hair, the amount of property of the future
spouse&mdash;these were questions that were eagerly canvassed and
the answers to them furnished never-failing entertainment.<a id=
"footnotetag598" name="footnotetag598"></a><a href=
"#footnote598"><sup>598</sup></a> Nor were these modes of
divination at Hallowe'en confined to the Highlands, where the
bonfires were kindled; they were practised with equal faith and in
practically the same forms in the Lowlands, as we learn, for
example, from Burns's poem <i>Hallowe'en</i>, which describes the
auguries drawn from a variety of omens by the Ayrshire peasantry.
These Lowlanders of Saxon descent may well have inherited the rites
from the Celts who preceded them in the possession of the south
country. A common practice at Hallowe'en was to go out stealthily
to a neighbour's kailyard and there, with shut eyes, to pull up the
first kail <span class="pagenum"><a id="page235" name=
"page235"></a>[pg 235]</span> stock that came to hand. It was
necessary that the plants should be stolen without the knowledge or
consent of their owner; otherwise they were quite useless for the
purpose of divination. Strictly speaking, too, the neighbour upon
whose garden the raid was made should be unmarried, whether a
bachelor or a spinster. The stolen kail was taken home and
examined, and according to its height, shape, and features would be
the height, shape, and features of the future husband or wife. The
taste of the <i>custock</i>, that is, the heart of the stem, was an
infallible indication of his or her temper; and a clod of earth
adhering to the root signified, in proportion to its size, the
amount of property which he or she would bring to the common stock.
Then the kail-stock or <i>runt</i>, as it was called in Ayrshire,
was placed over the lintel of the door; and the baptismal name of
the young man or woman who first entered the door after the kail
was in position would be the baptismal name of the husband or
wife.<a id="footnotetag599" name="footnotetag599"></a><a href=
"#footnote599"><sup>599</sup></a> Again, young women sowed hemp
seed over nine ridges of ploughed land, saying, "I sow hemp seed,
and he who is to be my husband, let him come and harrow it." On
looking back over her left shoulder the girl would see the figure
of her future mate behind her in the darkness. In the north-east of
Scotland lint seed was used instead of hemp seed and answered the
purpose quite as well.<a id="footnotetag600" name=
"footnotetag600"></a><a href="#footnote600"><sup>600</sup></a>
Again, a mode of ascertaining your future husband or wife was this.
Take a clue of blue yarn and go to a lime-kiln. Throw the clue into
the kiln, but keep one end of the thread in your hand and wind it
on to another clue. As you come near the end somebody or something
will hold the other end tight in the kiln. Then you call out, "Who
holds?" giving the thread at the same time a gentle pull. Some one
or something will thereupon pull the other end of the thread, and a
voice will mention the name of your future husband or wife.<a id=
"footnotetag601" name="footnotetag601"></a><a href=
"#footnote601"><sup>601</sup></a> Another way is this. Go to the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page236" name="page236"></a>[pg
236]</span> barn alone and secretly. Be sure to open both doors and
if possible take them off their hinges; for if the being who is
about to appear should catch you in the barn and clap the doors to
on you, he or she might do you a mischief. Having done this, take
the sieve or winnowing-basket, which in Lowland Scotch is called a
<i>wecht</i> or <i>waicht</i>, and go through the action of
winnowing corn. Repeat it thrice, and at the third time the
apparition of your future husband or wife will pass through the
barn, entering at the windy door and passing out at the
other.<a id="footnotetag602" name="footnotetag602"></a><a href=
"#footnote602"><sup>602</sup></a> Or this. Go to a southward
running stream, where the lands of three lairds meet, or to a ford
where the dead and living have crossed. Dip the left sleeve of your
shirt in the water. Then go home, take off the shirt, hang it up
before a fire to dry, and go to bed, taking care that the bed
stands so that you can see your shirt hanging before the fire. Keep
awake, and at midnight you will see the form of your future spouse
come into the room and turn the other side of the sleeve to the
fire to dry it.<a id="footnotetag603" name=
"footnotetag603"></a><a href="#footnote603"><sup>603</sup></a> A
Highland form of divination at Hallowe'en is to take a shoe by the
tip and throw it over the house, then observe the direction in
which the toe points as it lies on the ground on the other side;
for in that direction you are destined to go before long. If the
shoe should fall sole uppermost, it is very unlucky for you.<a id=
"footnotetag604" name="footnotetag604"></a><a href=
"#footnote604"><sup>604</sup></a></p>
<p>[The white of eggs in water; the names on the chimney piece; the
nuts in the fire; the milk and meal; the apples in the water; the
three plates.]</p>
<p>These ways of prying into the future are practised outside of
the house; others are observed in the kitchen or the parlour before
the cheerful blaze of the fire. Thus the white of eggs, dropped in
a glass of pure water, indicates by certain marks how many children
a person will have. The impatience and clamour of the children,
eager to ascertain the exact number of their future progeny, often
induced the housewife to perform this ceremony for them by
daylight; and the kindly mother, standing with her face to the
window, dropping the white of an egg into a crystal <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page237" name="page237"></a>[pg 237]</span> glass
of clean water, and surrounded by a group of children intently
watching her proceedings, made up a pretty picture.<a id=
"footnotetag605" name="footnotetag605"></a><a href=
"#footnote605"><sup>605</sup></a> When the fun of the evening had
fairly commenced, the names of eligible or likely matches were
written on the chimney-piece, and the young man who wished to try
his fortune was led up blindfolded to the list. Whatever name he
put his finger on would prove that of his future wife.<a id=
"footnotetag606" name="footnotetag606"></a><a href=
"#footnote606"><sup>606</sup></a> Again, two nuts, representing a
lad and a lass whose names were announced to the company, were put
side by side in the fire. If they burned quietly together, the pair
would be man and wife, and from the length of time they burned and
the brightness of the flame the length and happiness of the married
life of the two were augured. But if instead of burning together
one of the nuts leaped away from the other, then there would be no
marriage, and the blame would rest with the person whose nut had
thus started away by itself.<a id="footnotetag607" name=
"footnotetag607"></a><a href="#footnote607"><sup>607</sup></a>
Again, a dish of milk and meal (in Gaelic <i>fuarag</i>, in Lowland
Scotch <i>crowdie</i>) or of beat potatoes was made and a ring was
hidden in it. Spoons were served out to the company, who supped the
contents of the dish hastily with them, and the one who got the
ring would be the first to be married.<a id="footnotetag608" name=
"footnotetag608"></a><a href="#footnote608"><sup>608</sup></a>
Again, apples and a silver sixpence were put in a tub of water; the
apples naturally floated on the top and the sixpence sank to the
bottom. Whoever could lift an apple or the sixpence from the water
with his mouth, without using his teeth, was counted very lucky and
got the prize to himself.<a id="footnotetag609" name=
"footnotetag609"></a><a href="#footnote609"><sup>609</sup></a>
Again, three plates or basins were placed on the hearth. One was
filled with clean water, another with dirty water, and the third
was empty. The enquirer was blindfolded, knelt in front of the
hearth, and groped about till he put his finger in one of them. If
he lighted on the plate with the clean water, he would wed a maid;
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page238" name="page238"></a>[pg
238]</span> if on the plate with the dirty water, he would marry a
widow; and if on the empty plate, he would remain a bachelor. For a
girl the answer of the oracle was analogous; she would marry a
bachelor, a widower, or nobody according to the plate into which
she chanced to dip her finger. But to make sure, the operation had
to be repeated thrice, the position of the plates being changed
each time. If the enquirer put his or her finger into the same
plate thrice or even twice, it was quite conclusive.<a id=
"footnotetag610" name="footnotetag610"></a><a href=
"#footnote610"><sup>610</sup></a></p>
<p>[The sliced apple; the white of egg in water; the salt cake or
salt herring.]</p>
<p>These forms of divination in the house were practised by the
company in a body; but the following had to be performed by the
person alone. You took an apple and stood with it in your hand in
front of a looking-glass. Then you sliced the apple, stuck each
slice on the point of the knife, and held it over your left
shoulder, while you looked into the glass and combed your hair. The
spectre of your future husband would then appear in the mirror
stretching forth his hand to take the slices of the apple over your
shoulder. Some say that the number of slices should be nine, that
you should eat the first eight yourself, and only throw the ninth
over your left shoulder for your husband; also that at each slice
you should say, "In the name of the Father and the Son."<a id=
"footnotetag611" name="footnotetag611"></a><a href=
"#footnote611"><sup>611</sup></a> Again, take an egg, prick it with
a pin, and let the white drop into a wine-glass nearly full of
water. Take some of this in your mouth and go out for a walk. The
first name you hear called out aloud will be that of your future
husband or wife. An old woman told a lady that she had tried this
mode of divination in her youth, that the name of Archibald "came
up as it were from the very ground," and that Archibald sure enough
was the name of her husband.<a id="footnotetag612" name=
"footnotetag612"></a><a href="#footnote612"><sup>612</sup></a> In
South Uist and Eriskay, two of the outer Hebrides, a salt cake
called <i>Bonnach Salainn</i> is eaten at Hallowe'en to induce
dreams that will reveal the future. It is baked of <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page239" name="page239"></a>[pg 239]</span> common
meal with a great deal of salt. After eating it you may not drink
water nor utter a word, not even to say your prayers. A salt
herring, eaten bones and all in three bites, is equally
efficacious, always provided that you drink no water and hold your
tongue.<a id="footnotetag613" name="footnotetag613"></a><a href=
"#footnote613"><sup>613</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweenwales" name="halloweenwales"></a>
<p>[Hallowe'en fires in Wales; omens drawn from stones thrown into
the fire; divination by stones in the ashes.]</p>
<p>In the northern part of Wales it used to be customary for every
family to make a great bonfire called <i>Coel Coeth</i> on
Hallowe'en. The fire was kindled on the most conspicuous spot near
the house; and when it had nearly gone out everyone threw into the
ashes a white stone, which he had first marked. Then having said
their prayers round the fire, they went to bed. Next morning, as
soon as they were up, they came to search out the stones, and if
any one of them was found to be missing, they had a notion that the
person who threw it would die before he saw another
Hallowe'en.<a id="footnotetag614" name=
"footnotetag614"></a><a href="#footnote614"><sup>614</sup></a> A
writer on Wales at the beginning of the nineteenth century says
that "the autumnal fire is still kindled in North Wales, being on
the eve of the first day of November, and is attended by many
ceremonies; such as running through the fire and smoke, each
casting a stone into the fire, and all running off at the
conclusion to escape from the black short-tailed sow; then supping
upon parsnips, nuts, and apples; catching up an apple suspended by
a string with the mouth alone, and the same by an apple in a tub of
water: each throwing a nut into the fire; and those that burn
bright, betoken prosperity to the owners through the following
year, but those that burn black and crackle, denote misfortune. On
the following morning the stones are searched for in the fire, and
if any be missing, they betide ill to those who threw them
in."<a id="footnotetag615" name="footnotetag615"></a><a href=
"#footnote615"><sup>615</sup></a> According to Sir John Rhys, the
habit of celebrating Hallowe'en by lighting bonfires on the hills
is perhaps not yet extinct in Wales, and men still living
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page240" name="page240"></a>[pg
240]</span> can remember how the people who assisted at the
bonfires would wait till the last spark was out and then would
suddenly take to their heels, shouting at the top of their voices,
"The cropped black sow seize the hindmost!" The saying, as Sir John
Rhys justly remarks, implies that originally one of the company
became a victim in dead earnest. Down to the present time the
saying is current in Carnarvonshire, where allusions to the cutty
black sow are still occasionally made to frighten children.<a id=
"footnotetag616" name="footnotetag616"></a><a href=
"#footnote616"><sup>616</sup></a> We can now understand why in
Lower Brittany every person throws a pebble into the midsummer
bonfire.<a id="footnotetag617" name="footnotetag617"></a><a href=
"#footnote617"><sup>617</sup></a> Doubtless there, as in Wales and
the Highlands of Scotland,<a id="footnotetag618" name=
"footnotetag618"></a><a href="#footnote618"><sup>618</sup></a>
omens of life and death have at one time or other been drawn from
the position and state of the pebbles on the morning of All Saints'
Day. The custom, thus found among three separate branches of the
Celtic stock, probably dates from a period before their dispersion,
or at least from a time when alien races had not yet driven home
the wedges of separation between them.</p>
<a id="halloweenwalesdivination" name=
"halloweenwalesdivination"></a>
<p>[Divination as to love and marriage at Hallowe'en in Wales.]</p>
<p>In Wales, as in Scotland, Hallowe'en was also the great season
for forecasting the future in respect of love and marriage, and
some of the forms of divination employed for this purpose resembled
those which were in use among the Scotch peasantry. Two girls, for
example, would make a little ladder of yarn, without breaking it
from the ball, and having done so they would throw it out of the
window. Then one of the girls, holding the ball in her hand, would
wind the yarn back, repeating a rhyme in Welsh. This she did
thrice, and as she wound the yarn she would see her future husband
climbing up the little ladder. Again, three bowls or basins were
placed on a table. One of them contained clean water, one dirty
water, and one was empty. The girls of the household, and sometimes
the boys too, then eagerly tried their fortunes. They were
blindfolded, led up to the table, and dipped their hands into a
bowl. If they happened to dip into the clean water, they would
marry maidens or bachelors; if into the dirty water, they would be
widowers or widows; if into the empty bowl, they would <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page241" name="page241"></a>[pg 241]</span> live
unmarried. Again, if a girl, walking backwards, would place a knife
among the leeks on Hallowe'en, she would see her future husband
come and pick up the knife and throw it into the middle of the
garden.<a id="footnotetag619" name="footnotetag619"></a><a href=
"#footnote619"><sup>619</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweendivinationireland" name=
"halloweendivinationireland"></a>
<p>[Divination at Hallowe'en in Ireland.]</p>
<p>In Ireland the Hallowe'en bonfires would seem to have died out,
but the Hallowe'en divination has survived. Writing towards the end
of the eighteenth century, General Vallancey tells us that on
Hallowe'en or the vigil of Saman, as he calls it, "the peasants in
Ireland assemble with sticks and clubs (the emblems of laceration)
going from house to house, collecting money, bread-cake, butter,
cheese, eggs, etc., etc., for the feast, repeating verses in honour
of the solemnity, demanding preparations for the festival, in the
name of St. Columb Kill, desiring them to lay aside the fatted
calf, and to bring forth the black sheep. The good women are
employed in making the griddle cake and candles; these last are
sent from house to house in the vicinity, and are lighted up on the
(Saman) next day, before which they pray, or are supposed to pray,
for the departed souls of the donor. Every house abounds in the
best viands they can afford: apples and nuts are devoured in
abundance: the nut-shells are burnt, and from the ashes many
strange things are foretold: cabbages are torn up by the root: hemp
seed is sown by the maidens, and they believe, that if they look
back, they will see the apparition of the man intended for their
future spouse: they hang a smock before the fire, on the close of
the feast, and sit up all night, concealed in a corner of the room,
convinced that his apparition will come down the chimney and turn
the smock: they throw a ball of yarn out of the window, and wind it
on the reel within, convinced, that if they repeat the <i>Pater
Noster</i> backwards, and look at the ball of yarn without, they
will then also see his <i>sith</i> or apparition: they dip for
apples in a tub of water, and endeavour to bring one up in the
mouth: they suspend a cord with a cross-stick, with apples at one
point, and candles lighted at the other, and endeavour to catch the
apple, while it is in a circular motion, in the mouth. These, and
many other superstitious ceremonies, the remains of Druidism, are
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page242" name="page242"></a>[pg
242]</span> observed on this holiday, which will never be
eradicated, while the name of <i>Saman</i> is permitted to
remain."<a id="footnotetag620" name="footnotetag620"></a><a href=
"#footnote620"><sup>620</sup></a></p>
<p>[Divination at Hallow-e'en in Queen's County; divination at
Hallow-e'en in County Leitrim; divination at Hallowe'en in County
Roscommon.]</p>
<p>In Queen's County, Ireland, down to the latter part of the
nineteenth century children practised various of these rites of
divination on Hallowe'en. Girls went out into the garden blindfold
and pulled up cabbages: if the cabbage was well grown, the girl
would have a handsome husband, but if it had a crooked stalk, the
future spouse would be a stingy old man. Nuts, again, were placed
in pairs on the bar of the fire, and from their behaviour omens
were drawn of the fate in love and marriage of the couple whom they
represented. Lead, also, was melted and allowed to drop into a tub
of cold water, and from the shapes which it assumed in the water
predictions were made to the children of their future destiny.
Again, apples were bobbed for in a tub of water and brought up with
the teeth; or a stick was hung from a hook with an apple at one end
and a candle at the other, and the stick being made to revolve you
made a bite at the apple and sometimes got a mouthful of candle
instead.<a id="footnotetag621" name="footnotetag621"></a><a href=
"#footnote621"><sup>621</sup></a> In County Leitrim, also, down to
near the end of the nineteenth century various forms of divination
were practised at Hallowe'en. Girls ascertained the character of
their future husbands by the help of cabbages just as in Queen's
County. Again, if a girl found a branch of a briar-thorn which had
bent over and grown into the ground so as to form a loop, she would
creep through the loop thrice late in the evening in the devil's
name, then cut the briar and put it under her pillow, all without
speaking a word. Then she would lay her head on the pillow and
dream of the man she was to marry. Boys, also, would dream in like
manner of love and marriage at Hallowe'en, if only they would
gather ten leaves of ivy without speaking, throw away one, and put
the other nine under their pillow. Again, divination was practised
by means of a cake called <i>barm-breac</i>, in which a nut and a
ring were baked. Whoever got the ring would be married first;
whoever got the nut would marry a widow or a widower; but if the
nut were an empty shell, he or she <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page243" name="page243"></a>[pg 243]</span> would remain unwed.
Again, a girl would take a clue of worsted, go to a lime kiln in
the gloaming, and throw the clew into the kiln in the devil's name,
while she held fast the other end of the thread. Then she would
rewind the thread and ask, "Who holds my clue?" and the name of her
future husband would come up from the depth of the kiln. Another
way was to take a rake, go to a rick and walk round it nine times,
saying, "I rake this rick in the devil's name." At the ninth time
the wraith of your destined partner for life would come and take
the rake out of your hand. Once more, before the company separated
for the night, they would rake the ashes smooth on the hearth, and
search them next morning for tracks, from which they judged whether
anybody should come to the house, or leave it, or die in it before
another year was out.<a id="footnotetag622" name=
"footnotetag622"></a><a href="#footnote622"><sup>622</sup></a> In
County Roscommon, which borders on County Leitrim, a cake is made
in nearly every house on Hallowe'en, and a ring, a coin, a sloe,
and a chip of wood are put into it. Whoever gets the coin will be
rich; whoever gets the ring will be married first; whoever gets the
chip of wood, which stands for a coffin, will die first; and
whoever gets the sloe will live longest, because the fairies blight
the sloes in the hedges on Hallowe'en, so that the sloe in the cake
will be the last of the year. Again, on the same mystic evening
girls take nine grains of oats in their mouths, and going out
without speaking walk about till they hear a man's name pronounced;
it will be the name of their future husband. In County Roscommon,
too, on Hallowe'en there is the usual dipping in water for apples
or sixpences, and the usual bites at a revolving apple and tallow
candle.<a id="footnotetag623" name="footnotetag623"></a><a href=
"#footnote623"><sup>623</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweenman" name="halloweenman"></a>
<p>[Hallowe'en fires in the Isle of Man; divination at Hallowe'en
in the Isle of Man.]</p>
<p>In the Isle of Man also, another Celtic country, Hallow-e'en was
celebrated down to modern times by the kindling of fires,
accompanied with all the usual ceremonies designed to prevent the
baneful influence of fairies and witches. Bands of young men
perambulated the island by night, and at the door of every
dwelling-house they struck up a Manx rhyme, beginning</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"<i>Noght oie howney hop-dy-naw</i>,"</p>
</div>
</div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page244" name="page244"></a>[pg
244]</span> that is to say, "This is Hollantide Eve." For
Hollantide is the Manx way of expressing the old English <i>All
hallowen tide</i>, that is, All Saints' Day, the first of November.
But as the people reckon this festival according to the Old Style,
Hollantide in the Isle of Man is our twelfth of November. The
native Manx name for the day is <i>Sauin</i> or <i>Laa Houney</i>.
Potatoes, parsnips and fish, pounded up together and mixed with
butter, formed the proper evening meal (<i>mrastyr</i>) on
Hallowe'en in the Isle of Man.<a id="footnotetag624" name=
"footnotetag624"></a><a href="#footnote624"><sup>624</sup></a>
Here, too, as in Scotland forms of divination are practised by some
people on this important evening. For example, the housewife fills
a thimble full of salt for each member of the family and each
guest; the contents of the thimblefuls are emptied out in as many
neat little piles on a plate, and left there over night. Next
morning the piles are examined, and if any of them has fallen down,
he or she whom it represents will die within the year. Again, the
women carefully sweep out the ashes from under the fireplace and
flatten them down neatly on the open hearth. If they find next
morning a footprint turned towards the door, it signifies a death
in the family within the year; but if the footprint is turned in
the opposite direction, it bodes a marriage. Again, divination by
eavesdropping is practised in the Isle of Man in much the same way
as in Scotland. You go out with your mouth full of water and your
hands full of salt and listen at a neighbour's door, and the first
name you hear will be the name of your husband. Again, Manx maids
bandage their eyes and grope about the room till they dip their
hands in vessels full of clean or dirty water, and so on; and from
the thing they touch they draw corresponding omens. But some people
in the Isle of Man observe these auguries, not on Hallowe'en or
Hollantide Eve, as they call it, which was the old Manx New Year's
Eve, but on the modern New Year's Eve, that is, on the thirty-first
of December. The change no doubt marks a transition from the
ancient to the modern mode of dating the beginning of the
year.<a id="footnotetag625" name="footnotetag625"></a><a href=
"#footnote625"><sup>625</sup></a></p>
<a id="halloweenlancashire" name="halloweenlancashire"></a>
<p>[Hallowe'en fires and divination in Lancashire; candles lighted
to keep off the witches; divination at Hallowe'en in
Northumberland; Hallowe'en fires in France.]</p>
<p>In Lancashire, also, some traces of the old Celtic celebration
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page245" name="page245"></a>[pg
245]</span> of Hallowe'en have been reported in modern times. It is
said that "fires are still lighted in Lancashire, on Hallowe'en,
under the name of Beltains or Teanlas; and even such cakes as the
Jews are said to have made in honour of the Queen of Heaven, are
yet to be found at this season amongst the inhabitants of the banks
of the Ribble.... Both the fires and the cakes, however, are now
connected with superstitious notions respecting Purgatory,
etc."<a id="footnotetag626" name="footnotetag626"></a><a href=
"#footnote626"><sup>626</sup></a> On Hallowe'en, too, the
Lancashire maiden "strews the ashes which are to take the form of
one or more letters of her lover's name; she throws hemp-seed over
her shoulder and timidly glances to see who follows her."<a id=
"footnotetag627" name="footnotetag627"></a><a href=
"#footnote627"><sup>627</sup></a> Again, witches in Lancashire used
to gather on Hallowe'en at the Malkin Tower, a ruined and desolate
farm-house in the forest of Pendle. They assembled for no good
purpose; but you could keep the infernal rout at bay by carrying a
lighted candle about the fells from eleven to twelve o'clock at
night. The witches tried to blow out the candle, and if they
succeeded, so much the worse for you; but if the flame burned
steadily till the clocks had struck midnight, you were safe. Some
people performed the ceremony by deputy; and parties went about
from house to house in the evening collecting candles, one for each
inmate, and offering their services to <i>late</i> or <i>leet</i>
the witches, as the phrase ran. This custom was practised at
Longridge Fell in the early part of the nineteenth century.<a id=
"footnotetag628" name="footnotetag628"></a><a href=
"#footnote628"><sup>628</sup></a> In Northumberland on Hallowe'en
omens of marriage were drawn from nuts thrown into the fire; and
the sports of ducking for apples and biting at a revolving apple
and lighted candle were also practised on that evening.<a id=
"footnotetag629" name="footnotetag629"></a><a href=
"#footnote629"><sup>629</sup></a> The equivalent of the Hallowe'en
bonfires is reported also from France. We are told that in the
department of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page246" name=
"page246"></a>[pg 246]</span> Deux-S&egrave;vres, which forms part
of the old province of Poitou, young people used to assemble in the
fields on All Saints' Day (the first of November) and kindle great
fires of ferns, thorns, leaves, and stubble, at which they roasted
chestnuts. They also danced round the fires and indulged in noisy
pastimes.<a id="footnotetag630" name="footnotetag630"></a><a href=
"#footnote630"><sup>630</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect4-7" name="sect4-7">&sect; 7. <i>The Midwinter
Fires</i></a></h4>
<a id="winterfire" name="winterfire"></a>
<p>[A Midwinter festival of fire; Christmas the continuation of an
old heathen festival of the sun.]</p>
<p>If the heathen of ancient Europe celebrated, as we have good
reason to believe, the season of Midsummer with a great festival of
fire, of which the traces have survived in many places down to our
own time, it is natural to suppose that they should have observed
with similar rites the corresponding season of Midwinter; for
Midsummer and Midwinter, or, in more technical language, the summer
solstice and the winter solstice, are the two great turning-points
in the sun's apparent course through the sky, and from the
standpoint of primitive man nothing might seem more appropriate
than to kindle fires on earth at the two moments when the fire and
heat of the great luminary in heaven begin to wane or to wax. In
this way the savage philosopher, to whose meditations on the nature
of things we owe many ancient customs and ceremonies, might easily
imagine that he helped the labouring sun to relight his dying lamp,
or at all events to blow up the flame into a brighter blaze.
Certain it is that the winter solstice, which the ancients
erroneously assigned to the twenty-fifth of December, was
celebrated in antiquity as the Birthday of the Sun, and that festal
lights or fires were kindled on this joyful occasion. Our Christmas
festival is nothing but a continuation under a Christian name of
this old solar festivity; for the ecclesiastical authorities saw
fit, about the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth
century, arbitrarily to transfer the nativity of Christ from the
sixth of January to the twenty-fifth of December, for the purpose
of diverting to their Lord the worship which the heathen had
hitherto paid on that day to the sun.<a id="footnotetag631" name=
"footnotetag631"></a><a href="#footnote631"><sup>631</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page247" name="page247"></a>[pg
247]</span> <a id="winterlog" name="winterlog"></a>
<p>[The Yule log is the Midwinter counterpart of the Midsummer
bonfire.]</p>
<p>In modern Christendom the ancient fire-festival of the winter
solstice appears to survive, or to have survived down to recent
years, in the old custom of the Yule log, clog, or block, as it was
variously called in England.<a id="footnotetag632" name=
"footnotetag632"></a><a href="#footnote632"><sup>632</sup></a> The
custom was widespread in Europe, but seems to have flourished
especially in England, France, and among the South Slavs; at least
the fullest accounts of the custom come from these quarters. That
the Yule log was only the winter counterpart of the Midsummer
bonfire, kindled within doors instead of in the open air on account
of the cold and inclement weather of the season, was pointed out
long ago by our English antiquary John Brand;<a id="footnotetag633"
name="footnotetag633"></a><a href="#footnote633"><sup>633</sup></a>
and the view is supported by the many quaint superstitions
attaching to the Yule log, superstitions which have no apparent
connexion with Christianity but carry their heathen origin plainly
stamped upon them. But while the two solstitial celebrations were
both festivals of fire, the necessity or desirability of holding
the winter celebration within doors lent it the character of a
private or domestic festivity, which contrasts strongly with the
publicity of the summer celebration, at which the people gathered
on some open space or conspicuous height, kindled a huge bonfire in
common, and danced and made merry round it together.</p>
<a id="yulegermany" name="yulegermany"></a>
<p>[The Yule log in Germany; the Yule log in Switzerland.]</p>
<p>Among the Germans the custom of the Yule log is known to have
been observed in the eleventh century; for in the year 1184 the
parish priest of Ahlen, in M&uuml;nsterland, spoke of "bringing a
tree to kindle the festal fire at the Lord's Nativity."<a id=
"footnotetag634" name="footnotetag634"></a><a href=
"#footnote634"><sup>634</sup></a> Down to about the middle of the
nineteenth century the old rite was kept up in some parts of
central Germany, as we learn from an account of it given by a
contemporary writer. After mentioning the custom of <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page248" name="page248"></a>[pg 248]</span>
feeding the cattle and shaking the fruit-trees on Christmas night,
to make them bear fruit, he goes on as follows: "Other customs
pointing back to the far-off times of heathendom may still be met
with among the old-fashioned peasants of the mountain regions. Such
is in the valleys of the Sieg and Lahn the practice of laying a new
log as a foundation of the hearth. A heavy block of oak-wood,
generally a stump grubbed up from the ground, is fitted either into
the floor of the hearth, or into a niche made for the purpose in
the wall under the hook on which the kettle hangs. When the fire on
the hearth glows, this block of wood glows too, but it is so placed
that it is hardly reduced to ashes within a year. When the new
foundation is laid, the remains of the old block are carefully
taken out, ground to powder, and strewed over the fields during the
Twelve Nights. This, so people fancied, promotes the fruitfulness
of the year's crops."<a id="footnotetag635" name=
"footnotetag635"></a><a href="#footnote635"><sup>635</sup></a> In
some parts of the Eifel Mountains, to the west of Coblentz, a log
of wood called the <i>Christbrand</i> used to be placed on the
hearth on Christmas Eve; and the charred remains of it on Twelfth
Night were put in the corn-bin to keep the mice from devouring the
corn.<a id="footnotetag636" name="footnotetag636"></a><a href=
"#footnote636"><sup>636</sup></a> At Weidenhausen and Girkshausen,
in Westphalia, the practice was to withdraw the Yule log
(<i>Christbrand</i>) from the fire so soon as it was slightly
charred; it was then kept carefully to be replaced on the fire
whenever a thunder-storm broke, because the people believed that
lightning would not strike a house in which the Yule log was
smouldering.<a id="footnotetag637" name=
"footnotetag637"></a><a href="#footnote637"><sup>637</sup></a> In
some villages near Berleburg in Westphalia the old custom was to
tie up the Yule log in the last sheaf cut at harvest.<a id=
"footnotetag638" name="footnotetag638"></a><a href=
"#footnote638"><sup>638</sup></a> On Christmas Eve the peasantry of
the Oberland, in Meiningen, a province of Central Germany, used to
put a great block of wood called the <i>Christklots</i> on the fire
before they went to bed; it should burn all night, and the charred
remains were believed to guard the house for the whole year against
the risk of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page249" name=
"page249"></a>[pg 249]</span> fire, burglary, and other
misfortunes.<a id="footnotetag639" name=
"footnotetag639"></a><a href="#footnote639"><sup>639</sup></a> The
Yule log seems to be known only in the French-speaking parts of
Switzerland, where it goes by the usual French name of
<i>B&ucirc;che de No&euml;l</i>. In the Jura mountains of the
canton of Bern, while the log is burning on the hearth the people
sing a blessing over it as follows:&mdash;</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"May the log burn!</p>
<p>May all good come in!</p>
<p>May the women have children</p>
<p>And the sheep lambs!</p>
<p>White bread for every one</p>
<p>And the vat full of wine!"</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>The embers of the Yule log were kept carefully, for they were
believed to be a protection against lightning.<a id=
"footnotetag640" name="footnotetag640"></a><a href=
"#footnote640"><sup>640</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulebelgium" name="yulebelgium"></a>
<p>[The Yule log in Belgium.]</p>
<p>"The Christmas fires, which were formerly lit everywhere in the
Low Countries, have fallen into disuse. But in Flanders a great log
of wood, called the <i>kersavondblok</i> and usually cut from the
roots of a fir or a beech, is still put on the fire; all the lights
in the house are extinguished, and the whole family gathers round
the log to spend part of the night in singing, in telling stories,
especially about ghosts, were-wolves, and so on, and also in
drinking gin. At Grammont and in the neighbourhood of that town,
where the Yule log is called <i>Kersmismot</i>, it is customary to
set fire to the remainder of the gin at the moment when the log is
reduced to ashes. Elsewhere a piece of the log is kept and put
under the bed to protect the house against thunder and lightning.
The charcoal of the log which burned during Christmas Night, if
pounded up and mixed with water, is a cure for consumption. In the
country of Limburg the log burns several nights, and the pounded
charcoal is kept as a preventive (so they say), of
toothache."<a id="footnotetag641" name=
"footnotetag641"></a><a href="#footnote641"><sup>641</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulefrance" name="yulefrance"></a>
<p>[The Yule log in France.]</p>
<p>In several provinces of France, and particularly in Provence,
the custom of the Yule log or <i>tr&eacute;foir</i>, as it was
called in many places, was long observed. A French <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page250" name="page250"></a>[pg 250]</span> writer
of the seventeenth century tells us that on Christmas Eve the log
was prepared, and when the whole family had assembled in the
kitchen or parlour of the house, they went and brought it in,
walking in procession and singing Proven&ccedil;al verses to the
following effect:&mdash;</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Let the log rejoice,</p>
<p>To-morrow is the day of bread;</p>
<p>Let all good enter here;</p>
<p>Let the women bear children;</p>
<p>Let the she-goats bring forth kids;</p>
<p>Let the ewes drop lambs;</p>
<p>Let there be much wheat and flour,</p>
<p>And the vat full of wine."</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>Then the log was blessed by the smallest and youngest child of
the house, who poured a glass of wine over it saying, <i>In nomine
patris</i>, etc.; after which the log was set on the fire. The
charcoal of the burnt wood was kept the whole year, and used as an
ingredient in several remedies.<a id="footnotetag642" name=
"footnotetag642"></a><a href="#footnote642"><sup>642</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulefrenchsuperstitions" name="yulefrenchsuperstitions"></a>
<p>[French superstitions as to the Yule log.]</p>
<p>Amongst the superstitions denounced by the same writer is "the
belief that a log called the <i>trefoir</i> or Christmas brand,
which you put on the fire for the first time on Christmas Eve and
continue to put on the fire for a little while every day till
Twelfth Night, can, if kept under the bed, protect the house for a
whole year from fire and thunder; that it can prevent the inmates
from having chilblains on their heels in winter; that it can cure
the cattle of many maladies; that if a piece of it be steeped in
the water which cows drink it helps them to calve; and lastly that
if the ashes of the log be strewn on the fields it can save the
wheat from mildew."<a id="footnotetag643" name=
"footnotetag643"></a><a href="#footnote643"><sup>643</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulemarseilles" name="yulemarseilles"></a>
<p>[The Yule log at Marseilles and in Perigord; virtues ascribed to
the charcoal and ashes of the burnt log; the Yule log in
Berry.]</p>
<p>In Marseilles the Yule log used to be a great block of oak,
which went by the name of <i>calendeau</i> or <i>calignau</i>; it
was sprinkled with wine and oil, and the head of the house kindled
it himself.<a id="footnotetag644" name=
"footnotetag644"></a><a href="#footnote644"><sup>644</sup></a> "The
Yule log plays a great part at the festival of the winter solstice
in Perigord. The countryman thinks that it is best made of
plum-tree, cherry, or oak, and <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page251" name="page251"></a>[pg 251]</span> that the larger it is
the better. If it burns well, it is a good omen, the blessing of
heaven rests upon it. The charcoal and ashes, which are collected
very carefully, are excellent for healing swollen glands; the part
of the trunk which has not been burnt in the fire is used by
ploughmen to make the wedge (<i>t&eacute;coin ou cale</i>) for
their plough, because they allege that it causes the seeds to
thrive better; and the women keep pieces of it till Twelfth Night
for the sake of their chickens. Nevertheless if you sit down on the
log, you become subject to boils, and to cure yourself of them you
must pass nine times under a bramble branch which happens to be
rooted in the ground at both ends. The charcoal heals sheep of a
disease called the <i>goumon</i>; and the ashes, carefully wrapt up
in white linen, preserve the whole household from accidents. Some
people think that they will have as many chickens as there are
sparks that fly out of the brands of the log when they shake them;
and others place the extinct brands under the bed to drive away
vermin. In Vienne, on Christmas Eve, when supper is over, the
master of the house has a great log&mdash;the Christmas
brand&mdash;brought in, and then, surrounded by all the spectators
gathered in profound silence, he sprinkles salt and water on the
log. It is then put on the fire to burn during the three festivals;
but they carefully preserve a piece to be kindled every time that
it thunders."<a id="footnotetag645" name=
"footnotetag645"></a><a href="#footnote645"><sup>645</sup></a> In
Berry, a district of Central France, the Yule log was called the
<i>cosse de Nau</i>, the last word being an abbreviation of the
usual French word for Christmas (No&euml;l). It consisted of an
enormous tree-trunk, so heavy that the united strength of several
men was needed to carry it in and place it on the hearth, where it
served to feed the fire during the three days of the Christmas
festivity. Strictly speaking, it should be the trunk of an old
oak-tree which had never been lopped and had been felled at
midnight. It <span class="pagenum"><a id="page252" name=
"page252"></a>[pg 252]</span> was placed on the hearth at the
moment when the tinkle of the bell announced the elevation of the
host at the midnight mass; and the head of the family, after
sprinkling it with holy water, set it on fire. The remains of the
log were preserved till the same day next year. They were kept
under the bed of the master of the house; and whenever thunder was
heard, one of the family would take a piece of the log and throw it
on the fire, which was believed to guard the family against
lightning. In the Middle Ages, we are told, several fiefs were
granted on condition that the vassal should bring in person a Yule
log every year for the hearth of his liege lord.<a id=
"footnotetag646" name="footnotetag646"></a><a href=
"#footnote646"><sup>646</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulenormandybrittany" name="yulenormandybrittany"></a>
<p>[The Yule log in Normandy and Brittany.]</p>
<p>Similar customs and beliefs survived till recent years in some
of the remote country villages of the picturesque district known as
the Bocage of Normandy. There it was the grandfather or other
oldest man of the family who chose the Yule log in good time and
had it ready for Christmas Eve. Then he placed it on the hearth at
the moment when the church bell began to ring for the evening
service. Kneeling reverently at the hearth with the members of his
family in a like attitude of devotion, the old man recited three
<i>Pater Nosters</i> and three <i>Aves</i>, and invoked the
blessing of heaven on the log and on the cottage. Then at the sound
of the bell which proclaimed the sacrament of the mass, or, if the
church was too far off to allow the tinkle of the bell to be heard,
at the moment when they judged that the priest was elevating the
host before the high altar, the patriarch sprinkled the burning log
with holy water, blessed it in the name of the Father and of the
Son and of the Holy Ghost, and drew it out of the fire. The charred
log was then carefully kept till the following Christmas as a
precious relic which would guard the house against the levin bolt,
evil spirits, sorcerers, and every misfortune that might befall in
the course of the year.<a id="footnotetag647" name=
"footnotetag647"></a><a href="#footnote647"><sup>647</sup></a> In
the department of Orne <span class="pagenum"><a id="page253" name=
"page253"></a>[pg 253]</span> "the Yule-log is called
<i>trefouet</i>; holy water is poured on it; it should last the
three days of the festival, and the remains of it are kept to be
put on the fire when it thunders. This brand is a protection both
against thunder and against sorcerers."<a id="footnotetag648" name=
"footnotetag648"></a><a href="#footnote648"><sup>648</sup></a> In
Upper Brittany, also, the Yule log is thought to be a safeguard
against thunder and lightning. It is sprinkled with holy water on
Christmas morning and allowed to burn till evening. If a piece of
it is thrown into the well, it will ensure a supply of good
water.<a id="footnotetag649" name="footnotetag649"></a><a href=
"#footnote649"><sup>649</sup></a></p>
<a id="yuleardennes" name="yuleardennes"></a>
<p>[The Yule log in the Ardennes.]</p>
<p>"In almost all the families of the Ardennes," we are told, "at
the present day they never fail to put the Yule log on the
fireplace, but formerly it was the object of a superstitious
worship which is now obsolete. The charred remains of it, placed
under the pillow or under the house, preserved the house from
storms, and before it was burned the Virgin used to come and sit on
it, invisible, swaddling the infant Jesus. At Nouzon, twenty years
ago, the traditional log was brought into the kitchen on Christmas
Eve, and the grandmother, with a sprig of box in her hand,
sprinkled the log with holy water as soon as the clock struck the
first stroke of midnight. As she did so she chanted,</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>'When Christmas comes,</p>
<p>Every one should rejoice,</p>
<p>For it is a New Covenant.'</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>"Following the grandmother and joining in the song, the children
and the rest of the family marched thrice round the log, which was
as fine a log as could be got."<a id="footnotetag650" name=
"footnotetag650"></a><a href="#footnote650"><sup>650</sup></a> We
can now, perhaps, understand why in Perigord people who sat on the
Yule log suffered from boils,<a id="footnotetag651" name=
"footnotetag651"></a><a href="#footnote651"><sup>651</sup></a> and
why in Lorraine young folks used to be warned that if they sat on
it they would have the scab.<a id="footnotetag652" name=
"footnotetag652"></a><a href="#footnote652"><sup>652</sup></a> The
reason probably was that the Virgin and child were supposed to be
seated, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page254" name=
"page254"></a>[pg 254]</span> invisible, upon the log and to resent
the indignity of contact with mortal children.</p>
<a id="yulevosges" name="yulevosges"></a>
<p>[The Yule log in the Vosges; the Yule log in
Franche-Comt&eacute; and Burgundy.]</p>
<p>On Christmas Eve the mountaineers of Rupt, in the Vosges, also
never fail to put on the hearth the largest log which the hearth
can hold; they call it <i>la galeuche de No&euml;</i>, that is, the
Yule log. Next morning they rake the ashes for any charred
fragments and keep them as valuable talismans to guard them against
the stroke of lightning. At Vagney and other places near it in the
Vosges it used to be customary on the same evening to grease the
hinges and the latches of the doors, that no harsh grating sound
should break the slumbers of the infant Christ. In the Vosges
Mountains, too, as indeed in many other places, cattle acquired the
gift of speech on Christmas Eve and conversed with each other in
the language of Christians. Their conversation was, indeed, most
instructive; for the future, it seems, had no secret worth
mentioning for them. Yet few people cared to be caught
eavesdropping at the byre; wise folk contented themselves with
setting a good store of fodder in the manger, then shut the door,
and left the animals to their ruminations. A farmer of Vecoux once
hid in a corner of the byre to overhear the edifying talk of the
beasts. But it did him little good; for one ox said to another ox,
"What shall we do to-morrow?" and the other replied, "We shall
carry our master to the churchyard." Sure enough the farmer died
that very night and was buried next morning.<a id="footnotetag653"
name="footnotetag653"></a><a href="#footnote653"><sup>653</sup></a>
In Franche-Comt&eacute;, the province of France to the west of the
Jura mountains, if the Yule log is really to protect a house
against thunder and lightning, it is essential that it should burn
during the midnight mass, and that the flame should not go out
before the divine service is concluded. Otherwise the log is quite
useless for the purpose.<a id="footnotetag654" name=
"footnotetag654"></a><a href="#footnote654"><sup>654</sup></a> In
Burgundy the log which is placed on the fire on Christmas Eve is
called the <i>suche</i>. While it is burning, the father of the
family, assisted by his wife and children, sings Christmas carols;
and when he has finished, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page255"
name="page255"></a>[pg 255]</span> he tells the smallest children
to go into a corner of the room and pray God that the log may give
them sweeties. The prayer is invariably answered.<a id=
"footnotetag655" name="footnotetag655"></a><a href=
"#footnote655"><sup>655</sup></a></p>
<a id="yuleengland" name="yuleengland"></a>
<p>[The Yule log and the Yule candle in England.]</p>
<p>In England the customs and beliefs concerning the Yule log,
clog, or block, as it was variously called, used to be similar. On
the night of Christmas Eve, says the antiquary John Brand, "our
ancestors were wont to light up candles of an uncommon size, called
Christmas Candles, and lay a log of wood upon the fire, called a
Yule-clog or Christmas-block, to illuminate the house, and, as it
were, to turn night into day. This custom is, in some measure,
still kept up in the North of England. In the buttery of St. John's
College, Oxford, an ancient candle-socket of stone still remains
ornamented with the figure of the Holy Lamb. It was formerly used
to burn the Christmas Candle in, on the high table at supper,
during the twelve nights of that festival."<a id="footnotetag656"
name="footnotetag656"></a><a href="#footnote656"><sup>656</sup></a>
"A tall mould candle, called a Yule candle, is lighted and set on
the table; these candles are presented by the chandlers and grocers
to their customers. The Yule-log is bought of the carpenters' lads.
It would be unlucky to light either of them before the time, or to
stir the fire or candle during the supper; the candle must not be
snuffed, neither must any one stir from the table till supper is
ended. In these suppers it is considered unlucky to have an odd
number at table. A fragment of the log is occasionally saved, and
put under a bed, to remain till next Christmas: it secures the
house from fire; a small piece of it thrown into a fire occurring
at the house of a neighbour, will quell the raging flame. A piece
of the candle should likewise be kept to ensure good luck."<a id=
"footnotetag657" name="footnotetag657"></a><a href=
"#footnote657"><sup>657</sup></a> In the seventeenth century, as we
learn from some verses of Herrick, the English custom was to light
the Yule log with a fragment of its predecessor, which had been
kept throughout the year for the purpose; where it was so kept, the
fiend could do no mischief.<a id="footnotetag658" name=
"footnotetag658"></a><a href="#footnote658"><sup>658</sup></a>
Indeed the practice of preserving a piece of the <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page256" name="page256"></a>[pg 256]</span>
Yule-log of one year to light that of the next was observed by at
least one family at Cheadle in Staffordshire down to the latter
part of the nineteenth century.<a id="footnotetag659" name=
"footnotetag659"></a><a href="#footnote659"><sup>659</sup></a></p>
<a id="yuleyorkshire" name="yuleyorkshire"></a>
<p>[The Yule-log in Yorkshire; the Yule log in Lincolnshire; the
Yule log in Warwickshire, Shropshire, and Herefordshire; the Yule
log in Wales.]</p>
<p>In the North of England farm-servants used to lay by a large
knotty block of wood for the Christmas fire, and so long as the
block lasted they were entitled by custom to ale at their meals.
The log was as large as the hearth could hold.<a id=
"footnotetag660" name="footnotetag660"></a><a href=
"#footnote660"><sup>660</sup></a> At Belford, in Northumberland,
"the lord of the manor sends round to every house, on the afternoon
of Christmas Eve, the Yule Logs&mdash;four or five large
logs&mdash;to be burnt on Christmas Eve and Day. This old custom
has always, I am told, been kept up here."<a id="footnotetag661"
name="footnotetag661"></a><a href="#footnote661"><sup>661</sup></a>
The custom of burning the Yule log at Christmas used to be observed
in Wensleydale and other parts of Yorkshire, and prudent housewives
carefully preserved pieces of the log throughout the year. At
Whitby the portions so kept were stowed away under the bed till
next Christmas, when they were burnt with the new log; in the
interval they were believed to protect the house from
conflagration, and if one of them were thrown into the fire, it
would quell a raging storm.<a id="footnotetag662" name=
"footnotetag662"></a><a href="#footnote662"><sup>662</sup></a> The
practice and the belief were similar at Filey on the coast of
Yorkshire, where besides the Yule log a tall Yule candle was lit on
the same evening.<a id="footnotetag663" name=
"footnotetag663"></a><a href="#footnote663"><sup>663</sup></a> In
the West Riding, while the log <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page257" name="page257"></a>[pg 257]</span> blazed cheerfully, the
people quaffed their ale and sang, "Yule! Yule! a pack of new cards
and a Christmas stool!"<a id="footnotetag664" name=
"footnotetag664"></a><a href="#footnote664"><sup>664</sup></a> At
Clee, in Lincolnshire, "when Christmas Eve has come the Yule cake
is duly cut and the Yule log lit, and I know of some even
middle-class houses where the new log must always rest upon and be
lighted by the old one, a small portion of which has been carefully
stored away to preserve a continuity of light and heat."<a id=
"footnotetag665" name="footnotetag665"></a><a href=
"#footnote665"><sup>665</sup></a> At the village of Wootton Wawen
in Warwickshire, down to 1759 at least, the Yule-block, as it was
called, was drawn into the house by a horse on Christmas Eve "as a
foundation for the fire on Christmas Day, and according to the
superstition of those times for the twelve days following, as the
said block was not to be entirely reduced to ashes till that time
had passed by."<a id="footnotetag666" name=
"footnotetag666"></a><a href="#footnote666"><sup>666</sup></a> As
late as 1830, or thereabout, the scene of lighting the hearth-fire
on Christmas Eve, to continue burning throughout the Christmas
season, might have been witnessed in the secluded and beautiful
hill-country of West Shropshire, from Chirbury and Worthen to
Pulverbatch and Pontesbury. The Christmas brand or brund, as they
called it, was a great trunk of seasoned oak, holly, yew, or
crab-tree, drawn by horses to the farm-house door and thence rolled
by means of rollers and levers to the back of the wide open hearth,
where the fire was made up in front of it. The embers were raked up
to it every night, and it was carefully tended, that it might not
go out during the whole Christmas season. All those days no light
might be struck, given, or borrowed. Such was the custom at Worthen
in the early part of the nineteenth century.<a id="footnotetag667"
name="footnotetag667"></a><a href="#footnote667"><sup>667</sup></a>
In Herefordshire the Christmas feast "lasted for twelve days, and
no work was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page258" name=
"page258"></a>[pg 258]</span> done. All houses were, and are now,
decorated with sprigs of holly and ivy, which must not be brought
in until Christmas Eve. A Yule log, as large as the open hearth
could accommodate, was brought into the kitchen of each farmhouse,
and smaller ones were used in the cottages. W&mdash;&mdash;
P&mdash;&mdash; said he had seen a tree drawn into the kitchen at
Kingstone Grange years ago by two cart horses; when it had been
consumed a small portion was carefully kept to be used for lighting
next year's log. 'Mother always kept it very carefully; she said it
was lucky, and kept the house from fire and from lightning.' It
seems to have been the general practice to light it on Christmas
Eve."<a id="footnotetag668" name="footnotetag668"></a><a href=
"#footnote668"><sup>668</sup></a> "In many parts of Wales it is
still customary to keep part of the Yule-log until the following
Christmas Eve 'for luck.' It is then put into the fireplace and
burnt, but before it is consumed the new log is put on, and thus
'the old fire and the new' burn together. In some families this is
done from force of habit, and they cannot now tell why they do it;
but in the past the observance of this custom was to keep witches
away, and doubtless was a survival of fire-worship."<a id=
"footnotetag669" name="footnotetag669"></a><a href=
"#footnote669"><sup>669</sup></a></p>
<a id="yuleservia" name="yuleservia"></a>
<p>[The Yule log in Servia; the cutting of the oak tree to form the
Yule log.]</p>
<p>But nowhere, apparently, in Europe is the old heathen ritual of
the Yule log preserved to the present day more perfectly than in
Servia. At early dawn on Christmas Eve (<i>Badnyi Dan</i>) every
peasant house sends two of its strongest young men to the nearest
forest to cut down a young oak tree and bring it home. There, after
offering up a short prayer or crossing themselves thrice, they
throw a handful of wheat on the chosen oak and greet it with the
words, "Happy <i>Badnyi</i> day to you!" Then they cut it down,
taking care that it shall fall towards the east at the moment when
the sun's orb appears over the rim of the eastern horizon. Should
the tree fall towards the west, it would be the worst possible omen
for the house and its inmates in the ensuing year; and it is also
an evil omen if the tree should be caught and stopped in its fall
by another tree. It is important <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page259" name="page259"></a>[pg 259]</span> to keep and carry home
the first chip from the fallen oak. The trunk is sawn into two or
three logs, one of them rather longer than the others. A flat,
unleavened cake of the purest wheaten flour is brought out of the
house and broken on the larger of the logs by a woman. The logs are
left for the present to stand outside, leaning on one of the walls
of the house. Each of them is called a Yule log
(<i>badnyak</i>).</p>
<p>[Prayers to Colleda.]</p>
<p>Meanwhile the children and young people go from house to house
singing special songs called <i>Colleda</i> because of an old pagan
divinity Colleda, who is invoked in every line. In one of them she
is spoken of as "a beautiful little maid"; in another she is
implored to make the cows yield milk abundantly. The day is spent
in busy preparations. The women bake little cakes of a special sort
in the shape of lambs, pigs, and chickens; the men make ready a pig
for roasting, for in every Servian house roast pig is the principal
dish at Christmas. A bundle of straw, tied with a rope, is brought
into the courtyard and left to stand there near the Yule logs.</p>
<p>[The bringing in of the Yule log.]</p>
<p>At the moment when the sun is setting all the members of the
family assemble in the central hall (the great family kitchen) of
the principal house. The mother of the family (or the wife of the
chief of the Zadrooga)<a id="footnotetag670" name=
"footnotetag670"></a><a href="#footnote670"><sup>670</sup></a>
gives a pair of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page260" name=
"page260"></a>[pg 260]</span> woollen gloves to one of the young
men, who goes out and presently returns carrying in his gloved
hands the largest of the logs. The mother receives him at the
threshold, throwing at him a handful of wheat, in which the first
chip of the oak tree cut in the early morning for the Yule log has
been kept all day. Entering the central hall with the Yule log the
young man greets all present with the words: "Good evening, and may
you have a happy Christmas!" and they all answer in chorus, "May
God and the happy and holy Christmas help thee!" In some parts of
Servia the chief of the family, holding a glass of red wine in his
hand, greets the Yule log as if it were a living person, and drinks
to its health. After that, another glass of red wine is poured on
the log. Then the oldest male member of the family, assisted by the
young man who brought in the log, places it on the burning fire so
that the thicker end of the log protrudes for about a foot from the
hearth. In some places this end is smeared with honey.</p>
<p>[The ceremony with the straw; the Yule candle.]</p>
<p>Next the mother of the family brings in the bundle of straw
which was left standing outside. All the young children arrange
themselves behind her in a row. She then walks slowly round the
hall and the adjoining rooms, throwing handfuls of straw on the
floor and imitating the cackling of a hen, while all the children
follow her peeping with their lips as if they were chickens
cheeping and waddling after the mother bird. When the floor is well
strewn with straw, the father or the eldest member of the family
throws a few walnuts in every corner of the hall, pronouncing the
words: "In the name of God the Father, and the Son, and the Holy
Ghost, Amen!" A large pot, or a small wooden box, filled with wheat
is placed high in the east corner of the hall, and a tall candle of
yellow wax is stuck in the middle of the wheat. Then the father of
the family reverently lights the candle <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page261" name="page261"></a>[pg 261]</span> and
prays God to bless the family with health and happiness, the fields
with a good harvest, the beehives with plenty of honey, the cattle
and sheep with young, and the cows with abundant milk and rich
cream. After that they all sit down to supper, squatting on the
floor, for the use of chairs and tables is forbidden on this
occasion.</p>
<p>[The roast Pig; the drawing of the water.]</p>
<p>By four o'clock next morning (Christmas Day) the whole village
is astir; indeed most people do not sleep at all that night. It is
deemed most important to keep the Yule log burning brightly all
night long. Very early, too, the pig is laid on the fire to roast,
and at the same moment one of the family goes out into the yard and
fires a pistol or gun; and when the roast pig is removed from the
fire the shot is repeated. Hence for several hours in the early
morning of Christmas Day such a popping and banging of firearms
goes on that a stranger might think a stubborn skirmish was in
progress. Just before the sun rises a girl goes and draws water at
the village spring or at the brook. Before she fills her vessels,
she wishes the water a happy Christmas and throws a handful of
wheat into it. The first cupfuls of water she brings home are used
to bake a special Christmas cake (<i>chesnitsa</i>), of which all
the members partake at dinner, and portions are kept for absent
relatives. A small silver coin is baked in the cake, and he or she
who gets it will be lucky during the year.</p>
<p>[The Christmas visiter (<i>polaznik</i>).]</p>
<p>All the family gathered round the blazing Yule log now anxiously
expect the arrival of the special Christmas visiter, who bears the
title of <i>polaznik</i>. He is usually a young boy of a friendly
family. No other person, not even the priest or the mayor of the
village, would be allowed to set foot in the house before the
arrival of this important personage. Therefore he ought to come,
and generally does come, very early in the morning. He carries a
woollen glove full of wheat, and when the door is opened at his
knock he throws handfuls of wheat on the family gathered round the
hearth, greeting them with the words, "Christ is born!" They all
answer, "He is born indeed," and the hostess flings a handful of
wheat over the Christmas visiter, who moreover casts some of his
wheat into the corners of the hall as well as upon the people. Then
he walks straight to the hearth, <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page262" name="page262"></a>[pg 262]</span> takes a shovel and
strikes the burning log so that a cloud of sparks flies up the
chimney, while he says, "May you have this year so many oxen, so
many horses, so many sheep, so many pigs, so many beehives full of
honey, so much good luck, prosperity, progress, and happiness!"
Having uttered these good wishes, he embraces and kisses his host.
Then he turns again to the hearth, and after crossing himself falls
on his knees and kisses the projecting part of the Yule log. On
rising to his feet he places a coin on the log as his gift.
Meanwhile a low wooden chair has been brought in by a woman, and
the visiter is led to it to take his seat. But just as he is about
to do so, the chair is jerked away from under him by a male member
of the family and he measures his length on the floor. By this fall
he is supposed to fix into the ground all the good wishes which he
has uttered that morning. The hostess thereupon wraps him in a
thick blanket, and he sits quietly muffled in it for a few minutes;
the thick blanket in which he is swathed is believed, on the
principles of homoeopathic magic, to ensure that the cows will give
thick cream next year. While he sits thus enriching the milk of the
dairy, the lads who are to herd the sheep in the coming year go to
the hearth and kneeling down before it kiss each other across the
projecting end of the Yule log. By this demonstration of affection
they are thought to seal the love of the ewes for their
lambs.<a id="footnotetag671" name="footnotetag671"></a><a href=
"#footnote671"><sup>671</sup></a></p>
<a id="yuleslavonia" name="yuleslavonia"></a>
<p>[The Yule log among the Servians of Slavonia; the Christmas
visiter (<i>polazenik</i>).]</p>
<p>The ritual of the Yule log is observed in a similar form by the
Servians who inhabit the southern provinces of Austria. Thus in
Syrmia, a district of Slavonia which borders on Servia, the head of
the house sends out one or two young men on Christmas Eve to cut
the Yule log in the nearest forest. On being brought in, the log is
not mixed with the ordinary fuel but placed by itself, generally
leaning against a fruit-tree till the evening shadows begin to
fall. When a man carries it into the kitchen and lays it on the
fire, the master of the house throws corn over him, and the two
greet each other solemnly the one saying, "Christ is born," and the
other answering "He is born indeed." Later in the evening the
master of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page263" name=
"page263"></a>[pg 263]</span> the house pours a glass of wine on
the charred end of the log, whereupon one of the younger men takes
the burnt piece of wood, carries it to the orchard, and sets it up
against one of the fruit-trees. For this service he is rewarded by
the master of the house with a piece of money. On Christmas Day,
when the family is assembled at table, they expect the arrival of
the special Christmas visiter (called <i>polazenik</i>), the only
person who is allowed to enter the house that day. When he comes,
he goes to the hearth, stirs the fire with the poker and says,
"Christ is born. May the family enjoy all good luck and happiness
in this year! May the cattle increase in number like the sparks I
have struck!" As he says these words, the mistress of the house
pours corn over him and leads him to the parlour, where he takes
the place of honour beside the master of the house. He is treated
with marked attention and respect. The family are at pains to
entertain him; they sing their best songs for his amusement, and
after midnight a numerous band of men and maidens escorts him by
torchlight, with songs and jubilation, to his own house.<a id=
"footnotetag672" name="footnotetag672"></a><a href=
"#footnote672"><sup>672</sup></a></p>
<a id="yuledalmatia" name="yuledalmatia"></a>
<p>[The Yule log among the Servians of Dalmatia, Herzegovina, and
Montenegro; the Yule log in Albania.]</p>
<p>Among the Servians of Dalmatia, Herzegovina, and Montenegro it
is customary on Christmas Eve (<i>Badnyi Dan</i>) to fetch a great
Yule log (<i>badnyak</i>), which serves as a symbol of family luck.
It is generally cut from an evergreen oak, but sometimes from an
olive-tree or a beech. At nightfall the master of the house himself
brings in the log and lays it on the fire. Then he and all present
bare their heads, sprinkle the log with wine, and make a cross on
it. After that the master of the house says, "Welcome, O log! May
God keep you from mishap!" So saying he strews peas, maize,
raisins, and wheat on the log, praying for God's blessing on all
members of the family living and dead, for heaven's blessing on
their undertakings, and for domestic prosperity. In Montenegro they
meet the log with a loaf of bread and a jug of wine, drink to it,
and pour wine on it, whereupon the whole family drinks out of the
same beaker. In Dalmatia and other places, for example in Rizano,
the Yule logs are decked by young women with red silk, flowers,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page264" name="page264"></a>[pg
264]</span> laurel leaves, ribbons, and even gold wire; and the
lights near the doorposts are kindled when the log is brought into
the house. Among the Morlaks, as soon as the master of the house
crosses the threshold with the Yule log, one of the family must
sprinkle corn on him and say, "God bless you," to which he answers,
"The same to you." A piece of the log is kept till New Year's Day
to kindle a light with or it is carried out to the fields to
protect them from hail. It is customary to invite before hand a
Christmas visitor (<i>polazaynik</i>) and to admit no one else into
the house on that day. He comes early, carrying in his sleeves a
quantity of corn which he throws into the house, saying, "Christ is
born." One of the household replies, "He is born indeed," and
throws corn on the visiter. Then the newcomer goes up to the
hearth, pokes the fire and strikes the burning log with the poker
so hard that sparks fly off in all directions. At each blow he
says, "I wish the family as many cows, calves, sucking pigs, goats,
and sheep, and as many strokes of good luck, as the sparks that now
fly from the log." With these words he throws some small coins into
the ashes.<a id="footnotetag673" name="footnotetag673"></a><a href=
"#footnote673"><sup>673</sup></a> In Albania down to recent years
it was a common custom to burn a Yule log at Christmas, and with it
corn, maize, and beans; moreover, wine and <i>rakia</i> were poured
on the flames, and the ashes of the fire were scattered on the
fields to make them fertile.<a id="footnotetag674" name=
"footnotetag674"></a><a href="#footnote674"><sup>674</sup></a> The
Huzuls, a Slavonic people of the Carpathians, kindle fire by the
friction of wood on Christmas Eve (Old Style, the fifth of January)
and keep it burning till Twelfth Night.<a id="footnotetag675" name=
"footnotetag675"></a><a href="#footnote675"><sup>675</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulefire" name="yulefire"></a>
<p>[Belief that the Yule log protects against fire and
lightning.]</p>
<p>It is remarkable how common the belief appears to have been that
the remains of the Yule-log, if kept throughout the year, had power
to protect the house against fire and especially against
lightning.<a id="footnotetag676" name="footnotetag676"></a><a href=
"#footnote676"><sup>676</sup></a> As the Yule log was <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page265" name="page265"></a>[pg 265]</span>
frequently of oak,<a id="footnotetag677" name=
"footnotetag677"></a><a href="#footnote677"><sup>677</sup></a> it
seems possible that this belief may be a relic of the old Aryan
creed which associated the oak-tree with the god of thunder.<a id=
"footnotetag678" name="footnotetag678"></a><a href=
"#footnote678"><sup>678</sup></a> Whether the curative and
fertilizing virtues ascribed to the ashes of the Yule log, which
are supposed to heal cattle as well as men, to enable cows to
calve, and to promote the fruitfulness of the earth,<a id=
"footnotetag679" name="footnotetag679"></a><a href=
"#footnote679"><sup>679</sup></a> may not be derived from the same
ancient source, is a question which deserves to be considered.</p>
<a id="yulepublic" name="yulepublic"></a>
<p>[Public celebrations of the fire-festival at Midwinter; the
bonfire on Christmas Eve at Schweina in Thuringia.]</p>
<p>Thus far we have regarded only the private or domestic
celebration of the fire-festival at midwinter. The public
celebration of such rites at that season of the year appears to
have been rare and exceptional in Central and Northern Europe.
However, some instances are on record. Thus at Schweina, in
Thuringia, down to the second half of the nineteenth century, the
young people used to kindle a great bonfire on the Antonius
Mountain every year on Christmas Eve. Neither the civil nor the
ecclesiastical authorities were able to suppress the celebration;
nor could the cold, rain, and snow of the season damp or chill the
enthusiasm of the celebrants. For some time before Christmas the
young men and boys were busy building a foundation for the bonfire
on the top of the mountain, where the oldest church of the village
used to stand. The foundation consisted of a pyramidal structure
composed of stones, turf, and moss. When Christmas Eve came round,
a strong pole, with bundles of brushwood tied to it, was erected on
the pyramid. The young folk also provided themselves with poles to
which old brooms or faggots of shavings were attached. These were
to serve as torches. When the evening grew dark and the church
bells rang to service, the troop of lads ascended the mountain; and
soon from the top the glare of the bonfire lit up the darkness, and
the sound of a hymn broke the stillness of night. In a circle round
the great fire lesser fires were kindled; and last of all the lads
ran about swinging their lighted torches, till these twinkling
points of fire, moving down the mountain-side, went out one by one
in the darkness. At midnight the bells rang out from the church
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page266" name="page266"></a>[pg
266]</span> tower, mingled with the blast of horns and the sound of
singing. Feasting and revelry were kept up throughout the night,
and in the morning young and old went to early mass to be edified
by hearing of the light eternal.<a id="footnotetag680" name=
"footnotetag680"></a><a href="#footnote680"><sup>680</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulenormandy" name="yulenormandy"></a>
<p>[Bonfires on Christmas Eve in Normandy.]</p>
<p>In the Bocage of Normandy the peasants used to repair, often
from a distance of miles, to the churches to hear the midnight mass
on Christmas Eve. They marched in procession by torchlight,
chanting Christmas carols, and the fitful illumination of the
woods, the hedges, and the fields as they moved through the
darkness, presented a succession of picturesque scenes. Mention is
also made of bonfires kindled on the heights; the custom is said to
have been observed at Athis near Cond&eacute; down to recent
years.<a id="footnotetag681" name="footnotetag681"></a><a href=
"#footnote681"><sup>681</sup></a></p>
<a id="yuleman" name="yuleman"></a>
<p>[Bonfires on St. Thomas's Day in the Isle of Man; the "Burning
of the Clavie" at Burghead on the last day of December; the old
rampart at Burghead]</p>
<p>In the Isle of Man, "on the twenty-first of December, a day
dedicated to Saint Thomas, the people went to the mountains to
catch deer and sheep for Christmas, and in the evenings always
kindled a large fire on the top of every <i>fingan</i> or cliff.
Hence, at the time of casting peats, every one laid aside a large
one, saying, '<i>Faaid mooar moayney son oie'l fingan</i>'; that
is, 'a large turf for Fingan Eve.'"<a id="footnotetag682" name=
"footnotetag682"></a><a href="#footnote682"><sup>682</sup></a> At
Burghead, an ancient village on the southern shore of the Moray
Firth, about nine miles from the town of Elgin, a festival of fire
called "the Burning of the Clavie" has been celebrated from time
immemorial on Hogmanay, the last day of December. A tar-barrel is
sawn in two, one half of it is set on the top of a stout pole, and
filled with tar and other combustibles. The half-barrel is fastened
to the pole by means of a long nail, which is made for the purpose
and furnished gratuitously by the village blacksmith. The nail must
be knocked in with a stone; the use of a hammer is forbidden. When
the shades of evening have begun to fall, the Clavie, as it is
called, is set on fire by means of a burning peat, which is always
fetched from the same house; it may not be kindled with a match. As
soon as it is in a blaze, it is shouldered by a man, who proceeds
to carry it at a run, flaring and dripping melted tar, round the
old <span class="pagenum"><a id="page267" name="page267"></a>[pg
267]</span> boundaries of the village; the modern part of the town
is not included in the circuit. Close at his heels follows a motley
crowd, cheering and shouting. One bearer relieves another as each
wearies of his burden. The first to shoulder the Clavie, which is
esteemed an honour, is usually a man who has been lately married.
Should the bearer stumble or fall, it is deemed a very ill omen for
him and for the village. In bygone times it was thought necessary
that one man should carry it all round the village; hence the
strongest man was chosen for the purpose. Moreover it was customary
to carry the burning Clavie round every fishing-boat and vessel in
the harbour; but this part of the ceremony was afterwards
discontinued. Finally, the blazing tar-barrel is borne to a small
hill called the Doorie, which rises near the northern end of the
promontory. Here the pole is fixed into a socket in a pillar of
freestone, and fresh fuel is heaped upon the flames, which flare up
higher and brighter than ever. Formerly the Clavie was allowed to
burn here the whole night, but now, after blazing for about half an
hour, it is lifted from the socket and thrown down the western
slope of the hill. Then the crowd rushes upon it, demolishes it,
and scrambles for the burning, smoking embers, which they carry
home and carefully preserve as charms to protect them against
witchcraft and misfortune.<a id="footnotetag683" name=
"footnotetag683"></a><a href="#footnote683"><sup>683</sup></a> The
great antiquity of Burghead, where this curious and no doubt
ancient festival is still annually observed, appears from the
remains of a very remarkable rampart which formerly encircled the
place. It consists of a mound of earth faced on both sides with a
solid wall of stone and strengthened internally by oak beams and
planks, the whole being laid on a foundation of boulders. The style
of the rampart agrees in general with Caesar's description of the
mode in which the Gauls constructed their walls of earth, stone,
and logs,<a id="footnotetag684" name="footnotetag684"></a><a href=
"#footnote684"><sup>684</sup></a> and it resembles the ruins of
Gallic fortifications which have been discovered <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page268" name="page268"></a>[pg 268]</span> in
France, though it is said to surpass them in the strength and
solidity of its structure. No similar walls appear to be known in
Britain. A great part of this interesting prehistoric fortress was
barbarously destroyed in the early part of the nineteenth century,
much of it being tumbled into the sea and many of the stones used
to build the harbour piers.<a id="footnotetag685" name=
"footnotetag685"></a><a href="#footnote685"><sup>685</sup></a></p>
<a id="yulelerwick" name="yulelerwick"></a>
<p>[Procession with burning tar-barrels on Christmas Eve (Old
Style) at Lerwick.]</p>
<p>In Lerwick, the capital of the Shetland Islands, "on Christmas
Eve, the fourth of January,&mdash;for the old style is still
observed&mdash;the children go <i>a guizing</i>, that is to say,
they disguising themselves in the most fantastic and gaudy
costumes, parade the streets, and infest the houses and shops,
begging for the wherewithal to carry on their Christmas amusements.
One o'clock on Yule morning having struck, the young men turn out
in large numbers, dressed in the coarsest of garments, and, at the
double-quick march, drag huge tar barrels through the town,
shouting and cheering as they go, or blowing loud blasts with their
'louder horns.' The tar barrel simply consists of several&mdash;say
from four to eight&mdash;tubs filled with tar and chips, placed on
a platform of wood. It is dragged by means of a chain, to which
scores of jubilant youths readily yoke themselves. They have
recently been described by the worthy burgh officer of Lerwick as
'fiery chariots, the effect of which is truly grand and terrific.'
In a Christmas morning the dark streets of Lerwick are generally
lighted up by the bright glare, and its atmosphere blackened by the
dense smoke of six or eight tar barrels in succession. On the
appearance of daybreak, at six A.M., the morning revellers put off
their coarse garments&mdash;well begrimed by this time&mdash;and in
their turn become guizards. They assume every imaginable form of
costume&mdash;those of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page269" name=
"page269"></a>[pg 269]</span> soldiers, sailors, Highlanders,
Spanish chevaliers, etc. Thus disguised, they either go in pairs,
as man and wife, or in larger groups, and proceed to call on their
friends, to wish them the compliments of the season. Formerly,
these adolescent guizards used to seat themselves in crates, and
accompanied by fiddlers, were dragged through the town."<a id=
"footnotetag686" name="footnotetag686"></a><a href=
"#footnote686"><sup>686</sup></a></p>
<p>[Persian festival of fire at the winter solstice.]</p>
<p>The Persians used to celebrate a festival of fire called
<i>Sada</i> or <i>Saza</i> at the winter solstice. On the longest
night of the year they kindled bonfires everywhere, and kings and
princes tied dry grass to the feet of birds and animals, set fire
to the grass, and then let the birds and beasts fly or run blazing
through the air or over the fields and mountains, so that the whole
air and earth appeared to be on fire.<a id="footnotetag687" name=
"footnotetag687"></a><a href="#footnote687"><sup>687</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect4-8" name="sect4-8">&sect; 8. <i>The
Need-fire</i></a></h4>
<a id="needfire" name="needfire"></a>
<p>[European festivals of fire in seasons of distress and calamity;
the need-fire.]</p>
<p>The fire-festivals hitherto described are all celebrated
periodically at certain stated times of the year. But besides these
regularly recurring celebrations the peasants in many parts of
Europe have been wont from time immemorial to resort to a ritual of
fire at irregular intervals in seasons of distress and calamity,
above all when their cattle were attacked by epidemic disease. No
account of the popular European fire-festivals would be complete
without some notice of these remarkable rites, which have all the
greater claim on our attention because they may perhaps be regarded
as the source and origin of all the other fire-festivals; certainly
they must date from a very remote antiquity. The general name by
which they are known among the Teutonic peoples is need-fire.<a id=
"footnotetag688" name="footnotetag688"></a><a href=
"#footnote688"><sup>688</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page270" name="page270"></a>[pg
270]</span> <a id="needmiddleages" name="needmiddleages"></a>
<p>[The needfire in the Middle Ages; the needfire at Neustadt in
1598.]</p>
<p>The history of the need-fire can be traced back to early Middle
Ages; for in the reign of Pippin, King of Franks, the practice of
kindling need-fires was denounced as a heathen superstition by a
synod of prelates and nobles held under the presidency of Boniface,
Archbishop of Mainz.<a id="footnotetag689" name=
"footnotetag689"></a><a href="#footnote689"><sup>689</sup></a> Not
long afterwards the custom was again forbidden, along with many
more relics of expiring paganism, in an "Index of Superstitions and
Heathenish Observances," which has been usually referred to the
year 743 A.D., though some scholars assign it a later date under
the reign of Charlemagne.<a id="footnotetag690" name=
"footnotetag690"></a><a href="#footnote690"><sup>690</sup></a> In
Germany the need-fires would seem to have been popular down to the
second half of the nineteenth century. Thus in the year 1598, when
a fatal cattle-plague was raging at Neustadt, near Marburg, a wise
man of the name of Joh. K&ouml;hler induced the authorities of the
town to adopt the following remedy. A new waggon-wheel was taken
and twirled round an axle, which had never been used before, until
the friction elicited fire. With this fire a bonfire was next
kindled between the gates of the town, and all the cattle were
driven through the smoke and flames. Moreover, every householder
had to rekindle the fire on his hearth by means of a light taken
from the bonfire. Strange to say, this salutary measure had no
effect whatever in staying the <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page271" name="page271"></a>[pg 271]</span> cattle-plague, and
seven years later the sapient Joh. K&ouml;hler himself was burnt as
a witch. The farmers, whose pigs and cows had derived no benefit
from the need-fire, perhaps assisted as spectators at the burning,
and, while they shook their heads, agreed among themselves that it
served Joh. K&ouml;hler perfectly right.<a id="footnotetag691"
name="footnotetag691"></a><a href="#footnote691"><sup>691</sup></a>
According to a writer who published his book about nine years
afterwards, some of the Germans, especially in the Wassgaw
mountains, confidently believed that a cattle-plague could be
stayed by driving the animals through a need-fire which had been
kindled by the violent friction of a pole on a quantity of dry oak
wood; but it was a necessary condition of success that all fires in
the village should previously be extinguished with water, and any
householder who failed to put out his fire was heavily fined.<a id=
"footnotetag692" name="footnotetag692"></a><a href=
"#footnote692"><sup>692</sup></a></p>
<a id="needmethod" name="needmethod"></a>
<p>[Method kindling the need fire.]</p>
<p>The method of kindling the need-fire is described as follows by
a writer towards the end of the seventeenth century: "When an evil
plague has broken out among the cattle, large and small, and the
herds have thereby suffered great ravages, the peasants resolve to
light a need-fire. On a day appointed there must be no single flame
in any house nor on any hearth. From every house a quantity of
straw and water and underwood must be brought forth; then a strong
oaken pole is fixed firmly in the earth, a hole is bored in it, and
a wooden winch, well smeared with pitch and tar, is inserted in the
hole and turned round forcibly till great heat and then fire is
generated. The fire so produced is caught in fuel and fed with
straw, heath, and underwood till it bursts out into a regular
need-fire, which must then be somewhat spread out between walls or
fences, and the cattle and horses driven through it twice or thrice
with sticks and whips. Others set up two posts, each with a hole in
it, and insert a winch, along with old greasy rags, in the holes.
Others use a thick rope, collect nine kinds of wood, and keep them
in violent motion till fire leaps forth. Perhaps there may be other
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page272" name="page272"></a>[pg
272]</span> ways of generating or kindling this fire, but they are
all directed simply at the cure of the cattle. After passing twice
or thrice through the fire the cattle are driven to their stalls or
to pasture, and the heap of wood that had been collected is
destroyed, but in some places every householder must take with him
a brand, extinguish it in a washing-tub or trough, and put it in
the manger where the cattle are fed, where it must lie for some
time. The poles that were used to make the need-fire, together with
the wood that was employed as a winch, are sometimes burned with
the rest of the fuel, sometimes carefully preserved after the
cattle have been thrice driven through the flames."<a id=
"footnotetag693" name="footnotetag693"></a><a href=
"#footnote693"><sup>693</sup></a></p>
<a id="needhildesheim" name="needhildesheim"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire about Hildesheim.]</p>
<p>Sometimes the need-fire was known as the "wild fire," to
distinguish it no doubt from the tame fire produced by more
ordinary methods. The following is Grimm's account of the mode of
kindling it which prevailed in some parts of Central Germany,
particularly about Hildesheim, down apparently to the first half of
the nineteenth century: "In many places of Lower Saxony, especially
among the mountains, the custom prevails of preparing the so-called
'wild fire' for the purpose of preventing cattle-plague; and
through it first the pigs, then the cows, and last of all the geese
are driven. The proceedings on the occasion are as follows. The
principal farmers and parishioners assemble, and notice is served
to every inhabitant to extinguish entirely all fire in his house,
so that not even a spark remains alight in the whole village. Then
young and old repair to a road in a hollow, usually towards
evening, the women carrying linen, and the men wood and tow. Two
oaken poles are driven into the ground about a foot and a half from
each other. Each pole has in the side facing the other a socket
into which a cross-piece as thick as a man's arm is fitted. The
sockets are stuffed with linen, and the cross-piece is rammed in as
tight as possible, while the poles are bound together at the top by
ropes. A rope is wound about the round, smooth cross-piece, and the
free ends of the rope at both sides are gripped by several
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page273" name="page273"></a>[pg
273]</span> persons, who pull the cross-piece to and fro with the
utmost rapidity, till through the friction the linen in the sockets
takes fire. The sparks of the linen are immediately caught in tow
or oakum and waved about in a circle until they burst into a bright
glow, when straw is applied to it, and the flaming straw used to
kindle the brushwood which has been stacked in piles in the hollow
way. When this wood has blazed up and the fire has nearly died out
again, the people hasten to the herds, which have been waiting in
the background, and drive them forcibly, one after the other,
through the glow. As soon as all the beasts are through, the young
folk rush wildly at the ashes and cinders, sprinkling and
blackening each other with them; those who have been most sprinkled
and blackened march in triumph behind the cattle into the village
and do not wash themselves for a long time. If after long rubbing
the linen should not catch fire, they guess that there is still
fire somewhere in the village; then a strict search is made from
house to house, any fire that may be found is put out, and the
householder is punished or upbraided. The 'wild fire' must be made
by prolonged friction; it may not be struck with flint and steel.
Some villages do not prepare it yearly as a preventive of
cattle-plague, but only kindle it when the disease has actually
broken out."<a id="footnotetag694" name=
"footnotetag694"></a><a href="#footnote694"><sup>694</sup></a> In
the Halberstadt district the ends of the rope which was used to
make the cross-piece revolve in the sockets had to be pulled by two
chaste young men.<a id="footnotetag695" name=
"footnotetag695"></a><a href="#footnote695"><sup>695</sup></a></p>
<a id="needmark" name="needmark"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire in the Mark.]</p>
<p>In the Mark down to the first half of the nineteenth century the
practice was similar. We read that "in many parts of the Mark there
still prevails on certain occasions the custom of kindling a
need-fire, it happens particularly when a farmer has sick pigs. Two
posts of dry wood are planted in the earth amid solemn silence
before the sun rises, and round these posts hempen ropes are pulled
to and fro till the wood kindles; whereupon the fire is fed with
dry leaves and twigs and the sick beasts are driven through it In
some places the fire is produced by the friction of an old
cart-wheel."<a id="footnotetag696" name=
"footnotetag696"></a><a href="#footnote696"><sup>696</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page274" name="page274"></a>[pg
274]</span> <a id="needmecklenburg" name="needmecklenburg"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire in Mecklenburg]</p>
<p>In Mecklenburg the need-fire used to be lighted by the friction
of a rope wound about an oaken pole or by rubbing two boards
against each other. Having been thus elicited, the flame was fed
with wood of seven kinds. The practice was forbidden by Gustavus
Adolphus, Duke of Mecklenburg, in 1682; but the prohibition
apparently had little effect, for down to the end of the eighteenth
century the custom was so common that the inhabitants even of large
towns made no scruple of resorting to it. For example, in the month
of July 1792 sickness broke out among the cattle belonging to the
town of Sternberg; some of the beasts died suddenly, and so the
people resolved to drive all the survivors through a need-fire. On
the tenth day of July the magistrates issued a proclamation
announcing that next morning before sunrise a need-fire would be
kindled for the behoof of all the cattle of the town, and warning
all the inhabitants against lighting fires in their kitchens that
evening. So next morning very early, about two o'clock, nearly the
whole population was astir, and having assembled outside one of the
gates of the town they helped to drive the timid cattle, not
without much ado, through three separate need-fires; after which
they dispersed to their homes in the unalterable conviction that
they had rescued the cattle from destruction. But to make assurance
doubly sure they deemed it advisable to administer the rest of the
ashes as a bolus to the animals. However, some people in
Mecklenburg used to strew the ashes of the need-fire on fields for
the purpose of protecting the crops against vermin. As late as June
1868 a traveller in Mecklenburg saw a couple of peasants sweating
away at a rope, which they were pulling backwards and forwards so
as to make a tarry roller revolve with great speed in the socket of
an upright post. Asked what they were about, they vouchsafed no
reply; but an old woman who appeared on the scene from a
neighbouring cottage was more communicative. In the fulness of her
heart she confided to the stranger that her pigs were sick, that
the two taciturn bumpkins were her sons, who were busy extracting a
need-fire from the roller, and that, when they succeeded, the flame
would be used to ignite a heap of rags and brushwood, through which
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page275" name="page275"></a>[pg
275]</span> the ailing swine would be driven. She further explained
that the persons who kindle a need-fire should always be two
brothers or at least bear the same Christian name.<a id=
"footnotetag697" name="footnotetag697"></a><a href=
"#footnote697"><sup>697</sup></a></p>
<a id="needhanover" name="needhanover"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire in Hanover.]</p>
<p>In the summer of 1828 there was much sickness among the pigs and
the cows of Eddesse, a village near Meinersen, in the south of
Hanover. When all ordinary measures to arrest the malady failed,
the farmers met in solemn conclave on the village green and
determined that next morning there should be a need-fire. Thereupon
the head man of the village sent word from house to house that on
the following day nobody should kindle a fire before sunrise, and
that everybody should stand by ready to drive out the cattle. The
same afternoon all the necessary preparations were made for giving
effect to the decision of the collective wisdom. A narrow street
was enclosed with planks, and the village carpenter set to work at
the machinery for kindling the fire. He took two posts of oak wood,
bored a hole about three inches deep and broad in each, and set the
two poles up facing each other at a distance of about two feet.
Then he fitted a roller of oak wood into the two holes of the
posts, so that it formed a cross-piece between them. About two
o'clock next morning every householder brought a bundle of straw
and brushwood and laid it down across the street in a prescribed
order. The sturdiest swains who could be found were chosen to make
the need-fire. For this purpose a long hempen rope was wound twice
round the oaken roller in the oaken posts: the pivots were well
smeared with pitch and tar: a bundle of tow and other tinder was
laid close at hand, and all was ready. The stalwart clodhoppers now
seized the two ends of the rope and went to work with a will. Puffs
of smoke soon issued from the sockets, but to the consternation of
the bystanders not a spark of fire could be elicited. Some people
openly declared their suspicion that some rascal had not put out
the fire in his house, when suddenly the tinder burst into flame.
The cloud passed away from all faces; the fire was applied to the
heaps of fuel, and when the flames had somewhat died down, the
herds were forcibly driven through the fire, first the pigs,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page276" name="page276"></a>[pg
276]</span> next the cows, and last of all the horses. The herdsmen
then drove the beasts to pasture, and persons whose faith in the
efficacy of the need-fire was particularly robust carried home
brands.<a id="footnotetag698" name="footnotetag698"></a><a href=
"#footnote698"><sup>698</sup></a></p>
<a id="needharz" name="needharz"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire in the Harz Mountains.]</p>
<p>Again, at a village near Quedlinburg, in the Harz Mountains, it
was resolved to put a herd of sick swine through the need-fire.
Hearing of this intention the Superintendent of Quedlinburg hurried
to the spot and has described for us what he saw. The beadles went
from house to house to see that there was no fire in any house; for
it is well known that should there be common fire burning in a
house the need-fire will not kindle. The men made their rounds very
early in the morning to make quite sure that all lights were out.
At two o'clock a night-light was still burning in the parsonage,
and this was of course a hindrance to the need-fire. The peasants
knocked at the window and earnestly entreated that the night-light
might be extinguished. But the parson's wife refused to put the
light out; it still glimmered at the window; and in the darkness
outside the angry rustics vowed that the parson's pigs should get
no benefit of the need-fire. However, as good luck would have it,
just as the morning broke, the night-light went out of itself, and
the hopes of the people revived. From every house bundles of straw,
tow, faggots and so forth were now carried to feed the bonfire. The
noise and the cheerful bustle were such that you might have thought
they were all hurrying to witness a public execution. Outside the
village, between two garden walls, an oaken post had been driven
into the ground and a hole bored through it. In the hole a wooden
winch, smeared with tar, was inserted and made to revolve with such
force and rapidity that fire and smoke in time issued from the
socket. The collected fuel was then thrown upon the fire and soon a
great blaze shot up. The pigs were now driven into the upper end of
the street. As soon as they saw the fire, they turned tail, but the
peasants drove them through with shrieks and shouts and lashes of
whips. At the other end of the street there was another crowd
waiting, who <span class="pagenum"><a id="page277" name=
"page277"></a>[pg 277]</span> chased the swine back through the
fire a second time. Then the other crowd repeated the manoeuvre,
and the herd of swine was driven for the third time through the
smoke and flames. That was the end of the performance. Many pigs
were scorched so severely that they gave up the ghost. The bonfire
was broken up, and every householder took home with him a brand,
which he washed in the water-barrel and laid for some time, as a
treasure of great price, in the manger from which the cattle were
fed. But the parson's wife had reason bitterly to repent her folly
in refusing to put out that night-light; for not one of her pigs
was driven through the need-fire, so they died.<a id=
"footnotetag699" name="footnotetag699"></a><a href=
"#footnote699"><sup>699</sup></a></p>
<a id="needbrunswick" name="needbrunswick"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire in Brunswick.]</p>
<p>In Brunswick, also, the need-fire is known to have been
repeatedly kindled during the nineteenth century. After driving the
pigs through the fire, which was kindled by the friction of wood,
some people took brands home, dipped them in water, and then gave
the water to the pigs to drink, no doubt for the purpose of
inoculating them still more effectually with the precious virtue of
the need-fire. In the villages of the Dr&ouml;mling district
everybody who bore a hand in kindling the "wild fire" must have the
same Christian name; otherwise they laboured in vain. The fire was
produced by the friction of a rope round the beams of a door; and
bread, corn, and old boots contributed their mites to swell the
blaze through which the pigs as usual were driven. In one place,
apparently not far from Wolfenb&uuml;ttel, the needfire is said to
have been kindled, contrary to custom, by the smith striking a
spark from the cold anvil.<a id="footnotetag700" name=
"footnotetag700"></a><a href="#footnote700"><sup>700</sup></a> At
Gandersheim down to about the beginning of the nineteenth century
the need-fire was lit in the common way by causing a cross-bar to
revolve rapidly on its axis between two upright posts. The rope
which produced the revolution of the bar had to be new, but it was
if possible woven from threads taken from a gallows-rope, with
which people had been hanged. While the need-fire was being kindled
in this fashion, every other fire in the town had to be put out;
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page278" name="page278"></a>[pg
278]</span> search was made through the houses, and any fire
discovered to be burning was extinguished. If in spite of every
precaution no flame could be elicited by the friction of the rope,
the failure was set down to witchcraft; but if the efforts were
successful, a bonfire was lit with the new fire, and when the
flames had died down, the sick swine were driven thrice through the
glowing embers.<a id="footnotetag701" name=
"footnotetag701"></a><a href="#footnote701"><sup>701</sup></a> On
the lower Rhine the need-fire is said to have been kindled by the
friction of oak-wood on fir-wood, all fires in the village having
been previously extinguished. The bonfires so kindled were composed
of wood of nine different sorts; there were three such bonfires,
and the cattle were driven round them with great gravity and
devotion.<a id="footnotetag702" name="footnotetag702"></a><a href=
"#footnote702"><sup>702</sup></a></p>
<a id="needsilesia" name="needsilesia"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire in Silesia and Bohemia.]</p>
<p>In Silesia, also, need-fires were often employed for the purpose
of curing a murrain or preventing its spread. While all other
lights within the boundaries were extinguished, the new fire was
produced by the friction of nine kinds of wood, and the flame so
obtained was used to kindle heaps of brushwood or straw to which
every inhabitant had contributed. Through these fires the cattle,
both sick and sound, were driven in the confident expectation that
thereby the sick would be healed and the sound saved from
sickness.<a id="footnotetag703" name="footnotetag703"></a><a href=
"#footnote703"><sup>703</sup></a> When plague breaks out among the
herds at Dobischwald, in Austrian Silesia, a splinter of wood is
chipped from the threshold of every house, the cattle are driven to
a cross-road, and there a tree, growing at the boundary, is felled
by a pair of twin brothers. The wood of the tree and the splinters
from the thresholds furnish the fuel of a bonfire, which is kindled
by the rubbing of two pieces of wood together. When the bonfire is
ablaze, the horns of the cattle are pared and the parings thrown
into the flames, after which the animals are driven through the
fire. This is believed to guard the herd against the plague.<a id=
"footnotetag704" name="footnotetag704"></a><a href=
"#footnote704"><sup>704</sup></a> The Germans of Western Bohemia
resort to similar measures for staying a murrain. You set up a
post, bore a hole in it, and insert in the hole a stick, which you
have first of all smeared <span class="pagenum"><a id="page279"
name="page279"></a>[pg 279]</span> with pitch and wrapt in
inflammable stuffs. Then you wind a rope round the stick and give
the two ends of the rope to two persons who must either be brothers
or have the same baptismal name. They haul the rope backwards and
forwards so as to make the tarred stick revolve rapidly, till the
rope first smokes and then emits sparks. The sparks are used to
kindle a bonfire, through which the cattle are driven in the usual
way. And as usual no other fire may burn in the village while the
need-fire is being kindled; for otherwise the rope could not
possibly be ignited.<a id="footnotetag705" name=
"footnotetag705"></a><a href="#footnote705"><sup>705</sup></a> In
Upper Austria sick pigs are reported to have been driven through a
need-fire about the beginning of the nineteenth century.<a id=
"footnotetag706" name="footnotetag706"></a><a href=
"#footnote706"><sup>706</sup></a></p>
<a id="needswitzerland" name="needswitzerland"></a>
<p>[The use the need-fire in Switzerland.]</p>
<p>The need-fire is still in use in some parts of Switzerland, but
it seems to have degenerated into a children's game and to be
employed rather for the dispersal of a mist than for the prevention
or cure of cattle-plague. In some cantons it goes by the name of
"mist-healing," while in others it is called "butter-churning." On
a misty or rainy day a number of children will shut themselves up
in a stable or byre and proceed to make fire for the purpose of
improving the weather. The way in which they make it is this. A boy
places a board against his breast, takes a peg pointed at both
ends, and, setting one end of the peg against the board on his
breast, presses the other end firmly against a second board, the
surface of which has been flaked into a nap. A string is tied round
the peg, and two other boys pull it to and fro, till through the
rapid motion of the point of the peg a hole is burnt in the flaked
board, to which tow or dry moss is then applied as a tinder. In
this way fire and smoke are elicited, and with their appearance the
children fancy that the mist will vanish.<a id="footnotetag707"
name="footnotetag707"></a><a href="#footnote707"><sup>707</sup></a>
We may conjecture that this method of dispersing a mist, which is
now left to children, was formerly practised in all seriousness by
grown men in Switzerland. It is thus that religious or magical
rites dwindle away into the sports <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page280" name="page280"></a>[pg 280]</span> of children. In the
canton of the Grisons there is still in common use an imprecation,
"Mist, go away, or I'll heal you," which points to an old custom of
burning up the fog with fire. A longer form of the curse lingers in
the Vall&eacute;e des Bagnes of the canton Valais. It runs thus:
"Mist, mist, fly, fly, or St. Martin will come with a sheaf of
straw to burn your guts, a great log of wood to smash your brow,
and an iron chain to drag you to hell."<a id="footnotetag708" name=
"footnotetag708"></a><a href="#footnote708"><sup>708</sup></a></p>
<a id="needsweden" name="needsweden"></a>
<p>[The mode of kindling the need-fire in Sweden and Norway; the
need-fire as a protection against witchcraft.]</p>
<p>In Sweden the need-fire is called, from the mode of its
production, either <i>vrid-eld</i>, "turned fire," or
<i>gnid-eld</i>, "rubbed fire." Down to near the end of the
eighteenth century the need-fire was kindled, as in Germany, by the
violent rubbing of two pieces of wood against each other; sometimes
nine different kinds of wood were used for the purpose. The smoke
of the fire was deemed salutary; fruit-trees and nets were
fumigated with it, in order that the trees might bear fruit and the
nets catch fish. Cattle were also driven through the smoke.<a id=
"footnotetag709" name="footnotetag709"></a><a href=
"#footnote709"><sup>709</sup></a> In Sundal, a narrow Norwegian
valley, shut in on both sides by precipitous mountains, there lived
down to the second half of the nineteenth century an old man who
was very superstitious. He set salmon-traps in the river Driva,
which traverses the valley, and he caught many fish both in spring
and autumn. When his fishing went wrong, he kindled <i>naueld</i>
("need-fire") or <i>gnideild</i> ("rubbed fire," "friction fire")
to counteract the witchcraft, which he believed to be the cause of
his bad luck. He set up two planks near each other, bored a hole in
each, inserted a pointed rod in the holes, and twisted a long cord
round the rod. Then he pulled the cord so as to make the rod
revolve rapidly. Thus by reason of the friction he at last drew
fire from the wood. That contented him, for "he believed that the
witchery was thus rendered powerless, and that good luck in his
fishing was now ensured."<a id="footnotetag710" name=
"footnotetag710"></a><a href="#footnote710"><sup>710</sup></a></p>
<a id="needslavonic" name="needslavonic"></a>
<p>[The need-fire among the Slavonic peoples.]</p>
<p>Slavonic peoples hold the need-fire in high esteem. <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page281" name="page281"></a>[pg 281]</span> They
call it "living fire," and attribute to it a healing virtue. The
ascription of medicinal power to fire kindled by the friction of
wood is said to be especially characteristic of the Slavs who
inhabit the Carpathian Mountains and the Balkan peninsula. The mode
in which they produce the need-fire differs somewhat in different
places. Thus in the Schar mountains of Servia the task is entrusted
to a boy and girl between eleven and fourteen years of age. They
are led into a perfectly dark room, and having stripped themselves
naked kindle the fire by rubbing two rollers of lime wood against
each other, till the friction produces sparks, which are caught in
tinder. The Serbs of Western Macedonia drive two oaken posts into
the ground, bore a round hole in the upper end of each, insert a
roller of lime wood in the holes, and set it revolving rapidly by
means of a cord, which is looped round the roller and worked by a
bow. Elsewhere the roller is put in motion by two men, who hold
each one end of the cord and pull it backwards and forwards
forcibly between them. Bulgarian shepherds sometimes kindle the
need-fire by drawing a prism-shaped piece of lime wood to and fro
across the flat surface of a tree-stump in the forest.<a id=
"footnotetag711" name="footnotetag711"></a><a href=
"#footnote711"><sup>711</sup></a> But in the neighbourhood of
K&uuml;stendil, in Bulgaria, the need-fire is kindled by the
friction of two pieces of oak wood and the cattle are driven
through it.<a id="footnotetag712" name=
"footnotetag712"></a><a href="#footnote712"><sup>712</sup></a></p>
<a id="needrussia" name="needrussia"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Russia and Poland; the need-fire in
Slavonia.]</p>
<p>In many districts of Russia, also, "living fire" is made by the
friction of wood on St. John's Day, and the herds are driven
through it, and the people leap over it in the conviction that
their health is thereby assured; when a cattle-plague is raging,
the fire is produced by rubbing two pieces of oak wood against each
other, and it is used to kindle the lamps before the holy pictures
and the censers in the churches.<a id="footnotetag713" name=
"footnotetag713"></a><a href="#footnote713"><sup>713</sup></a> Thus
it appears that in Russia the need-fire is kindled for the sake of
the cattle periodically as well as on special emergencies.
Similarly in Poland the peasants are said to kindle fires in
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page282" name="page282"></a>[pg
282]</span> the village streets on St. Rochus's day and to drive
the cattle thrice through them in order to protect the animals
against the murrain. The fire is produced by rubbing a pole of
poplar wood on a plank of poplar or fir wood and catching the
sparks in tow. The embers are carried home to be used as remedies
in sickness.<a id="footnotetag714" name=
"footnotetag714"></a><a href="#footnote714"><sup>714</sup></a> As
practised in Slavonia, the custom of the need-fire used to present
some interesting features, which are best described in the words of
an eyewitness:&mdash;"In the year 1833 I came for the first time as
a young merchant to Slavonia; it was to Gaj that I went, in the
Pozega district. The time was autumn, and it chanced that a
cattle-plague was raging in the neighbourhood, which inflicted much
loss on the people. The peasants believed that the plague was a
woman, an evil spirit (<i>Kutga</i>), who was destroying the
cattle; so they sought to banish her. I had then occasion to
observe the proceedings in the villages of Gaj, Kukunjevac,
Brezina, and Brekinjska. Towards evening the whole population of
the village was busy laying a ring of brushwood round the
boundaries of the village. All fires were extinguished throughout
the village. Then pairs of men in several places took pieces of
wood, which had been specially prepared for the purpose, and rubbed
them together till they emitted sparks. The sparks were allowed to
fall on tinder and fanned into a flame, with which the dry
brushwood was kindled. Thus the fire burned all round the village.
The peasants persuaded themselves that thereupon <i>Kuga</i> must
take her departure."<a id="footnotetag715" name=
"footnotetag715"></a><a href="#footnote715"><sup>715</sup></a></p>
<a id="needservia" name="needservia"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Servia.]</p>
<p>This last account leaves no doubt as to the significance of the
need-fire in the minds of Slavonian peasantry. They regard it
simply as a barrier interposed between their cattle and the evil
spirit, which prowls, like a hungry wolf, round the fold and can,
like a wolf, be kept at bay by fire. The same interpretation of the
need-fire comes out, hardly less clearly, in the account which
another writer gives of a ceremony witnessed by him at the village
of Setonje, at the foot of the Homolje mountains in the great
forest of Servia. An <span class="pagenum"><a id="page283" name=
"page283"></a>[pg 283]</span> epidemic was raging among the
children, and the need-fire was resorted to as a means of staying
the plague. It was produced by an old man and an old woman in the
first of the ways described above; that is, they made it in the
dark by rubbing two sticks of lime wood against each other. Before
the healing virtue of the fire was applied to the inhabitants of
the village, two old women performed the following ceremony. Both
bore the name of Stana, from the verb <i>stati</i>, "to remain
standing"; for the ceremony could not be successfully performed by
persons of any other name. One of them carried a copper kettle full
of water, the other an old house-lock with the key. Thus equipped
they repaired to a spot outside of the village, and there the old
dame with the kettle asked the old dame with the lock, "Whither
away?" and the other answered her, "I came to shut the village
against ill-luck." With that she locked the lock and threw it with
the key into the kettle of water. Then they marched thrice round
the village, repeating the ceremony of the lock and key at each
round. Meantime all the villagers, arrayed in their best clothes,
were assembled in an open place. All the fires in the houses had
been previously extinguished. Two sturdy yokels now dug a tunnel
through a mound beside an oak tree; the tunnel was just high enough
to let a man creep through it on all fours. Two fires, lit by the
need-fire, were now laid, one at each end of the tunnel; and the
old woman with the kettle took her stand at the entrance of the
tunnel, while the one with the lock posted herself at the exit.
Facing the latter stood another woman with a great pot of milk
before her, and on the other side was set a pot full of melted
swine's fat. All was now ready. The villagers thereupon crawled
through the tunnel on hands and knees, one behind the other. Each,
as he emerged from the tunnel, received a spoonful of milk from the
woman and looked at his face reflected in the pot of melted swine's
fat. Then another woman made a cross with a piece of charcoal on
his back. When all the inhabitants had thus crept through the
tunnel and been doctored at the other end, each took some glowing
embers home with him in a pot wherewith to rekindle the fire on the
domestic hearth. Lastly they put some of the charcoal in a vessel
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page284" name="page284"></a>[pg
284]</span> of water and drank the mixture in order to be thereby
magically protected against the epidemic.<a id="footnotetag716"
name="footnotetag716"></a><a href=
"#footnote716"><sup>716</sup></a></p>
<p>It would be superfluous to point out in detail how admirably
these measures are calculated to arrest the ravages of disease; but
for the sake of those, if there are any, to whom the medicinal
effect of crawling through a hole on hands and knees is not at once
apparent, I shall merely say that the procedure in question is one
of the most powerful specifics which the wit of man has devised for
maladies of all sorts. Ample evidence of its application will be
adduced in a later part of this work.<a id="footnotetag717" name=
"footnotetag717"></a><a href="#footnote717"><sup>717</sup></a></p>
<a id="needbulgaria" name="needbulgaria"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Bulgaria.]</p>
<p>In Bulgaria the herds suffer much from the raids of certain
blood-sucking vampyres called <i>Ustrels</i>. An <i>Ustrel</i> is
the spirit of a Christian child who was born on a Saturday and died
unfortunately before he could be baptized. On the ninth day after
burial he grubs his way out of the grave and attacks the cattle at
once, sucking their blood all night and returning at peep of dawn
to the grave to rest from his labours. In ten days or so the
copious draughts of blood which he has swallowed have so fortified
his constitution that he can undertake longer journeys; so when he
falls in with great herds of cattle or flocks of sheep he returns
no more to the grave for rest and refreshment at night, but takes
up his quarters during the day either between the horns of a sturdy
calf or ram or between the hind legs of a milch-cow. Beasts whose
blood he has sucked die the same night. In any herd that he may
fasten on he begins with the fattest animal and works his way down
steadily through the leaner kine till not one single beast is left
alive. The carcases of the victims swell up, and when the hide is
stripped off you can always perceive the livid patch of flesh where
the monster sucked the blood of the poor creature. In a single
night he may, by working hard, kill five cows; but he seldom
exceeds that number. He can change his shape and weight very
easily; for example, when he is sitting by day between the horns of
a ram, the animal scarcely feels his weight, but at night he will
sometimes throw himself on an ox or a cow <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page285" name="page285"></a>[pg 285]</span> so
heavily that the animal cannot stir, and lows so pitifully that it
would make your heart bleed to hear. People who were born on a
Saturday can see these monsters, and they have described them
accurately, so that there can be no doubt whatever about their
existence. It is, therefore, a matter of great importance to the
peasant to protect his flocks and herds against the ravages of such
dangerous vampyres. The way in which he does so is this. On a
Saturday morning before sunrise the village drummer gives the
signal to put out every fire in the village; even smoking is
forbidden. Next all the domestic animals, with the exception of
fowls, geese, and ducks, are driven out into the open. In front of
the flocks and herds march two men, whose names during the ceremony
may not be mentioned in the village. They go into the wood, pick
two dry branches, and having stript themselves of their clothes
they rub the two branches together very hard till they catch fire;
then with the fire so obtained they kindle two bonfires, one on
each side of a cross-road which is known to be frequented by
wolves. After that the herd is driven between the two fires. Coals
from the bonfires are then taken back to the village and used to
rekindle the fires on the domestic hearths. For several days no one
may go near the charred and blackened remains of the bonfires at
the cross-road. The reason is that the vampyre is lying there,
having dropped from his seat between the cow's horns when the
animals were driven between the two fires. So if any one were to
pass by the spot during these days, the monster would be sure to
call him by name and to follow him to the village; whereas if he is
left alone, a wolf will come at midnight and strangle him, and in a
few days the herdsmen can see the ground soaked with his slimy
blood. So that is the end of the vampyre.<a id="footnotetag718"
name="footnotetag718"></a><a href="#footnote718"><sup>718</sup></a>
In this Bulgarian custom, as in the Slavonian custom described
above, the conception of the need-fire as a barrier set up between
the cattle and a dangerous spirit is clearly worked out. The spirit
rides the cow till he comes to the narrow pass between the two
fires, but the heat there is too much for him; he drops in a faint
from the saddle, or rather from the horns, and the now riderless
animal escapes safe and sound <span class="pagenum"><a id="page286"
name="page286"></a>[pg 286]</span> beyond the smoke and flame,
leaving her persecutor prostrate on the ground on the further side
of the blessed barrier.</p>
<a id="needbosnia" name="needbosnia"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Bosnia and Herzegovina.]</p>
<p>In Bosnia and Herzegovina there are some local differences in
the mode of kindling the need-fire, or "living fire," as it is
called. Thus at Jablanica both the uprights and the roller or
cross-piece, which by its revolution kindles the fire, are made of
cornel-tree wood; whereas at Dolac, near Sarajevo, the uprights and
the cross-piece or roller are all made of lime wood. In Gacko,
contrary to the usual custom, the fire is made by striking a piece
of iron on an anvil, till sparks are given out, which are caught in
tinder. The "living fire" thus produced is employed for purposes of
healing. In particular, if any one suffers from wounds or sores,
ashes of the need-fire are sprinkled on the ailing part. In Gacko
it is also believed that if a pregnant woman witnesses a
conflagration, her child will either be born with a red eruption on
its skin or will contract the malady sooner or later afterwards.
The only remedy consists in ashes of the need-fire, which are mixed
with water and given to the child to drink.<a id="footnotetag719"
name="footnotetag719"></a><a href=
"#footnote719"><sup>719</sup></a></p>
<a id="needengland" name="needengland"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in England; the need-fire in Yorkshire.]</p>
<p>In England the earliest notice of the need-fire seems to be
contained in the Chronicle of Lanercost for the year 1268. The
annalist tells with pious horror how, when an epidemic was raging
in that year among the cattle, "certain beastly men, monks in garb
but not in mind, taught the idiots of their country to make fire by
the friction of wood and to set up an image of Priapus, whereby
they thought to succour the animals."<a id="footnotetag720" name=
"footnotetag720"></a><a href="#footnote720"><sup>720</sup></a> The
use of the need-fire is particularly attested for the counties of
Yorkshire and Northumberland. Thus in Yorkshire down to the middle
of the eighteenth century "the favourite remedy of the country
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page287" name="page287"></a>[pg
287]</span> people, not only in the way of cure, but of prevention,
was an odd one; it was to smoke the cattle almost to suffocation,
by kindling straw, litter, and other combustible matter about them.
The effects of this mode of cure are not stated, but the most
singular part of it was that by which it was reported to have been
discovered. An angel (says the legend), descended into Yorkshire,
and there set a large tree on fire; the strange appearance of which
or else the savour of the smoke, incited the cattle around (some of
which were infected) to draw near the miracle, when they all either
received an immediate cure or an absolute prevention of the
disorder. It is not affirmed that the angel staid to speak to
anybody, but only that he left a <i>written</i> direction for the
neighbouring people to catch this supernatural fire, and to
communicate it from one to another with all possible speed
throughout the country; and in case it should be extinguished and
utterly lost, that then new fire, of equal virtue, might be
obtained, not by any common method, but by rubbing two pieces of
wood together till they ignited. Upon what foundation this story
stood, is not exactly known, but it put the farmers actually into a
hurry of communicating flame and smoke from one house to another
with wonderful speed, making it run like wildfire over the
country."<a id="footnotetag721" name="footnotetag721"></a><a href=
"#footnote721"><sup>721</sup></a> Again, we read that "the father
of the writer, who died in 1843, in his seventy-ninth year, had a
perfect remembrance of a great number of persons, belonging to the
upper and middle classes of his native parish of Bowes, assembling
on the banks of the river Greta to work for need-fire. A disease
among cattle, called the murrain, then prevailed to a very great
extent through that district of Yorkshire. The cattle were made to
pass through the smoke raised by this miraculous fire, and their
cure was looked upon as certain, and to neglect doing so was looked
upon as wicked. This fire was produced by the violent and continued
friction of two dry pieces of wood until such time as it was
thereby obtained. 'To work as though one was working for need-fire'
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page288" name="page288"></a>[pg
288]</span> is a common proverb in the North of England."<a id=
"footnotetag722" name="footnotetag722"></a><a href=
"#footnote722"><sup>722</sup></a> At Ingleton, a small town
nestling picturesquely at the foot of the high hill of Ingleborough
in western Yorkshire, "within the last thirty years or so it was a
common practice to kindle the so-called 'Need-fire' by rubbing two
pieces of wood briskly together, and setting ablaze a large heap of
sticks and brushwood, which were dispersed, and cattle then driven
through the smoking brands. This was thought to act as a charm
against the spread or developement of the various ailments to which
cattle are liable, and the farmers seem to have had great faith in
it."<a id="footnotetag723" name="footnotetag723"></a><a href=
"#footnote723"><sup>723</sup></a> Writing about the middle of the
nineteenth century, Kemble tells us that the will-fire or need-fire
had been used in Devonshire for the purpose of staying a murrain
within the memory of man.<a id="footnotetag724" name=
"footnotetag724"></a><a href="#footnote724"><sup>724</sup></a></p>
<a id="neednorthumberland" name="neednorthumberland"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Northumberland.]</p>
<p>So in Northumberland, down to the first half of the nineteenth
century, "when a contagious disease enters among cattle, the fires
are extinguished in the adjacent villages. Two pieces of dried wood
are then rubbed together until fire be produced; with this a
quantity of straw is kindled, juniper is thrown into the flame, and
the cattle are repeatedly driven through the smoke. Part of the
forced fire is sent to the neighbours, who again forward it to
others, and, as great expedition is used, the fires may be seen
blazing over a great extent of country in a very short space of
time."<a id="footnotetag725" name="footnotetag725"></a><a href=
"#footnote725"><sup>725</sup></a> "It is strange," says the
antiquary William Henderson, writing about 1866, "to find the
custom of lighting 'need-fires' on the occasion of epidemics among
cattle still lingering among us, but so it is. The vicar of
Stamfordham writes thus <span class="pagenum"><a id="page289" name=
"page289"></a>[pg 289]</span> respecting it: 'When the murrain
broke out among the cattle about eighteen years ago, this fire was
produced by rubbing two pieces of dry wood together, and was
carried from place to place all through this district, as a charm
against cattle taking the disease. Bonfires were kindled with it,
and the cattle driven into the smoke, where they were left for some
time. Many farmers hereabouts, I am informed, had the
need-fire.'"<a id="footnotetag726" name=
"footnotetag726"></a><a href="#footnote726"><sup>726</sup></a></p>
<a id="needscotland" name="needscotland"></a>
<p>[Martin's account of the need-fire in the Highlands of
Scotland.]</p>
<p>In the earliest systematic account of the western islands of
Scotland we read that "the inhabitants here did also make use of a
fire called <i>Tin-egin, i.e.</i> a forced fire, or fire of
necessity, which they used as an antidote against the plague or
murrain in cattle; and it was performed thus: all the fires in the
parish were extinguished, and then eighty-one married men, being
thought the necessary number for effecting this design, took two
great planks of wood, and nine of them were employed by turns, who
by their repeated efforts rubbed one of the planks against the
other until the heat thereof produced fire; and from this forced
fire each family is supplied with new fire, which is no sooner
kindled than a pot full of water is quickly set on it, and
afterwards sprinkled upon the people infected with the plague, or
upon the cattle that have the murrain. And this they all say they
find successful by experience: it was practised in the main land,
opposite to the south of Skie, within these thirty years."<a id=
"footnotetag727" name="footnotetag727"></a><a href=
"#footnote727"><sup>727</sup></a></p>
<a id="needmull" name="needmull"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in the island of Mull; sacrifice of a
heifer.]</p>
<p>In the island of Mull, one of the largest of the Hebrides, the
need-fire was kindled as late as 1767. "In consequence of a disease
among the black cattle the people agreed to perform an incantation,
though they esteemed it a wicked thing. They carried to the top of
Carnmoor a wheel and nine spindles of oakwood. They extinguished
every fire in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page290" name=
"page290"></a>[pg 290]</span> every house within sight of the hill;
the wheel was then turned from east to west over the nine spindles
long enough to produce fire by friction. If the fire were not
produced before noon, the incantation lost its effect. They failed
for several days running. They attributed this failure to the
obstinacy of one householder, who would not let his fires be put
out for what he considered so wrong a purpose. However, by bribing
his servants they contrived to have them extinguished and on that
morning raised their fire. They then sacrificed a heifer, cutting
in pieces and burning, while yet alive, the diseased part. They
then lighted their own hearths from the pile and ended by feasting
on the remains. Words of incantation were repeated by an old man
from Morven, who came over as master of the ceremonies, and who
continued speaking all the time the fire was being raised. This man
was living a beggar at Bellochroy. Asked to repeat the spell, he
said, the sin of repeating it once had brought him to beggary, and
that he dared not say those words again. The whole country believed
him accursed."<a id="footnotetag728" name=
"footnotetag728"></a><a href="#footnote728"><sup>728</sup></a> From
this account we see that in Mull the kindling of the need-fire as a
remedy for cattle disease was accompanied by the sacrifice of one
of the diseased animals; and though the two customs are for the
most part mentioned separately by our authorities, we may surmise
that they were often, perhaps usually, practised together for the
purpose of checking the ravages of sickness in the herds.<a id=
"footnotetag729" name="footnotetag729"></a><a href=
"#footnote729"><sup>729</sup></a></p>
<a id="needcaithness" name="needcaithness"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Caithness.]</p>
<p>In the county of Caithness, forming the extreme northeast corner
of the mainland of Scotland, the practice of the need-fire survived
down at least to about 1788. We read that "in those days, when the
stock of any considerable farmer was seized with the murrain, he
would send for one of the charm-doctors to superintend the raising
of a <i>need-fire</i>. It was done by friction, thus; upon any
small island, where the stream of a river or burn ran on each side,
a circular booth was erected, of stone and turf, as it could be
had, in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page291" name=
"page291"></a>[pg 291]</span> which a semicircular or highland
couple of birch, or other hard wood, was set; and, in short, a roof
closed on it. A straight pole was set up in the centre of this
building, the upper end fixed by a wooden pin to the top of the
couple, and the lower end in an oblong <i>trink</i> in the earth or
floor; and lastly, another pole was set across horizontally, having
both ends tapered, one end of which was supported in a hole in the
side of the perpendicular pole, and the other in a similar hole in
the couple leg. The horizontal stick was called the auger, having
four short arms or levers fixed in its centre, to work it by; the
building having been thus finished, as many men as could be
collected in the vicinity, (being divested of all kinds of metal in
their clothes, etc.), would set to work with the said auger, two
after two, constantly turning it round by the arms or levers, and
others occasionally driving wedges of wood or stone behind the
lower end of the upright pole, so as to press it the more on the
end of the auger: by this constant friction and pressure, the ends
of the auger would take fire, from which a fire would be instantly
kindled, and thus the <i>needfire</i> would be accomplished. The
fire in the farmer's house, etc., was immediately quenched with
water, a fire kindled from this needfire, both in the farm-houses
and offices, and the cattle brought to feel the smoke of this new
and sacred fire, which preserved them from the murrain."<a id=
"footnotetag730" name="footnotetag730"></a><a href=
"#footnote730"><sup>730</sup></a></p>
<a id="needcaithness2" name="needcaithness2"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Caithness.]</p>
<p>The last recorded case of the need-fire in Caithness happened in
1809 or 1810. At Houstry, Dunbeath, a crofter named David Gunn had
made for himself a kail-yard and in doing so had wilfully
encroached on one of those prehistoric ruins called <i>brochs</i>,
which the people of the neighbourhood believed to be a fairy
habitation. Soon afterwards a murrain broke out among the cattle of
the district and carried off many beasts. So the wise men put their
heads together and resolved to light a <i>teine-eigin</i> or
need-fire as the best way of stopping the plague. They cut a branch
from a tree in a neighbouring wood, stripped it of bark, and
carried it to a small island in the Houstry Burn. Every fire in the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page292" name="page292"></a>[pg
292]</span> district having been quenched, new fire was made by the
friction of wood in the island, and from this sacred flame all the
hearths of the houses were lit afresh. One of the sticks used in
making the fire was preserved down to about the end of the
nineteenth century; apparently the mode of operation was the one
known as the fire-drill: a pointed stick was twirled in a hole made
in another stick till fire was elicited by the friction.<a id=
"footnotetag731" name="footnotetag731"></a><a href=
"#footnote731"><sup>731</sup></a></p>
<p>[Another account of the need-fire in the Highlands.]</p>
<p>Another account of the use of need-fire in the Highlands of
Scotland runs as follows: "When, by the neglect of the prescribed
safeguards [against witchcraft], the seeds of iniquity have taken
root, and a person's means are decaying in consequence, the only
alternative, in this case, is to resort to that grand remedy, the
<i>Tein Econuch</i>, or 'Forlorn Fire,' which seldom fails of being
productive of the best effects. The cure for witchcraft, called
<i>Tein Econuch</i>, is wrought in the following manner:&mdash;A
consultation being held by the unhappy sufferer and his friends as
to the most advisable measures of effecting a cure, if this process
is adopted, notice is privately communicated to all those
householders who reside within the nearest of two running streams,
to extinguish their lights and fires on some appointed morning. On
its being ascertained that this notice has been duly observed, a
spinning-wheel, or some other convenient instrument, calculated to
produce fire by friction, is set to work with the most furious
earnestness by the unfortunate sufferer, and all who wish well to
his cause. Relieving each other by turns, they drive on with such
persevering diligence, that at length the spindle of the wheel,
ignited by excessive friction, emits 'forlorn fire' in abundance,
which, by the application of tow, or some other combustible
material, is widely extended over the whole neighbourhood.
Communicating the fire to the tow, the tow communicates it to a
candle, the candle to a fir-torch, the torch to a cartful of peats,
which the master of the ceremonies, with pious ejaculations for the
success of the experiment, distributes to messengers, who will
proceed with portions of it to the different houses within the said
two running streams, to kindle the different fires. By the
influence <span class="pagenum"><a id="page293" name=
"page293"></a>[pg 293]</span> of this operation, the machinations
and spells of witchcraft are rendered null and void."<a id=
"footnotetag732" name="footnotetag732"></a><a href=
"#footnote732"><sup>732</sup></a></p>
<a id="needcarmichael" name="needcarmichael"></a>
<p>[Alexander Carmichael's account of the need-fire in the
Highlands of Scotland during the nineteenth century.]</p>
<p>In various parts of the Highlands of Scotland the needfire was
still kindled during the first half of the nineteenth century, as
we learn from the following account:&mdash;</p>
<p>"<i>Tein-eigin</i>, neid-fire, need-fire, forced fire, fire
produced by the friction of wood or iron against wood.</p>
<p>"The fire of purification was kindled from the neid-fire, while
the domestic fire on the hearth was re-kindled from the
purification fire on the knoll. Among other names, the purification
fire was called <i>Teine Bheuil</i>, fire of Beul, and <i>Teine mor
Bheuil</i>, great fire of Beul. The fire of Beul was divided into
two fires between which people and cattle rushed australly for
purposes of purification. The ordeal was trying, as may be inferred
from phrases still current. <i>Is teodha so na teine teodha
Bheuil</i>, 'Hotter is this than the hot fire of Beul.' Replying to
his grandchild, an old man in Lewis said ... 'Mary! sonnie, it were
worse for me to do that for thee than to go between the two great
fires of Beul.'</p>
<p>"The neid-fire was resorted to in imminent or actual calamity
upon the first day of the quarter, and to ensure success in great
or important events.</p>
<p>[The needfire in Arran.]</p>
<p>"The writer conversed with several persons who saw the neid-fire
made, and who joined in the ceremony. As mentioned elsewhere, a
woman in Arran said that her father, and the other men of the
townland, made the neid-fire on the knoll on <i>La buidhe
Bealltain</i>&mdash;Yellow Day of Beltane. They fed the fire from
<i>cuaile mor conaidh caoin</i>&mdash;great bundles of sacred
faggots brought to the knoll on Beltane Eve. When the sacred fire
became kindled, the people rushed home and brought their herds and
drove them through and round the fire of purification, to sain them
from the <i>bana bhuitseach mhor Nic Creafain Mac
Creafain</i>&mdash;the great arch witch Mac Crauford, now Crawford.
That was in the second decade of this century.</p>
<p>[The need-fire in North Uist.]</p>
<p>"John Macphail, Middlequarter, North Uist, said that
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page294" name="page294"></a>[pg
294]</span> the last occasion on which the neid-fire was made in
North Uist was <i>bliadhna an t-sneachda bhuidhe</i>&mdash;the year
of the yellow snow&mdash;1829 (?). The snow lay so deep and
remained so long on the ground, that it became yellow. Some suggest
that the snow was originally yellow, as snow is occasionally red.
This extraordinary continuance of snow caused much want and
suffering throughout the Isles. The people of North Uist
extinguished their own fires and generated a purification fire at
Sail Dharaich, Sollas. The fire was produced from an oak log by
rapidly boring with an auger. This was accomplished by the
exertions of <i>naoi naoinear ciad ginealach mac</i>&mdash;the nine
nines of first-begotten sons. From the neid-fire produced on the
knoll the people of the parish obtained fire for their dwellings.
Many cults and ceremonies were observed on the occasion, cults and
ceremonies in which Pagan and Christian beliefs intermingled.
<i>Sail Dharaich</i>, Oak Log, obtained its name from the log of
oak for the neid-fire being there. A fragment of this log riddled
with auger holes marks a grave in <i>Cladh Sgealoir</i>, the
burying-ground of <i>Sgealoir</i>, in the neighbourhood.</p>
<p>[The need-fire in Reay, Sutherland.]</p>
<p>"Mr. Alexander Mackay, Edinburgh, a native of Reay, Sutherland,
says:&mdash;'My father was the skipper of a fishing crew. Before
beginning operations for the season, the crew of the boat met at
night in our house to settle accounts for the past, and to plan
operations for the new season. My mother and the rest of us were
sent to bed. I lay in the kitchen, and was listening and watching,
though they thought I was asleep. After the men had settled their
past affairs and future plans, they put out the fire on the hearth,
not a spark being allowed to live. They then rubbed two pieces of
wood one against another so rapidly as to produce fire, the men
joining in one after the other, and working with the utmost energy
and never allowing the friction to relax. From this friction-fire
they rekindled the fire on the hearth, from which all the men
present carried away a kindling to their own homes. Whether their
success was due to their skill, their industry, their perseverance,
or to the neid-fire, I do not know, but I know that they were much
the most successful crew in the place. They met on Saturday, and
went to church on Sunday like the good men <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page295" name="page295"></a>[pg 295]</span> and
the good Christians they were&mdash;a little of their Pagan faith
mingling with their Christian belief. I have reason to believe that
other crews in the place as well as my father's crew practised the
neid-fire.'</p>
<p>"A man at Helmsdale, Sutherland, saw the <i>tein-eigin</i> made
in his boyhood.</p>
<p>"The neid-fire was made in North Uist about the year 1829, in
Arran about 1820, in Helmsdale about 1818, in Reay about
1830."<a id="footnotetag733" name="footnotetag733"></a><a href=
"#footnote733"><sup>733</sup></a></p>
<p>[The Beltane fire a precaution against witchcraft.]</p>
<p>From the foregoing account we learn that in Arran the annual
Beltane fire was regularly made by the friction of wood, and that
it was used to protect men and cattle against a great witch. When
we remember that Beltane Eve or the Eve of May Day (Walpurgis
Night) is the great witching time of the year throughout Europe, we
may surmise that wherever bonfires have been ceremonially kindled
on that day it has been done simply as a precaution against
witchcraft; indeed this motive is expressly alleged not only in
Scotland, but in Wales, the Isle of Man, and many parts of Central
Europe.<a id="footnotetag734" name="footnotetag734"></a><a href=
"#footnote734"><sup>734</sup></a> It deserves, further, to be
noticed that in North Uist the wood used to kindle the need-fire
was oak, and that the nine times nine men by whose exertions the
flame was elicited were all first-born sons. Apparently the
first-born son of a family was thought to be endowed with more
magical virtue than his younger brothers. Similarly in the Punjaub
"the supernatural power ascribed to the first born is not due to
his being unlucky, but the idea underlying the belief seems to be
that being the first product of the parents, he inherits the
spiritual powers (or magnetism) in a high degree. The success of
such persons in stopping rain and hail and in stupefying snakes is
proverbial. It is believed that a first child born with feet
forward can cure backache by kicking the patient in the back, on a
crossing."<a id="footnotetag735" name="footnotetag735"></a><a href=
"#footnote735"><sup>735</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page296" name="page296"></a>[pg
296]</span> <a id="needaberdeenshire" name="needaberdeenshire"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Aberdeenshire.]</p>
<p>In the north-east of Aberdeenshire and the neighbourhood, when
the cattle-disease known as the "quarter-ill" broke out, "the
'muckle wheel' was set in motion and turned till fire was produced.
From this virgin flame fires were kindled in the byres. At the same
time, if neighbours requested the favour, live coals were given
them to kindle fires for the purification of their homesteads and
turning off the disease. Fumigating the byres with juniper was a
method adopted to ward off disease. Such a fire was called
'needfyre.' The kindling of it came under the censure of the
Presbytery at times."<a id="footnotetag736" name=
"footnotetag736"></a><a href="#footnote736"><sup>736</sup></a></p>
<a id="needperthshire" name="needperthshire"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Perthshire.]</p>
<p>In Perthshire the need-fire was kindled as a remedy for
cattle-disease as late as 1826. "A wealthy old farmer, <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page297" name="page297"></a>[pg 297]</span> having
lost several of his cattle by some disease very prevalent at
present, and being able to account for it in no way so rationally
as by witchcraft, had recourse to the following remedy, recommended
to him by a weird sister in his neighbourhood, as an effectual
protection from the attacks of the foul fiend. A few stones were
piled together in the barnyard, and woodcoals having been laid
thereon, the fuel was ignited by <i>will-fire</i>, that is fire
obtained by friction; the neighbours having been called in to
witness the solemnity, the cattle were made to pass through the
flames, in the order of their dignity and age, commencing with the
horses and ending with the swine. The ceremony having been duly and
decorously gone through, a neighbouring farmer observed to the
enlightened owner of the herd, that he, along with his family,
ought to have followed the example of the cattle, and the sacrifice
to Baal would have been complete."<a id="footnotetag737" name=
"footnotetag737"></a><a href="#footnote737"><sup>737</sup></a></p>
<a id="needireland" name="needireland"></a>
<p>[The need-fire in Ireland.]</p>
<p>In County Leitrim, Ireland, in order to prevent fever from
spreading, "all the fires on the townland, and the two adjoining
(one on each side), would be put out. Then the men of the three
townlands would come to one house, and get two large blocks of
wood. One would be set in the ground, and the other one, fitted
with two handles, placed on the top of it. The men would then draw
the upper block backwards and forwards over the lower until fire
was produced by friction, and from this the fires would be lighted
again. This would prevent the fever from spreading,"<a id=
"footnotetag738" name="footnotetag738"></a><a href=
"#footnote738"><sup>738</sup></a></p>
<a id="needrelic" name="needrelic"></a>
<p>[The use of the need-fire a relic of a time when all fires were
kindled by the friction of wood.]</p>
<p>Thus it appears that in many parts of Europe it has been
customary to kindle fire by the friction of wood for the purpose of
curing or preventing the spread of disease, particularly among
cattle. The mode of striking a light by rubbing two dry sticks
against each other is the one to which all over the world savages
have most commonly resorted for the sake of providing themselves
with fire;<a id="footnotetag739" name="footnotetag739"></a><a href=
"#footnote739"><sup>739</sup></a> and we can scarcely doubt that
the practice of kindling the need-fire in this primitive fashion is
merely a survival from the time <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page298" name="page298"></a>[pg 298]</span> when our savage
forefathers lit all their fires in that way. Nothing is so
conservative of old customs as religious or magical ritual, which
invests these relics of the past with an atmosphere of mysterious
virtue and sanctity. To the educated mind it seems obvious that a
fire which a man kindles with the sweat of his brow by laboriously
rubbing one stick against each other can possess neither more nor
less virtue than one which he has struck in a moment by the
friction of a lucifer match; but to the ignorant and superstitious
this truth is far from apparent, and accordingly they take infinite
pains to do in a roundabout way what they might have done directly
with the greatest ease, and what, even when it is done, is of no
use whatever for the purpose in hand. A vast proportion of the
labour which mankind has expended throughout the ages has been no
better spent; it has been like the stone of Sisyphus eternally
rolled up hill only to revolve eternally down again, or like the
water poured for ever by the Danaids into broken pitchers which it
could never fill.</p>
<a id="needbelief" name="needbelief"></a>
<p>[The belief that the need-fire cannot kindle if any other fire
remains alight in the neighbourhood.]</p>
<p>The curious notion that the need-fire cannot kindle if any other
fire remains alight in the neighbourhood seems to imply that fire
is conceived as a unity which is broken up into fractions and
consequently weakened in exact proportion to the number of places
where it burns; hence in order to obtain it at full strength you
must light it only at a single point, for then the flame will burst
out with a concentrated energy derived from the tributary fires
which burned on all the extinguished hearths of the country. So in
a modern city if all the gas were turned off simultaneously at all
the burners but one, the flame would no doubt blaze at that one
burner with a fierceness such as no single burner could shew when
all are burning at the same time. The analogy may help us to
understand the process of reasoning which leads the peasantry to
insist on the extinction of all common fires when the need-fire is
about to be kindled. Perhaps, too, it may partly explain that
ceremonial extinction of all old fires on other occasions which is
often required by custom as a preliminary to the lighting of a new
and sacred fire.<a id="footnotetag740" name=
"footnotetag740"></a><a href="#footnote740"><sup>740</sup></a> We
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page299" name="page299"></a>[pg
299]</span> have seen that in the Highlands of Scotland all common
fires were extinguished on the Eve of May-day as a preparation for
kindling the Beltane bonfire by friction next morning;<a id=
"footnotetag741" name="footnotetag741"></a><a href=
"#footnote741"><sup>741</sup></a> and no doubt the reason for the
extinction was the same as in the case of the need-fire. Indeed we
may assume with a fair degree of probability that the need-fire was
the parent of the periodic fire-festivals; at first invoked only at
irregular intervals to cure certain evils as they occurred, the
powerful virtue of fire was afterwards employed at regular
intervals to prevent the occurrence of the same evils as well as to
remedy such as had actually arisen.</p>
<a id="neediroquois" name="neediroquois"></a>
<p>[The needfire among the Iroquois of North America.]</p>
<p>The need-fire of Europe has its parallel in a ceremony which
used to be observed by the Iroquois Indians of North America.
"Formerly when an epidemic prevailed among the Iroquois despite the
efforts to stay it, it was customary for the principal shaman to
order the fires in every cabin to be extinguished and the ashes and
cinders to be carefully removed; for it was believed that the
pestilence was sent as a punishment for neglecting to rekindle 'new
fire,' or because of the manner in which the fire then in use had
been kindled. So, after all the fires were out, two suitable logs
of slippery elm (<i>Ulmus fulva</i>) were provided for the new
fire. One of the logs was from six to eight inches in diameter and
from eight to ten feet long; the other was from ten to twelve
inches in diameter and about ten feet long. About midway across the
larger log a cuneiform notch or cut about six inches deep was made,
and in the wedge-shaped notch punk was placed. The other log was
drawn rapidly to and fro in the cut by four strong men chosen for
the purpose until the punk was ignited by the friction thus
produced. Before and during the progress of the work of igniting
the fire the shaman votively sprinkled
<i>tcar-hu'-e&ntilde;-we</i>, 'real tobacco,' three several times
into the cuneiform notch and offered earnest prayers to the
Fire-god, beseeching him 'to aid, to bless, and <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page300" name="page300"></a>[pg 300]</span> to
redeem the people from their calamities.' The ignited punk was used
to light a large bonfire, and then the head of every family was
required to take home 'new fire' to rekindle a fire in his or her
fire-place."<a id="footnotetag742" name=
"footnotetag742"></a><a href="#footnote742"><sup>742</sup></a></p>
<h4><a id="sect4-9" name="sect4-9">&sect; 9. <i>The Sacrifice of an
Animal to stay a Cattle-Plague</i></a></h4>
<a id="sacrificeengland" name="sacrificeengland"></a>
<p>[The burnt sacrifice of a calf in England and Wales; burnt
sacrifice a pig in Scotland.]</p>
<p>Sometimes apparently in England as well as in Scotland the
kindling of a need-fire was accompanied by the sacrifice of a calf.
Thus in Northamptonshire, at some time during the first half of the
nineteenth century, "Miss C&mdash;&mdash; and her cousin walking
saw a fire in a field and a crowd round it. They said, 'What is the
matter?' 'Killing a calf.' 'What for?' 'To stop the murrain.' They
went away as quickly as possible. On speaking to the clergyman he
made enquiries. The people did not like to talk of the affair, but
it appeared that when there is a disease among the cows or the
calves are born sickly, they sacrifice (<i>i.e.</i> kill and burn)
one 'for good luck.'"<a id="footnotetag743" name=
"footnotetag743"></a><a href="#footnote743"><sup>743</sup></a> It
is not here said that the fire was a need-fire, of which indeed the
two horrified ladies had probably never heard; but the analogy of
the parallel custom in Mull<a id="footnotetag744" name=
"footnotetag744"></a><a href="#footnote744"><sup>744</sup></a>
renders it probable that in Northamptonshire also the fire was
kindled by the friction of wood, and that the calf or some part of
it was burnt in the fire. Certainly the practice of burning a
single animal alive in order to save all the others would seem to
have been not uncommon in England down to the nineteenth century.
Thus a farmer in Cornwall about the year 1800, having lost many
cattle by disease, and tried many remedies in vain, consulted with
some of his neighbours and laying their heads together "they
recalled to their recollections a tale, which tradition had handed
down from remote antiquity, that the calamity would not cease until
he had actually burned alive the finest calf which he had upon his
farm; but that, when this sacrifice was made, the murrain would
afflict his cattle no more." Accordingly, on a day appointed they
met, lighted a large fire, placed the best calf in it, and standing
round the blazing <span class="pagenum"><a id="page301" name=
"page301"></a>[pg 301]</span> pile drove the animal with pitchforks
back into the flames whenever it attempted to escape. Thus the
victim was burned alive to save the rest of the cattle.<a id=
"footnotetag745" name="footnotetag745"></a><a href=
"#footnote745"><sup>745</sup></a> "There can be no doubt but that a
belief prevailed until a very recent period, amongst the small
farmers in the districts remote from towns in Cornwall, that a
living sacrifice appeased the wrath of God. This sacrifice must be
by fire; and I have heard it argued that the Bible gave them
warranty for this belief.... While correcting these sheets I am
informed of two recent instances of this superstition. One of them
was the sacrifice of a calf by a farmer near Portreath, for the
purpose of removing a disease which had long followed his horses
and his cows. The other was the burning of a living lamb, to save,
as the farmer said, 'his flocks from spells which had been cast on
'em.'"<a id="footnotetag746" name="footnotetag746"></a><a href=
"#footnote746"><sup>746</sup></a> In a recent account of the
fire-festivals of Wales we read that "I have also heard my
grandfather and father say that in times gone by the people would
throw a calf in the fire when there was any disease among the
herds. The same would be done with a sheep if there was anything
the matter with a flock. I can remember myself seeing cattle being
driven between two fires to 'stop the disease spreading.' When in
later times it was not considered humane to drive the cattle
between the fires, the herdsmen were accustomed to force the
animals over the wood ashes to protect them against various
ailments."<a id="footnotetag747" name="footnotetag747"></a><a href=
"#footnote747"><sup>747</sup></a> Writing about 1866, the antiquary
W. Henderson says that a live ox was burned near Haltwhistle in
Northumberland "only twenty years ago" to stop a murrain.<a id=
"footnotetag748" name="footnotetag748"></a><a href=
"#footnote748"><sup>748</sup></a> "About the year 1850 disease
broke out among the cattle of a small farm in the parish of
Resoliss, Black Isle, Ross-shire. The farmer prevailed on his wife
to undertake a journey to a wise woman of renown <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page302" name="page302"></a>[pg 302]</span> in
Banffshire to ask a charm against the effects of the 'ill eye.' The
long journey of upwards of fifty miles was performed by the good
wife, and the charm was got. One chief thing ordered was to burn to
death a pig, and sprinkle the ashes over the byre and other farm
buildings. This order was carried out, except that the pig was
killed before it was burned. A more terrible sacrifice was made at
times. One of the diseased animals was rubbed over with tar, driven
forth, set on fire, and allowed to run till it fell down and
died."<a id="footnotetag749" name="footnotetag749"></a><a href=
"#footnote749"><sup>749</sup></a> "Living animals have been burnt
alive in sacrifice within memory to avert the loss of other stock.
The burial of three puppies 'brandise-wise' in a field is supposed
to rid it of weeds. Throughout the rural districts of Devon
witchcraft is an article of current faith, and the toad is thrown
into the flames as an emissary of the evil one."<a id=
"footnotetag750" name="footnotetag750"></a><a href=
"#footnote750"><sup>750</sup></a></p>
<a id="sacrificecalf" name="sacrificecalf"></a>
<p>[The calf is burnt in order to break a spell which has been cast
on the herd.]</p>
<p>But why, we may ask, should the burning alive of a calf or a
sheep be supposed to save the rest of the herd or the flock from
the murrain? According to one writer, as we have seen, the burnt
sacrifice was thought to appease the wrath of God.<a id=
"footnotetag751" name="footnotetag751"></a><a href=
"#footnote751"><sup>751</sup></a> The idea of appeasing the wrath
of a ferocious deity by burning an animal alive is probably no more
than a theological gloss put on an old heathen rite; it would
hardly occur to the simple mind of an English bumpkin, who, though
he may be stupid, is not naturally cruel and does not conceive of a
divinity who takes delight in the contemplation of suffering. To
his thinking God has little or nothing to do with the murrain, but
witches, ill-wishers, and fairies have a great deal to do with it.
The English farmer who burned one of his lambs alive said that he
did it "to save his flocks from spells which had been cast on
them"; and the Scotch farmer who was bidden to burn a pig alive for
a similar <span class="pagenum"><a id="page303" name=
"page303"></a>[pg 303]</span> purpose, but who had the humanity to
kill the animal first, believed that this was a remedy for the
"evil eye" which had been cast upon his beasts. Again, we read that
"a farmer, who possessed broad acres, and who was in many respects
a sensible man, was greatly annoyed to find that his cattle became
diseased in the spring. Nothing could satisfy him but that they
were bewitched, and he was resolved to find out the person who had
cast the evil eye on his oxen. According to an anciently-prescribed
rule, the farmer took one of his bullocks and bled it to death,
catching all the blood on bundles of straw. The bloody straw was
then piled into a heap, and set on fire. Burning with a vast
quantity of smoke, the farmer expected to see the witch, either in
reality or in shadow, amidst the smoke."<a id="footnotetag752"
name="footnotetag752"></a><a href="#footnote752"><sup>752</sup></a>
Such reasons express the real beliefs of the peasants. "Cattle,
like human beings, were exposed to the influences of the evil eye,
of forespeaking, and of the casting of evil. Witches and warlocks
did the work of evil among their neighbours' cattle if their anger
had been aroused in any way. The fairies often wrought injury
amongst cattle. Every animal that died suddenly was killed by the
dart of the fairies, or, in the language of the people, was
'shot-a-dead.' Flint arrows and spear-heads went by the name of
'faery dairts....' When an animal died suddenly the canny woman of
the district was sent for to search for the 'faery dairt,' and in
due course she found one, to the great satisfaction of the owner of
the dead animal."<a id="footnotetag753" name=
"footnotetag753"></a><a href="#footnote753"><sup>753</sup></a></p>
<a id="sacrificemode" name="sacrificemode"></a>
<p>[Mode in which the burning of a bewitched animal is supposed to
break the spell.]</p>
<p>But how, we must still ask, can burning an animal alive break
the spell that has been cast upon its fellows by a witch or a
warlock? Some light is thrown on the question by the following
account of measures which rustic wiseacres in Suffolk are said to
have adopted as a remedy for witchcraft. "A woman I knew
forty-three years had been employed by my predecessor to take care
of his poultry. At the time I came to make her acquaintance she was
a bedridden toothless crone, with chin and nose all but meeting.
She did <span class="pagenum"><a id="page304" name=
"page304"></a>[pg 304]</span> not discourage in her neighbours the
idea that she knew more than people ought to know, and had more
power than others had. Many years before I knew her it happened one
spring that the ducks, which were a part of her charge, failed to
lay eggs.... She at once took it for granted that the ducks had
been bewitched. This misbelief involved very shocking consequences,
for it necessitated the idea that so diabolical an act could only
be combated by diabolical cruelty. And the most diabolical act of
cruelty she could imagine was that of baking alive in a hot oven
one of the ducks. And that was what she did. The sequence of
thought in her mind was that the spell that had been laid on the
ducks was that of preternaturally wicked wilfulness; that this
spell could only be broken through intensity of suffering, in this
case death by burning; that the intensity of suffering would break
the spell in the one roasted to death; and that the spell broken in
one would be altogether broken, that is, in all the ducks....
Shocking, however, as was this method of exorcising the ducks,
there was nothing in it original. Just about a hundred years
before, everyone in the town and neighbourhood of Ipswich had
heard, and many had believed, that a witch had been burnt to death
in her own house at Ipswich by the process of burning alive one of
the sheep she had bewitched. It was curious, but it was as
convincing as curious, that the hands and feet of this witch were
the only parts of her that had not been incinerated. This, however,
was satisfactorily explained by the fact that the four feet of the
sheep, by which it had been suspended over the fire, had not been
destroyed in the flames that had consumed its body."<a id=
"footnotetag754" name="footnotetag754"></a><a href=
"#footnote754"><sup>754</sup></a> According to a slightly different
account of the same tragic incident, the last of the "Ipswitch
witches," one Grace Pett, "laid her hand heavily on a farmer's
sheep, who, in order to punish her, fastened one of the sheep in
the ground and burnt it, except the feet, which were under the
earth. The next morning Grace Pett was found burnt to a cinder,
except her <span class="pagenum"><a id="page305" name=
"page305"></a>[pg 305]</span> feet. Her fate is recorded in the
<i>Philosophical Transactions</i> as a case of spontaneous
combustion."<a id="footnotetag755" name=
"footnotetag755"></a><a href="#footnote755"><sup>755</sup></a></p>
<a id="sacrificewitch" name="sacrificewitch"></a>
<p>[In burning the bewitched animal you burn the witch
herself.]</p>
<p>This last anecdote is instructive, if perhaps not strictly
authentic. It shows that in burning alive one of a bewitched flock
or herd what you really do is to burn the witch, who is either
actually incarnate in the animal or perhaps more probably stands in
a relation of sympathy with it so close as almost to amount to
identity. Hence if you burn the creature to ashes, you utterly
destroy the witch and thereby save the whole of the rest of the
flock or herd from her abominable machinations; whereas if you only
partially burn the animal, allowing some parts of it to escape the
flames, the witch is only half-baked, and her power for mischief
may be hardly, if at all, impaired by the grilling. We can now see
that in such matters half-measures are useless. To kill the animal
first and burn it afterwards is a weak compromise, dictated no
doubt by a well-meant but utterly mistaken kindness; it is like
shutting the stable-door when the steed is stolen, for obviously by
leaving the animal's, and therefore the witch's, body nearly intact
at the moment of death, it allows her soul to escape and return
safe and sound to her own human body, which all the time is
probably lying quietly at home in bed. And the same train of
reasoning that justifies the burning alive of bewitched animals
justifies and indeed requires the burning alive of the witches
themselves; it is really the only way of destroying them, body and
soul, and therefore of thoroughly extirpating the whole infernal
crew.</p>
<a id="sacrificeman" name="sacrificeman"></a>
<p>[Practice of burning cattle and sheep as sacrifices in the Isle
of Man.]</p>
<p>In the Isle of Man the practice of burning cattle alive in order
to stop a murrain seems to have persisted down to a time within
living memory. On this subject I will quote the evidence collected
by Sir John Rhys: "A respectable farmer from Andreas told me that
he was driving with his wife to the neighbouring parish of Jurby
some years ago, and that on the way they beheld the carcase of a
cow or an ox burning in a field, with a woman engaged in stirring
the fire. On reaching the village to which they were going, they
found that the burning beast belonged to a farmer <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page306" name="page306"></a>[pg 306]</span> whom
they knew. They were further told it was no wonder that the said
farmer had one of his cattle burnt, as several of them had recently
died. Whether this was a case of sacrifice or not I cannot say. But
let me give you another instance: a man whom I have already
mentioned, saw at a farm nearer the centre of the island a live
calf being burnt. The owner bears an English name, but his family
has long been settled in Man. The farmer's explanation to my
informant was that the calf was burnt to secure luck for the rest
of the herd, some of which were threatening to die. My informant
thought there was absolutely nothing the matter with them, except
that they had too little to eat. Be that as it may, the one calf
was sacrificed as a burnt-offering to secure luck for the rest of
the cattle. Let me here also quote Mr. Moore's note in his <i>Manx
Surnames</i>, p. 184, on the place name <i>Cabbal yn Oural
Losht</i>, or the Chapel of the Burnt Sacrifice. 'This name,' he
says, 'records a circumstance which took place in the nineteenth
century, but which, it is to be hoped, was never customary in the
Isle of Man. A farmer, who had lost a number of his sheep and
cattle by murrain, burned a calf as a propitiatory offering to the
Deity on this spot, where a chapel was afterwards built. Hence the
name.' Particulars, I may say, of time, place, and person could be
easily added to Mr. Moore's statement, excepting, perhaps as to the
deity in question; on that point I have never been informed, but
Mr. Moore is probably right in the use of the capital <i>d</i>, as
the sacrificer is, according to all accounts, a highly devout
Christian. One more instance: an octogenarian woman, born in the
parish of Bride, and now living at Kirk Andreas, saw, when she was
a 'lump of a girl' of ten or fifteen years of age, a live sheep
being burnt in a field in the parish of Andreas, on May-day,
whereby she meant the first of May reckoned according to the Old
Style. She asserts very decidedly that it was <i>son oural</i>, 'as
a sacrifice,' as she put it, and 'for an object to the public':
those were her words when she expressed herself in English.
Further, she made the statement that it was a custom to burn a
sheep on old May-day for a sacrifice. I was fully alive to the
interest of this evidence, and cross-examined her so far as
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page307" name="page307"></a>[pg
307]</span> her age allows of it, and I find that she adheres to
her statement with all firmness."<a id="footnotetag756" name=
"footnotetag756"></a><a href="#footnote756"><sup>756</sup></a></p>
<a id="sacrificeappear" name="sacrificeappear"></a>
<p>[By burning a bewitched animal you compel the witch to
appear.]</p>
<p>But Manxmen burn beasts when they are dead as well as when they
are alive; and their reasons for burning the dead animals may help
us to understand their reasons for burning the living animals. On
this subject I will again quote Sir John Rhys: "When a beast dies
on a farm, of course it dies, according to the old-fashioned view
of things, as I understand it, from the influence of the evil eye
or the interposition of a witch. So if you want to know to whom you
are indebted for the loss of the beast, you have simply to burn its
carcase in the open air and watch who comes first to the spot or
who first passes by; that is the criminal to be charged with the
death of the animal, and he cannot help coming there&mdash;such is
the effect of the fire. A Michael woman, who is now about thirty,
related to me how she watched while the carcase of a bewitched colt
was burning, how she saw the witch coming, and how she remembers
her shrivelled face, with nose and chin in close proximity.
According to another native of Michael, a well-informed middle-aged
man, the animal in question was oftenest a calf, and it was wont to
be burnt whole, skin and all. The object, according to him, is
invariably to bring the bewitcher on the spot, and he always comes;
but I am not clear what happens to him when he appears. My
informant added, however, that it was believed that, unless the
bewitcher got possession of the heart of the burning beast, he lost
all his power of bewitching."<a id="footnotetag757" name=
"footnotetag757"></a><a href="#footnote757"><sup>757</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page308" name="page308"></a>[pg
308]</span> <a id="magicsympathy" name="magicsympathy"></a>
<p>[Magic sympathy between the witch and the bewitched animal.]</p>
<p>These statements shew that in the Isle of Man the sympathetic
relation between the witch and his or her animal victim is believed
to be so close that by burning the animal you compel the witch to
appear. The original idea may have been that, by virtue of a magic
sympathy which binds the two together, whatever harm you do to the
animal is felt by the witch as if it were done to herself. That
notion would fully explain why Manx people used also to burn
bewitched animals alive; in doing so they probably imagined that
they were simultaneously burning the witch who had cast the spell
on their cattle.</p>
<a id="parallelbelief" name="parallelbelief"></a>
<p>[Parallel belief in magic sympathy between the animal shape of a
were-wolf and his or her ordinary human shape: by wounding the wolf
you simultaneously wound the man or woman.]</p>
<p>This explanation of the reason for burning a bewitched animal,
dead or alive, is confirmed by the parallel belief concerning
were-wolves. It is commonly supposed that certain men and women can
transform themselves by magic art into wolves or other animals, but
that any wound inflicted on such a transformed beast (a were-wolf
or other were-animal) is simultaneously inflicted on the human body
of the witch or warlock who had transformed herself or himself into
the creature. This belief is widely diffused; it meets us in
Europe, Asia, and Africa. For example, Olaus Magnus tells us that
in Livonia, not many years before he wrote, a noble lady had a
dispute with her slave on the subject of were-wolves, she doubting
whether there were any such things, and he maintaining that there
were. To convince her he retired to a room, from which he soon
appeared in the form of a wolf. Being chased by the dogs into the
forest and brought to bay, the wolf defended himself fiercely, but
lost an eye in the struggle. Next day the slave returned to his
mistress in human form but with only one eye.<a id="footnotetag758"
name="footnotetag758"></a><a href="#footnote758"><sup>758</sup></a>
Again, it happened in the year 1588 that a gentleman in a village
among the mountains of Auvergne, looking out of the window one
evening, saw a friend of his going out to hunt. He begged him to
bring him back some of his bag, and his friend said that he would.
Well, he had not gone very far before he met a huge wolf. He fired
and missed it, and the animal attacked him furiously, but he stood
on his guard and with an adroit stroke of his <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page309" name="page309"></a>[pg 309]</span>
hunting knife he cut off the right fore-paw of the brute, which
thereupon fled away and he saw it no more. He returned to his
friend, and drawing from his pouch the severed paw of the wolf he
found to his horror that it was turned into a woman's hand with a
golden ring on one of the fingers. His friend recognized the ring
as that of his own wife and went to find her. She was sitting by
the fire with her right arm under her apron. As she refused to draw
it out, her husband confronted her with the hand and the ring on
it. She at once confessed the truth, that it was she in the form of
a were-wolf whom the hunter had wounded. Her confession was
confirmed by applying the severed hand to the stump of her arm, for
the two fitted exactly. The angry husband delivered up his wicked
wife to justice; she was tried and burnt as a witch.<a id=
"footnotetag759" name="footnotetag759"></a><a href=
"#footnote759"><sup>759</sup></a> It is said that a were-wolf,
scouring the streets of Padua, was caught, and when they cut off
his four paws he at once turned into a man, but with both his hands
and feet amputated.<a id="footnotetag760" name=
"footnotetag760"></a><a href="#footnote760"><sup>760</sup></a>
Again, in a farm of the French district of Beauce, there was once a
herdsman who never slept at home. These nocturnal absences
naturally attracted attention and set people talking. At the same
time, by a curious coincidence, a wolf used to prowl round the farm
every night and to excite the dogs in the farmyard to fury by
thrusting his snout derisively through the cat's hole in the great
gate. The farmer had his suspicions and he determined to watch. One
night, when the herdsman went out as usual, his master followed him
quietly till he came to a hut, where with his own eyes he saw the
man put on a broad belt and at once turn into a wolf, which scoured
away over the fields. The farmer smiled a sickly sort of smile and
went back to the farm. There he took a stout stick and sat down at
the cat's hole to wait. He had not long to wait. The dogs barked
like mad, a wolf's snout shewed through the hole, down came the
stick, out gushed the blood, and a voice was heard to say without
the gate, "A good job too. I had still three years to run." Next
day the herdsman appeared as usual, <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page310" name="page310"></a>[pg 310]</span> but he had a scar on
his brow, and he never went out again at night.<a id=
"footnotetag761" name="footnotetag761"></a><a href=
"#footnote761"><sup>761</sup></a></p>
<a id="chinawerewolves" name="chinawerewolves"></a>
<p>[Werewolves in China.]</p>
<p>In China also the faith in similar transformation is reflected
in the following tale. A certain man in Sung-yang went into the
mountains to gather fuel. Night fell and he was pursued by two
tigers, but scrambled up a tree out of their reach. Then said the
one tiger to the other tiger, "If we can find Chu-Tu-shi, we are
sure to catch this man up the tree." So off went one of them to
find Chu-Tu-shi, while the other kept watch at the foot of the
tree. Soon after that another tiger, leaner and longer than the
other two, appeared on the scene and made a grab at the man's coat.
But fortunately the moon was shining, the man saw the paw, and with
a stroke of his axe cut off one of its claws. The tigers roared and
fled, one after the other, so the man climbed down the tree and
went home. When he told his tale in the village, suspicion
naturally fell on the said Chu-Tu-shi; next day some men went to
see him in his house. They <span class="pagenum"><a id="page311"
name="page311"></a>[pg 311]</span> were told that they could not
see him; for he had been out the night before and had hurt his
hand, and he was now ill in bed. So they put two and two together
and reported him to the police. The police arrived, surrounded the
house, and set fire to it; but Chu-Tu-shi rose from his bed, turned
into a tiger, charged right through the police, and escaped, and to
this day nobody ever knew where he went to.<a id="footnotetag762"
name="footnotetag762"></a><a href=
"#footnote762"><sup>762</sup></a></p>
<a id="toradjaswerewolves" name="toradjaswerewolves"></a>
<p>[Werewolves among the Toradjas of Central Celebes.]</p>
<p>The Toradjas of Central Celebes stand in very great fear of
werewolves, that is of men and women, who have the power of
transforming their spirits into animals such as cats, crocodiles,
wild pigs, apes, deer, and buffaloes, which roam about battening on
human flesh, and especially on human livers, while the men and
women in their own proper human form are sleeping quietly in their
beds at home. Among them a man is either born a were-wolf or
becomes one by infection; for mere contact with a were-wolf, or
even with anything that has been touched by his spittle, is quite
enough to turn the most innocent person into a were-wolf; nay even
to lean your head against anything against which a were-wolf has
leaned his head suffices to do it. The penalty for being a
were-wolf is death; but the sentence is never passed until the
accused has had a fair trial and his guilt has been clearly
demonstrated by an ordeal, which consists in dipping the middle
finger into boiling resin. If the finger is not burnt, the man is
no were-wolf; but if it is burnt, a werewolf he most assuredly is,
so they take him away to a quiet spot and hack him to bits. In
cutting him up the executioners are naturally very careful not to
be bespattered with his blood, for if that were to happen they
would of course be turned into were-wolves themselves. Further,
they place his severed head beside his hinder-quarters to prevent
his soul from coming to life again and pursuing his depredations.
So great is the horror of were-wolves among the Toradjas, and so
great is their fear of contracting the deadly taint by infection,
that many persons have assured a missionary that they would not
spare their own child if they knew him to be a were-wolf.<a id=
"footnotetag763" name="footnotetag763"></a><a href=
"#footnote763"><sup>763</sup></a> Now these people, <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page312" name="page312"></a>[pg 312]</span> whose
faith in were-wolves is not a mere dying or dead superstition but a
living, dreadful conviction, tell stories of were-wolves which
conform to the type which we are examining. They say that once upon
a time a were-wolf came in human shape under the house of a
neighbour, while his real body lay asleep as usual at home, and
calling out softly to the man's wife made an assignation with her
to meet him in the tobacco-field next day. But the husband was
lying awake and he heard it all, but he said nothing to anybody.
Next day chanced to be a busy one in the village, for a roof had to
be put on a new house and all the men were lending a hand with the
work, and among them to be sure was the were-wolf himself, I mean
to say his own human self; there he was up on the roof working away
as hard as anybody. But the woman went out to the tobacco-field,
and behind went unseen her husband, slinking through the underwood.
When they were come to the field, he saw the were-wolf make up to
his wife, so out he rushed and struck at him with a stick. Quick as
thought, the were-wolf turned himself into a leaf, but the man was
as nimble, for he caught up the leaf, thrust it into the joint of
bamboo, in which he kept his tobacco, and bunged it up tight. Then
he walked back with his wife to the village, carrying the bamboo
with the werewolf in it. When they came to the village, the human
body of the were-wolf was still on the roof, working away with the
rest. The man put the bamboo in a fire. At that the human were-wolf
looked down from the roof and said, "Don't do that." The man drew
the bamboo from the fire, but a moment afterwards he put it in the
fire again, and again the human were-wolf on the roof looked down
and cried, "Don't do that." But this time the man kept the bamboo
in the fire, and when it blazed up, down fell the human were-wolf
from the roof as dead as a stone.<a id="footnotetag764" name=
"footnotetag764"></a><a href="#footnote764"><sup>764</sup></a>
Again, the following story went round among the Toradjas not so
very many years ago. The thing happened at Soemara, on the Gulf of
Tomori. It was evening and some men sat chatting with a certain
Hadji Mohammad. When it had grown dark, one of the men went out of
the house for something or other. A little while afterwards one of
the company <span class="pagenum"><a id="page313" name=
"page313"></a>[pg 313]</span> thought he saw a stag's antlers
standing out sharp and clear against the bright evening sky. So
Hadji Mohammad raised his gun and fired. A minute or two afterwards
back comes the man who had gone out, and says he to Hadji Mohammad,
"You shot at me and hit me. You must pay me a fine." They searched
him but found no wound on him anywhere. Then they knew that he was
a were-wolf who had turned himself into a stag and had healed the
bullet-wound by licking it. However, the bullet had found its
billet, for two days afterwards he was a dead man.<a id=
"footnotetag765" name="footnotetag765"></a><a href=
"#footnote765"><sup>765</sup></a></p>
<a id="werewolvessudan" name="werewolvessudan"></a>
<p>[Were-wolves in the Egyptian Sudan.]</p>
<p>In Sennar, a province of the Egyptian Sudan, the Hammeg and
Fungi enjoy the reputation of being powerful magicians who can turn
themselves into hyaenas and in that guise scour the country at
night, howling and gorging themselves. But by day they are men
again. It is very dangerous to shoot at such human hyaenas by
night. On the Jebel Bela mountain a soldier once shot at a hyaena
and hit it, but it dragged itself off, bleeding, in the darkness
and escaped. Next morning he followed up the trail of blood and it
led him straight to the hut of a man who was everywhere known for a
wizard. Nothing of the hyaena was to be seen, but the man himself
was laid up in the house with a fresh wound and died soon
afterwards. And the soldier did not long survive him.<a id=
"footnotetag766" name="footnotetag766"></a><a href=
"#footnote766"><sup>766</sup></a></p>
<a id="werewolfpetronius" name="werewolfpetronius"></a>
<p>[The were-wolf story in Petronius.]</p>
<p>But the classical example of these stories is an old Roman tale
told by Petronius. It is put in the mouth of one Niceros. Late at
night he left the town to visit a friend of his, a widow, who lived
at a farm five miles down the road. He <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page314" name="page314"></a>[pg 314]</span> was accompanied by a
soldier, who lodged in the same house, a man of Herculean build.
When they set out it was near dawn, but the moon shone as bright as
day. Passing through the outskirts of the town, they came amongst
the tombs, which lined the highroad for some distance. There the
soldier made an excuse for retiring behind a monument, and Niceros
sat down to wait for him, humming a tune and counting the
tombstones to pass the time. In a little he looked round for his
companion, and saw a sight which froze him with horror. The soldier
had stripped off his clothes to the last rag and laid them at the
side of the highway. Then he performed a certain ceremony over
them, and immediately was changed into a wolf, and ran howling into
the forest. When Niceros had recovered himself a little, he went to
pick up the clothes, but found that they were turned to stone. More
dead than alive, he drew his sword, and, striking at every shadow
cast by the tombstones on the moonlit road, he tottered to his
friend's house. He entered it like a ghost, to the surprise of the
widow, who wondered to see him abroad so late. "If you had only
been here a little ago," said she, "you might have been of some
use. For a wolf came tearing into the yard, scaring the cattle and
bleeding them like a butcher. But he did not get off so easily, for
the servant speared him in the neck." After hearing these words,
Niceros felt that he could not close an eye, so he hurried away
home again. It was now broad daylight, but when he came to the
place where the clothes had been turned to stone, he found only a
pool of blood. He reached home, and there lay the soldier in bed
like an ox in the shambles, and the doctor was bandaging his neck.
"Then I knew," said Niceros, "that the man was a were-wolf, and
never again could I break bread with him, no, not if you had killed
me for it."<a id="footnotetag767" name=
"footnotetag767"></a><a href="#footnote767"><sup>767</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page315" name="page315"></a>[pg
315]</span> <a id="witchesanimals" name="witchesanimals"></a>
<p>[Witches like were-wolves can temporarily transform themselves
into animals.]</p>
<p>These stories may help us to understand the custom of burning a
bewitched animal, which has been observed in our own country down
to recent times, if indeed it is even now extinct. For a close
parallel may be traced in some respects between witches and
were-wolves. Like were-wolves, witches are commonly supposed to be
able to transform themselves temporarily into animals for the
purpose of playing their mischievous pranks;<a id="footnotetag768"
name="footnotetag768"></a><a href="#footnote768"><sup>768</sup></a>
and like were-wolves they can in their animal disguise be compelled
to unmask themselves to any one who succeeds in drawing their
blood. In either case the animal-skin is conceived as a cloak
thrown round the wicked enchanter; and if you can only pierce the
skin, whether by the stab of a knife or the shot of a gun, you so
rend the disguise that the man or woman inside of it stands
revealed in his or her true colours. Strictly speaking, the stab
should be given on the brow or between the eyes in the case both of
a witch and of a were-wolf;<a id="footnotetag769" name=
"footnotetag769"></a><a href="#footnote769"><sup>769</sup></a> and
it is vain to shoot at a were-wolf unless you have had the bullet
blessed in a chapel <span class="pagenum"><a id="page316" name=
"page316"></a>[pg 316]</span> of St. Hubert or happen to be
carrying about you, without knowing it, a four-leaved clover;
otherwise the bullet will merely rebound from the were-wolf like
water from a duck's back.<a id="footnotetag770" name=
"footnotetag770"></a><a href="#footnote770"><sup>770</sup></a>
However, in Armenia they say that the were-wolf, who in that
country is usually a woman, can be killed neither by shot nor by
steel; the only way of delivering the unhappy woman from her
bondage is to get hold of her wolf's skin and burn it; for that
naturally prevents her from turning into a wolf again. But it is
not easy to find the skin, for she is cunning enough to hide it by
day.<a id="footnotetag771" name="footnotetag771"></a><a href=
"#footnote771"><sup>771</sup></a> So with witches, it is not only
useless but even dangerous to shoot at one of them when she has
turned herself into a hare; if you do, the gun may burst in your
hand or the shot come back and kill you. The only way to make quite
sure of hitting a witch-animal is to put a silver sixpence or a
silver button in your gun.<a id="footnotetag772" name=
"footnotetag772"></a><a href="#footnote772"><sup>772</sup></a> For
example, it happened one evening that a native of the island of
Tiree was going home with a new gun, when he saw a black sheep
running towards him across the plain of Reef. Something about the
creature excited his suspicion, so he put a silver sixpence in his
gun and fired at it. Instantly the black sheep became a woman with
a drugget coat wrapt round her head. The man knew her quite well,
for she was a witch who had often persecuted him before in the
shape of a cat.<a id="footnotetag773" name=
"footnotetag773"></a><a href="#footnote773"><sup>773</sup></a></p>
<a id="woundsinflicted" name="woundsinflicted"></a>
<p>[Wounds inflicted on an animal into which a witch has
transformed herself are inflicted on the witch herself.]</p>
<p>Again, the wounds inflicted on a witch-hare or a witch-cat are
to be seen on the witch herself, just as the wounds inflicted on a
were-wolf are to be seen on the man himself when he has doffed the
wolfs skin. To take a few instances out of a multitude, a young man
in the island of Lismore was out shooting. When he was near
Balnagown loch, he started <span class="pagenum"><a id="page317"
name="page317"></a>[pg 317]</span> a hare and fired at it. The
animal gave an unearthly scream, and then for the first time it
occurred to him that there were no real hares in Lismore. He threw
away his gun in terror and fled home; and next day he heard that a
notorious witch was laid up with a broken leg. A man need be no
conjuror to guess how she came by that broken leg.<a id=
"footnotetag774" name="footnotetag774"></a><a href=
"#footnote774"><sup>774</sup></a> Again, at Thurso certain witches
used to turn themselves into cats and in that shape to torment an
honest man. One night he lost patience, whipped out his broadsword,
and put them to flight. As they were scurrying away he struck at
them and cut off a leg of one of the cats. To his astonishment it
was a woman's leg, and next morning he found one of the witches
short of the corresponding limb.<a id="footnotetag775" name=
"footnotetag775"></a><a href="#footnote775"><sup>775</sup></a>
Glanvil tells a story of "an old woman in Cambridge-shire, whose
astral spirit, coming into a man's house (as he was sitting alone
at the fire) in the shape of an huge cat, and setting her self
before the fire, not far from him, he stole a stroke at the back of
it with a fire-fork, and seemed to break the back of it, but it
scambled from him, and vanisht he knew not how. But such an old
woman, a reputed witch, was found dead in her bed that very night,
with her back broken, as I have heard some years ago credibly
reported."<a id="footnotetag776" name="footnotetag776"></a><a href=
"#footnote776"><sup>776</sup></a> In Yorkshire during the latter
half of the nineteenth century a parish clergyman was told a
circumstantial story of an old witch named Nanny, who was hunted in
the form of a hare for several miles over the Westerdale moors and
kept well away from the dogs, till a black one joined the pack and
succeeded in taking a bit out of one of the hare's legs. That was
the end of the chase, and immediately afterwards the sportsmen
found old Nanny laid up in bed with a sore leg. On examining the
wounded limb they discovered that the hurt was precisely in that
part of it which in the hare had been bitten by the black dog and,
what was still more significant, the wound had all the appearance
of having been inflicted by a dog's teeth. So they put two and two
together.<a id="footnotetag777" name="footnotetag777"></a><a href=
"#footnote777"><sup>777</sup></a> The same sort of thing
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page318" name="page318"></a>[pg
318]</span> is often reported in Lincolnshire. "One night," said a
servant from Kirton Lindsey, "my father and brother saw a cat in
front of them. Father knew it was a witch, and took a stone and
hammered it. Next day the witch had her face all tied up, and
shortly afterwards died." Again, a Bardney bumpkin told how a witch
in his neighbourhood could take all sorts of shapes. One night a
man shot a hare, and when he went to the witch's house he found her
plastering a wound just where he had shot the hare.<a id=
"footnotetag778" name="footnotetag778"></a><a href=
"#footnote778"><sup>778</sup></a> So in County Leitrim, in Ireland,
they say that a hare pursued by dogs fled to a house near at hand,
but just as it was bolting in at the door one of the dogs came up
with it and nipped a piece out of its leg. The hunters entered the
house and found no hare there but only an old woman, and her side
was bleeding; so they knew what to think of her.<a id=
"footnotetag779" name="footnotetag779"></a><a href=
"#footnote779"><sup>779</sup></a></p>
<p>[Wounded witches in the Vosges.]</p>
<p>Again, in the Vosges Mountains a great big hare used to come out
every evening to take the air at the foot of the Mont des Fourches.
All the sportsmen of the neighbourhood tried their hands on that
hare for a month, but not one of them could hit it. At last one
marksman, more knowing than the rest, loaded his gun with some
pellets of a consecrated wafer in addition to the usual pellets of
lead. That did the trick. If puss was not killed outright, she was
badly hurt, and limped away uttering shrieks and curses in a human
voice. Later it transpired that she was no other than the witch of
a neighbouring village who had the power of putting on the shape of
any animal she pleased.<a id="footnotetag780" name=
"footnotetag780"></a><a href="#footnote780"><sup>780</sup></a>
Again, a hunter of Travexin, in the Vosges, fired at a hare and
almost shot away one of its hind legs. Nevertheless the creature
contrived to escape into a cottage through the open door.
Immediately a child's cries were heard to proceed from the cottage,
and the hunter could distinguish these words, "Daddy, daddy, come
quick! Poor mammy has her leg broken."<a id="footnotetag781" name=
"footnotetag781"></a><a href="#footnote781"><sup>781</sup></a></p>
<p>[Wounded witches in Swabia.]</p>
<p>In Swabia the witches are liable to accidents of the same sort
when they go about their business in the form <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page319" name="page319"></a>[pg 319]</span> of
animals. For example, there was a soldier who was betrothed to a
young woman and used to visit her every evening when he was off
duty. But one evening the girl told him that he must not come to
the house on Friday nights, because it was never convenient to her
to see him then. This roused his suspicion, and the very next
Friday night he set out to go to his sweetheart's house. On the way
a white cat ran up to him in the street and dogged his steps, and
when the animal would not make off he drew his sword and slashed
off one of its paws. On that the cat bolted. The soldier walked on,
but when he came to his sweetheart's house he found her in bed, and
when he asked her what was the matter, she gave a very confused
reply. Noticing stains of blood on the bed, he drew down the
coverlet and saw that the girl was weltering in her gore, for one
of her feet was lopped off. "So that's what's the matter with you,
you witch!" said he, and turned on his heel and left her, and
within three days she was dead.<a id="footnotetag782" name=
"footnotetag782"></a><a href="#footnote782"><sup>782</sup></a>
Again, a farmer in the neighbourhood of Wiesensteig frequently
found in his stable a horse over and above the four horses he
actually owned. He did not know what to make of it and mentioned
the matter to the smith. The smith said quietly, "The next time you
see a fifth horse in the stable, just you send for me." Well, it
was not long before the strange horse was there again, and the
farmer at once sent for the smith. He came bringing four
horse-shoes with him, and said, "I'm sure the nag has no shoes;
I'll shoe her for you." No sooner said than done. However, the
smith overreached himself; for next day when his friend the farmer
paid him a visit he found the smith's own wife prancing about with
horse-shoes nailed on her hands and feet. But it was the last time
she ever appeared in the shape of a horse.<a id="footnotetag783"
name="footnotetag783"></a><a href=
"#footnote783"><sup>783</sup></a></p>
<p>[The miller's wife and the two grey cats.]</p>
<p>Once more, in Silesia they tell of a miller's apprentice, a
sturdy and industrious young fellow, who set out on his travels.
One day he came to a mill, and the miller told <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page320" name="page320"></a>[pg 320]</span> him
that he wanted an apprentice but did not care to engage one,
because hitherto all his apprentices had run away in the night, and
when he came down in the morning the mill was at a stand. However,
he liked the looks of the young chap and took him into his pay. But
what the new apprentice heard about the mill and his predecessors
was not encouraging; so the first night when it was his duty to
watch in the mill he took care to provide himself with an axe and a
prayer-book, and while he kept one eye on the whirring, humming
wheels he kept the other on the good book, which he read by the
flickering light of a candle set on a table. So the hours at first
passed quietly with nothing to disturb him but the monotonous drone
and click of the machinery. But on the stroke of twelve, as he was
still reading with the axe lying on the table within reach, the
door opened and in came two grey cats mewing, an old one and a
young one. They sat down opposite him, but it was easy to see that
they did not like his wakefulness and the prayer-book and the axe.
Suddenly the old cat reached out a paw and made a grab at the axe,
but the young chap was too quick for her and held it fast. Then the
young cat tried to do the same for the prayer-book, but the
apprentice gripped it tight. Thus balked, the two cats set up such
a squalling that the young fellow could hardly say his prayers.
Just before one o'clock the younger cat sprang on the table and
fetched a blow with her right paw at the candle to put it out. But
the apprentice struck at her with his axe and sliced the paw off,
whereupon the two cats vanished with a frightful screech. The
apprentice wrapped the paw up in paper to shew it to his master.
Very glad the miller was next morning when he came down and found
the mill going and the young chap at his post. The apprentice told
him what had happened in the night and gave him the parcel
containing the cat's paw. But when the miller opened it, what was
the astonishment of the two to find in it no cat's paw but a
woman's hand! At breakfast the miller's young wife did not as usual
take her place at the table. She was ill in bed, and the doctor had
to be called in to bind up her right arm, because in hewing wood,
so they said, she had made a slip and cut off her own right hand.
But <span class="pagenum"><a id="page321" name="page321"></a>[pg
321]</span> the apprentice packed up his traps and turned his back
on that mill before the sun had set.<a id="footnotetag784" name=
"footnotetag784"></a><a href="#footnote784"><sup>784</sup></a></p>
<a id="analogywerewolves" name="analogywerewolves"></a>
<p>[The analogy of were-wolves confirms the view that the reason
for burning bewitched animals is either to burn the witch or to
compel her to appear.]</p>
<p>It would no doubt be easy to multiply instances, all equally
well attested and authentic, of the transformation of witches into
animals and of the damage which the women themselves have sustained
through injuries inflicted on the animals.<a id="footnotetag785"
name="footnotetag785"></a><a href="#footnote785"><sup>785</sup></a>
But the foregoing evidence may suffice to establish the complete
parallelism between witches and were-wolves in these respects. The
analogy appears to confirm the view that the reason for burning a
bewitched animal alive is a belief that the witch herself is in the
animal, and that by burning it you either destroy the witch
completely or at least unmask her and compel her to reassume her
proper human shape, in which she is naturally far less potent for
mischief than when she is careering about the country in the
likeness of a cat, a hare, a horse, or what not. This principle is
still indeed clearly recognized by people in Oldenburg, though, as
might be expected, they do not now carry out the principle to its
logical conclusion by burning the bewitched animal or person alive;
instead they resort to a feeble and, it must be added, perfectly
futile subterfuge dictated by a mistaken humanity or a fear of the
police. "When anything living is bewitched in a house, for example,
children or animals, they burn or boil the nobler inwards of
animals, especially the hearts, but also the lungs or the liver. If
animals have died, they take the inwards of one of them or of an
animal of the same kind slaughtered for the purpose; but if that is
not possible they take the inwards of a cock, by preference a black
one. The <span class="pagenum"><a id="page322" name=
"page322"></a>[pg 322]</span> heart, lung, or liver is stuck all
over with needles, or marked with a cross cut, or placed on the
fire in a tightly closed vessel, strict silence being observed and
doors and windows well shut. When the heart boils or is reduced to
ashes, the witch must appear, for during the boiling she feels the
burning pain. She either begs to be released or seeks to borrow
something, for example, salt or a coal of fire, or she takes the
lid off the pot, or tries to induce the person whose spell is on
her to speak. They say, too, that a woman comes with a
spinning-wheel. If it is a sheep that has died, you proceed in the
same way with a tripe from its stomach and prick it with needles
while it is on the boil. Instead of boiling it, some people nail
the heart to the highest rafter of the house, or lay it on the edge
of the hearth, in order that it may dry up, no doubt because the
same thing happens to the witch. We may conjecture that other
sympathetic means of destruction are employed against witchcraft.
The following is expressly reported: the heart of a calf that has
died is stuck all over with needles, enclosed in a bag, and thrown
into flowing water before sunset."<a id="footnotetag786" name=
"footnotetag786"></a><a href="#footnote786"><sup>786</sup></a></p>
<a id="bewitchedthings" name="bewitchedthings"></a>
<p>[There is the same reason for burning bewitched things;
similarly by burning alive a person whose form a witch has assumed,
you compel the witch to disclose herself.]</p>
<p>And the same thing holds good also of inanimate objects on which
a witch has cast her spell. In Wales they say that "if a thing is
bewitched, burn it, and immediately afterwards the witch will come
to borrow something of you. If you give what she asks, she will go
free; if you refuse it, she will burn, and a mark will be on her
body the next day."<a id="footnotetag787" name=
"footnotetag787"></a><a href="#footnote787"><sup>787</sup></a> So,
too, in Oldenburg, "the burning of things that are bewitched or
that have been received from witches is another way of breaking the
spell. It is often said that the burning should take place at a
cross-road, and in several places cross-roads are shewn where the
burning used to be performed.... As a rule, while the things are
burning, the guilty witches appear, though not always in their own
shape. At the burning of bewitched butter they often appear as
cockchafers and can be killed with impunity. Victuals received from
witches may be safely consumed if only you <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page323" name="page323"></a>[pg 323]</span> first
burn a portion of them."<a id="footnotetag788" name=
"footnotetag788"></a><a href="#footnote788"><sup>788</sup></a> For
example, a young man in Oldenburg was wooing a girl, and she gave
him two fine apples as a gift. Not feeling any appetite at the
time, he put the apples in his pocket, and when he came home he
laid them by in a chest. Two or three days afterwards he remembered
the apples and went to the chest to fetch them. But when he would
have put his hand on them, what was his horror to find in their
stead two fat ugly toads in the chest. He hastened to a wise man
and asked him what he should do with the toads. The man told him to
boil the toads alive, but while he was doing so he must be sure on
no account to lend anything out of the house. Well, just as he had
the toads in a pot on the fire and the water began to grow nicely
warm, who should come to the door but the girl who had given him
the apples, and she wished to borrow something; but he refused to
give her anything, rated her as a witch, and drove her out of the
house. A little afterwards in came the girl's mother and begged
with tears in her eyes for something or other; but he turned her
out also. The last word she said to him was that he should at least
spare her daughter's life; but he paid no heed to her and let the
toads boil till they fell to bits. Next day word came that the girl
was dead.<a id="footnotetag789" name="footnotetag789"></a><a href=
"#footnote789"><sup>789</sup></a> Can any reasonable man doubt that
the witch herself was boiled alive in the person of the toads?</p>
<a id="witchireland" name="witchireland"></a>
<p>[The burning alive of a supposed witch in Ireland in 1895.]</p>
<p>Moreover, just as a witch can assume the form of an animal, so
she can assume the form of some other human being, and the likeness
is sometimes so good that it is difficult to detect the fraud.
However, by burning alive the person whose shape the witch has put
on, you force the witch to disclose herself, just as by burning
alive the bewitched animal you in like manner oblige the witch to
appear. This principle may perhaps be unknown to science, falsely
so called, but it is well understood in Ireland and has been acted
on within recent years. In March 1895 a peasant named Michael
Cleary, residing at Ballyvadlea, a remote and lonely district in
the county of Tipperary, burned his wife <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page324" name="page324"></a>[pg 324]</span>
Bridget Cleary alive over a slow fire on the kitchen hearth in the
presence of and with the active assistance of some neighbours,
including the woman's own father and several of her cousins. They
thought that she was not Bridget Cleary at all, but a witch, and
that when they held her down on the fire she would vanish up the
chimney; so they cried, while she was burning, "Away she goes! Away
she goes!" Even when she lay quite dead on the kitchen floor (for
contrary to the general expectation she did not disappear up the
chimney), her husband still believed that the woman lying there was
a witch, and that his own dear wife had gone with the fairies to
the old <i>rath</i> or fort on the hill of Kylenagranagh, where he
would see her at night riding a grey horse and roped to the saddle,
and that he would cut the ropes, and that she would stay with him
ever afterwards. So he went with some friends to the fort night
after night, taking a big table-knife with him to cut the ropes.
But he never saw his wife again. He and the men who had held the
woman on the fire were arrested and tried at Clonmel for wilful
murder in July 1895; they were all found guilty of manslaughter and
sentenced to various terms of penal servitude and imprisonment; the
sentence passed on Michael Cleary was twenty years' penal
servitude.<a id="footnotetag790" name="footnotetag790"></a><a href=
"#footnote790"><sup>790</sup></a></p>
<a id="animalsburied" name="animalsburied"></a>
<p>[Sometimes bewitched animals are buried alive instead of being
burned.]</p>
<p>However, our British peasants, it must be confessed, have not
always acted up to the strict logical theory which seems to call
for death by fire as the proper treatment both of bewitched animals
and of witches. Sometimes, perhaps in moments of weakness, they
have merely buried the bewitched animals alive instead of burning
them. For example, in the year 1643, "many cattle having died, John
Brughe and Neane Nikclerith, also one of the initiated, conjoined
their mutual skill for the safety of the herd. The surviving
animals were drove past a tub of water containing two enchanted
stones: and each was sprinkled from the liquid contents in its
course. One, however, being unable to walk, 'was by force drawin
out at the byre dure; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page325" name=
"page325"></a>[pg 325]</span> and the said Johnne with Nikclerith
smelling the nois thereof said it wald not leive, caused are hoill
to be maid in Maw Greane, quhilk was put quick in the hole and maid
all the rest of the cattell theireftir to go over that place: and
in that devillische maner, be charmeing,' they were cured."<a id=
"footnotetag791" name="footnotetag791"></a><a href=
"#footnote791"><sup>791</sup></a> Again, during the prevalence of a
murrain about the year 1629, certain persons proposed to stay the
plague with the help of a celebrated "cureing stane" of which the
laird of Lee was the fortunate owner. But from this they were
dissuaded by one who "had sene bestiall curet be taking are quik
seik ox, and making are deip pitt, and bureing him therin, and be
calling the oxin and bestiall over that place." Indeed Issobell
Young, the mother of these persons, had herself endeavoured to
check the progress of the distemper by taking "ane quik ox with ane
catt, and ane grit quantitie of salt," and proceeding "to burie the
ox and catt quik with the salt, in ane deip hoill in the grund, as
ane sacrifice to the devill, that the rest of the guidis might be
fred of the seiknes or diseases."<a id="footnotetag792" name=
"footnotetag792"></a><a href="#footnote792"><sup>792</sup></a>
Writing towards the end of the eighteenth century, John Ramsay of
Ochtertyre tells us that "the violent death even of a brute is in
some cases held to be of great avail. There is a disease called the
<i>black spauld</i>, which sometimes rages like a pestilence among
black cattle, the symptoms of which are a mortification in the legs
and a corruption of the mass of blood. Among the other engines of
superstition that are directed against this fatal malady, the first
cow seized with it is commonly buried alive, and the other cattle
are forced to pass backwards and forwards over the pit. At other
times the heart is taken out of the beast alive, and then the
carcass is buried. It is remarkable that the leg affected is cut
off, and hung up in some part of the house or byre, where it
remains suspended, notwithstanding the seeming danger of infection.
There is hardly a house in Mull where these may not be seen. This
practice seems to have taken its rise antecedent to Christianity,
as it reminds us of the pagan custom of <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page326" name="page326"></a>[pg 326]</span>
hanging up offerings in their temples. In Breadalbane, when a cow
is observed to have symptoms of madness, there is recourse had to a
peculiar process. They tie the legs of the mad creature, and throw
her into a pit dug at the door of the fold. After covering the hole
with earth, a large fire is kindled upon it; and the rest of the
cattle are driven out, and forced to pass through the fire one by
one."<a id="footnotetag793" name="footnotetag793"></a><a href=
"#footnote793"><sup>793</sup></a> In this latter custom we may
suspect that the fire kindled on the grave of the buried cow was
originally made by the friction of wood, in other words, that it
was a need-fire. Again, writing in the year 1862, Sir Arthur
Mitchell tells us that "for the cure of the murrain in cattle, one
of the herd is still sacrificed for the good of the whole. This is
done by burying it alive. I am assured that within the last ten
years such a barbarism occurred in the county of Moray."<a id=
"footnotetag794" name="footnotetag794"></a><a href=
"#footnote794"><sup>794</sup></a></p>
<a id="calveskilled" name="calveskilled"></a>
<p>[Calves killed and buried to save the rest of the herd.]</p>
<p>Sometimes, however, the animal has not even been buried alive,
it has been merely killed and then buried. In this emasculated form
the sacrifice, we may say with confidence, is absolutely useless
for the purpose of stopping a murrain. Nevertheless, it has been
tried. Thus in Lincolnshire, when the cattle plague was so
prevalent in 1866, there was, I believe, not a single cowshed in
Marshland but had its wicken cross over the door; and other charms
more powerful than this were in some cases resorted to. I never
heard of the use of the needfire in the Marsh, though it was, I
believe, used on the wolds not many miles off. But I knew of at
least one case in which a calf was killed and solemnly buried feet
pointing upwards at the threshold of the cowshed. When our garthman
told me of this, I pointed out to him that the charm had failed,
for the disease had not spared that shed. But he promptly replied,
"Yis, but owd Edwards were a soight too cliver; he were that mean
he slew nobbutt a wankling cauf as were bound to deny anny road; if
he had nobbutt tekken his best cauf it wud hev worked reight enuff;
'tain't <span class="pagenum"><a id="page327" name=
"page327"></a>[pg 327]</span> in reason that owd skrat 'ud be
hanselled wi' wankling draffle."<a id="footnotetag795" name=
"footnotetag795"></a><a href="#footnote795"><sup>795</sup></a></p>
<p>Notes:</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote262" name=
"footnote262"></a> <b>Footnote 262</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag262">(return)</a>
<p>See Jacob Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup>
(Berlin, 1875-1878), i. 502, 510, 516.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote263" name=
"footnote263"></a> <b>Footnote 263</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag263">(return)</a>
<p>W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer
Nachbarst&auml;mme</i> (Berlin, 1875), pp. 518 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote264" name=
"footnote264"></a> <b>Footnote 264</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag264">(return)</a>
<p>In the following survey of these fire-customs I follow chiefly
W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, kap. vi. pp. 497 <i>sqq.</i>
Compare also J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i.
500 <i>sqq.</i>; Walter E. Kelly, <i>Curiosities of Indo-European
Tradition and Folk-lore</i> (London, 1863), pp. 46 <i>sqq.</i>; F.
Vogt, "Scheibentreiben und Fr&uuml;hlingsfeuer," <i>Zeitschrift des
Vereins f&uuml;r Volkskunde</i>, iii. (1893) pp. 349-369;
<i>ibid.</i> iv. (1894) pp. 195-197.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote265" name=
"footnote265"></a> <b>Footnote 265</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag265">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Scapegoat</i>, pp. 316 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote266" name=
"footnote266"></a> <b>Footnote 266</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag266">(return)</a>
<p>The first Sunday in Lent is known as <i>Invocavit</i> from the
first word of the mass for the day (O. Frh. von
Reinsberg-D&uuml;ringsfeld, <i>Fest-Kalender aus B&ouml;hmen</i>,
p. 67).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote267" name=
"footnote267"></a> <b>Footnote 267</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag267">(return)</a>
<p>Le Baron de Reinsberg-D&uuml;ringsfeld, <i>Calendrier Belge</i>
(Brussels, 1861-1862), i. 141-143; E. Monseur, <i>Le Folklore
Wallon</i> (Brussels, N.D.), pp. 124 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote268" name=
"footnote268"></a> <b>Footnote 268</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag268">(return)</a>
<p>&Eacute;mile Hublard, <i>F&ecirc;tes du Temps Jadis, les Feux du
Car&ecirc;me</i> (Mons, 1899), pp. 25. For the loan of this work I
am indebted to Mrs. Wherry of St. Peter's Terrace, Cambridge.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote269" name=
"footnote269"></a> <b>Footnote 269</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag269">(return)</a>
<p>&Eacute;. Hublard, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 27 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote270" name=
"footnote270"></a> <b>Footnote 270</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag270">(return)</a>
<p>A. Meyrac, <i>Traditions, coutumes, l&eacute;gendes et contes
des Ardennes</i> (Charleville, 1890), p. 68.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote271" name=
"footnote271"></a> <b>Footnote 271</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag271">(return)</a>
<p>L.F. Sauv&eacute;, <i>Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges</i> (Paris,
1889), p. 56. The popular name for the bonfires in the Upper Vosges
(<i>Hautes-Vosges</i>) is <i>chavandes</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote272" name=
"footnote272"></a> <b>Footnote 272</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag272">(return)</a>
<p>E. Cortet, <i>Essai sur les f&ecirc;tes religieuses</i> (Paris,
1867), pp. 101 <i>sq.</i> The local name for these bonfires is
<i>bures</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote273" name=
"footnote273"></a> <b>Footnote 273</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag273">(return)</a>
<p>Charles Beauquier, <i>Les mois en Franche-Comt&eacute;</i>
(Paris, 1900), pp. 33 <i>sq.</i> In Bresse the custom was similar.
See <i>La Bresse Louhannaise, Bulletin Mensuel, Organe de la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; d'Agriculture et d'Horticulture de
l'Arrondissement de Louhans</i>, Mars, 1906, pp. 111 <i>sq.</i>; E.
Cortet, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 100. The usual name for the bonfires is
<i>chevannes</i> or <i>schvannes</i>; but in some places they are
called <i>foul&egrave;res, foual&egrave;res, failles</i>, or
<i>bourdifailles</i> (Ch. Beauquier, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 34). But
the Sunday is called the Sunday of the <i>brandons, bures,
bordes</i>, or <i>boid&egrave;s</i>, according to the place. The
<i>brandons</i> are the torches which are carried about the streets
and the fields; the bonfires, as we have seen, bear another name. A
curious custom, observed on the same Sunday in
Franche-Comt&eacute;, requires that couples married within the year
should distribute boiled peas to all the young folks of both sexes
who demand them at the door. The lads and lasses go about from
house to house, making the customary request; in some places they
wear masks or are otherwise disguised. See Ch. Beauquier, <i>op.
cit.</i> pp. 31-33.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote274" name=
"footnote274"></a> <b>Footnote 274</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag274">(return)</a>
<p>Curiously enough, while the singular is <i>granno-mio</i>, the
plural is <i>grannas-mias</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote275" name=
"footnote275"></a> <b>Footnote 275</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag275">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. Pommerol, "La f&ecirc;te des Brandons et le dieu Gaulois
Grannus," <i>Bulletins et M&eacute;moires de la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; d'Anthropologie de Paris</i>, v.
S&eacute;rie, ii. (1901) pp. 427-429.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote276" name=
"footnote276"></a> <b>Footnote 276</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag276">(return)</a>
<p><i>Op. cit.</i> pp. 428 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote277" name=
"footnote277"></a> <b>Footnote 277</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag277">(return)</a>
<p>H. Dessau, <i>Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae</i>, vol. ii. Pars
i. (Berlin, 1902) pp. 216 <i>sq.</i>, Nos. 4646-4652.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote278" name=
"footnote278"></a> <b>Footnote 278</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag278">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i> (London, 1888), pp.
22-25.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote279" name=
"footnote279"></a> <b>Footnote 279</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag279">(return)</a>
<p>&Eacute;mile Hublard, <i>F&ecirc;tes du Temps Jadis, les Feux du
Car&ecirc;me</i> (Mons, 1899), p. 38, quoting Dom Grenier,
<i>Histoire de la Province de Picardie</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote280" name=
"footnote280"></a> <b>Footnote 280</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag280">(return)</a>
<p>&Eacute;. Hublard, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 39, quoting Dom
Grenier.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote281" name=
"footnote281"></a> <b>Footnote 281</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag281">(return)</a>
<p>M. Desgranges, "Usages du Canton de Bonneval,"
<i>M&eacute;moires de la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; Royale des
Antiquaires de France</i>, i. (Paris, 1817) pp. 236-238; Felix
Chapiseau, <i>Le folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche</i> (Paris,
1902), i. 315 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote282" name=
"footnote282"></a> <b>Footnote 282</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag282">(return)</a>
<p>John Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 100.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote283" name=
"footnote283"></a> <b>Footnote 283</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag283">(return)</a>
<p>E. Cortet, <i>Essai sur les f&ecirc;tes religieuses</i> (Paris,
1867), pp. 99 <i>sq.; La Bresse Louhannaise</i>, Mars, 1906, p.
111.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote284" name=
"footnote284"></a> <b>Footnote 284</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag284">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, mythes et traditions des provinces de
France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 283 <i>sq.</i> A similar,
though not identical, custom prevailed at Valenciennes
(<i>ibid.</i> p. 338).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote285" name=
"footnote285"></a> <b>Footnote 285</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag285">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 302.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote286" name=
"footnote286"></a> <b>Footnote 286</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag286">(return)</a>
<p>D&eacute;sir&eacute; Monnier, <i>Traditions populaires
compar&eacute;es</i> (Paris, 1854), pp. 191 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote287" name=
"footnote287"></a> <b>Footnote 287</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag287">(return)</a>
<p>Laisnel de la Salle, <i>Croyances et l&eacute;gendes du centre
de la France</i> (Paris, 1875). i. 35 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote288" name=
"footnote288"></a> <b>Footnote 288</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag288">(return)</a>
<p>Jules Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du Rocage Normand</i>
(Cond&eacute;-sur-Noireau, 1887), ii. 131 <i>sq.</i> For more
evidence of customs of this sort observed in various parts of
France on the first Sunday in Lent, see Madame Cl&eacute;ment,
<i>Histoire des F&ecirc;tes civiles et religieuses</i>, etc., <i>du
D&eacute;partement du Nord</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Cambrai, 1836), pp.
351 <i>sqq.</i>; &Eacute;mile Hublard, <i>F&ecirc;tes du Temps
Jadis, les Feux du Car&ecirc;me</i> (Mons, 1899), pp. 33
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote289" name=
"footnote289"></a> <b>Footnote 289</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag289">(return)</a>
<p>J.H. Schmitz, <i>Sitten und Sagen, Lieder,
Spr&uuml;chw&ouml;rter und R&auml;thsel des Eifler Volkes</i>
(Tr&egrave;ves, 1856-1858), i. 21-25; N. Hocker, in <i>Zeitschrift
f&uuml;r deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde</i>, i. (1853) p. 90;
W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer
Nachbarst&auml;mme</i> (Berlin, 1875), p. 501.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote290" name=
"footnote290"></a> <b>Footnote 290</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag290">(return)</a>
<p>N. Hocker, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 89 <i>sq.</i>; W. Mannhardt,
<i>l.c.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote291" name=
"footnote291"></a> <b>Footnote 291</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag291">(return)</a>
<p>F.J. Vonbun, <i>Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen Mythologie</i>
(Chur, 1862), p. 20; W. Mannhardt, <i>l.c.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote292" name=
"footnote292"></a> <b>Footnote 292</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag292">(return)</a>
<p>Ernst Meier, <i>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Schwaben</i> (Stuttgart, 1852), pp. 380 <i>sqq.</i>; Anton
Birlinger, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus Schwaben</i> (Freiburg im
Breisgau, 1861-1862), ii. 56 <i>sqq.</i>, 66 <i>sqq.</i>;
<i>Bavaria, Landes-und Volkskunde des K&ouml;nigreichs Bayern</i>
(Munich, 1860-1867), ii. 2, pp. 838 <i>sq.</i>; F. Panzer,
<i>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich, 1848-1855), i.
211, &sect; 232; W. Mannhardt, <i>l.c.</i> One of the popular
German names for the first Sunday in Lent is White Sunday, which is
not to be confused with the first Sunday after Easter, which also
goes by the name of White Sunday (E. Meier, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 380;
A. Birlinger, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 56).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote293" name=
"footnote293"></a> <b>Footnote 293</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag293">(return)</a>
<p>H. Gaidoz, "Le dieu gaulois du soleil et le symbolisme de la
roue," <i>Revue Arch&eacute;ologique</i>, iii. s&eacute;rie, iv.
(1884) pp. 139 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote294" name=
"footnote294"></a> <b>Footnote 294</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag294">(return)</a>
<p>August Witzschel, <i>Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Th&uuml;ringen</i> (Vienna, 1878), p. 189; F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag
zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich, 1848-1855), ii. 207; W.
Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus,</i> pp. 500 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote295" name=
"footnote295"></a> <b>Footnote 295</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag295">(return)</a>
<p>W. Kolbe, <i>Hessiche Volks-Sitten und
Gebr&auml;uche</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Marburg, 1888), p. 36.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote296" name=
"footnote296"></a> <b>Footnote 296</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag296">(return)</a>
<p>Adalbert Kuhn, <i>Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des
G&ouml;ttertranks</i>,<sup>2</sup> (G&uuml;tersloh, 1886), p. 86,
quoting Hocker, <i>Des Mosellandes Geschichten, Sagen und
Legenden</i> (Trier, 1852), pp. 415 <i>sqq.</i> Compare W.
Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 501; and below, pp. 163
<i>sq.</i> Thus it appears that the ceremony of rolling the fiery
wheel down hill was observed twice a year at Konz, once on the
first Sunday in Lent, and once at Midsummer.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote297" name=
"footnote297"></a> <b>Footnote 297</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag297">(return)</a>
<p>H. Herzog, <i>Schweizerische Volksfeste, Sitten und
Gebr&auml;uche</i> (Aarau, 1884), pp. 214-216; E. Hoffmann-Krayer,
"Fruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen Volksbrauch,"
<i>Schweizerisches Archiv f&uuml;r Volkskunde</i>, xi. (1907) pp.
247-249; <i>id., Feste und Br&auml;uche des Schweizervolkes</i>
(Zurich, 1913), pp. 135 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote298" name=
"footnote298"></a> <b>Footnote 298</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag298">(return)</a>
<p>Theodor Vernaleken, <i>Mythen und Br&auml;uche des Volkes in
Oesterreich</i> (Vienna, 1859), pp. 293 <i>sq.</i>; W. Mannhardt,
<i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 498. See <i>The Dying God</i>, p.
239.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote299" name=
"footnote299"></a> <b>Footnote 299</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag299">(return)</a>
<p>J. H. Schmitz, <i>Sitten und Sagen, Lieder,
Spr&uuml;chw&ouml;rter und R&auml;thsel des Eifler Volkes</i>
(Treves, 1856-1858), i. 20; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p.
499.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote300" name=
"footnote300"></a> <b>Footnote 300</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag300">(return)</a>
<p>L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum
Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 39, &sect; 306; W. Mannhardt,
<i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 498.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote301" name=
"footnote301"></a> <b>Footnote 301</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag301">(return)</a>
<p>W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 499.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote302" name=
"footnote302"></a> <b>Footnote 302</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag302">(return)</a>
<p>W. Mannhardt, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 498 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote303" name=
"footnote303"></a> <b>Footnote 303</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag303">(return)</a>
<p>W. Mannhardt, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 499.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote304" name=
"footnote304"></a> <b>Footnote 304</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag304">(return)</a>
<p>Christian Schneller, <i>M&auml;rchen und Sagen aus
W&auml;lschtirol</i> (Innsbruck, 1867), pp. 234 <i>sq.</i>; W.
Mannhardt, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 499 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote305" name=
"footnote305"></a> <b>Footnote 305</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag305">(return)</a>
<p>John Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 157 <i>sq.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>,
pp. 502-505; Karl Freiherr von Leoprechting, <i>Aus dem
Lechrain</i> (Munich, 1855), pp. 172 <i>sq.</i>; Anton Birlinger,
<i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus Schwaben</i> (Freiburg im Breisgau,
1861-1862), i. 472 <i>sq.</i>; Montanus, <i>Die deutschen
Volksfeste, Volksbr&auml;uche und deutscher Volksglaube</i>
(Iserlohn, N.D.), p. 26; F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag zur deutschen
Mythologie</i> (Munich, 1848-1855), ii. 241 <i>sq.</i>; Ernst
Meier, <i>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Schwaben</i> (Stuttgart, 1852), pp. 139 <i>sq.</i>; <i>Bavaria,
Landes- und Volkskunde des K&ouml;nigreichs Bayern</i> (Munich,
1860-1867), i. 371; A. Wuttke, <i>Der deutsche
Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Berlin, 1869), pp. 68 <i>sq.</i>,
&sect; 81; Ignaz V. Zingerle, <i>Sitten, Br&auml;uche und Meinungen
des Tiroler Volkes</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Innsbruck, 1871), p. 149,
&sect;&sect; 1286-1289; W. Kolbe, <i>Hessische Volks-Sitten und
Gebr&auml;uche</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Marburg, 1888), pp. 44
<i>sqq.</i>; <i>County Folk-lore, Printed Extracts, Leicestershire
and Rutland</i>, collected by C.J. Billson (London, 1895), pp. 75
<i>sq.</i>; A. Tiraboschi, "Usi pasquali nel Bergamasco,"
<i>Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizione Popolari</i>, i. (1892)
pp. 442 <i>sq.</i> The ecclesiastical custom of lighting the
Paschal or Easter candle is very fully described by Mr. H.J.
Feasey, <i>Ancient English Holy Week Ceremonial</i> (London, 1897),
pp. 179 <i>sqq.</i> These candles were sometimes of prodigious
size; in the cathedrals of Norwich and Durham, for example, they
reached almost to the roof, from which they had to be lighted.
Often they went by the name of the Judas Light or the Judas Candle;
and sometimes small waxen figures of Judas were hung on them. See
H.J. Feasey, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 193, 213 <i>sqq.</i> As to the
ritual of the new fire at St. Peter's in Rome, see R. Chambers,
<i>The Book of Days</i> (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 421; and
as to the early history of the rite in the Catholic church, see
Mgr. L. Duchesne, <i>Origines du Culte
Chr&eacute;tien</i>,<sup>3</sup> (Paris, 1903), pp. 250-257.]</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote306" name=
"footnote306"></a> <b>Footnote 306</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag306">(return)</a>
<p><i>Bavaria, Landes und Volkskunde des K&ouml;nigreichs
Bayern</i> (Munich, 1860-1867), i. 1002 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote307" name=
"footnote307"></a> <b>Footnote 307</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag307">(return)</a>
<p>Gennaro Finamore, <i>Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi</i>
(Palermo, 1890), pp. 122 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote308" name=
"footnote308"></a> <b>Footnote 308</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag308">(return)</a>
<p>G. Finamore, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 123 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote309" name=
"footnote309"></a> <b>Footnote 309</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag309">(return)</a>
<p>Vincenzo Dorsa, <i>La Tradizione Greco-Latina negli Usi e nelle
Credenze Popolari della Calabria Citeriore</i> (Cosenza, 1884), pp.
48 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote310" name=
"footnote310"></a> <b>Footnote 310</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag310">(return)</a>
<p>Alois John, <i>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen
Westb&ouml;hmen</i> (Prague, 1905), pp. 62 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote311" name=
"footnote311"></a> <b>Footnote 311</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag311">(return)</a>
<p>K. Seifart, <i>Sagen, M&auml;rchen, Schw&auml;nke und
Gebr&auml;uche aits Stadt und Stift Hildesheim</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(Hildesheim, 1889), pp. 177 <i>sq.</i>, 179 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote312" name=
"footnote312"></a> <b>Footnote 312</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag312">(return)</a>
<p>M. Lexer, "Volks&uuml;berlieferungen aus dem Lesachthal in
Karnten," <i>Zeitschrift f&uuml;r deutsche Mythologie und
Sittenkunde</i>, iii. (1855) p. 31.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote313" name=
"footnote313"></a> <b>Footnote 313</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag313">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Popish Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latin
verse by Thomas Naogeorgus and Englyshed by Barnabe Googe</i>,
1570, edited by R.C. Hope (London, 1880), p. 52, <i>recto.</i> The
title of the original poem was <i>Regnum Papisticum</i>. The
author, Thomas Kirchmeyer (Naogeorgus, as he called himself), died
in 1577. The book is a satire on the abuses and superstitions of
the Catholic Church. Only one perfect copy of Googe's translation
is known to exist: it is in the University Library at Cambridge.
See Mr. R.C. Hope's introduction to his reprint of this rare work,
pp. xv. <i>sq.</i> The words, "Then Clappers ceasse, and belles are
set againe at libert&eacute;e," refer to the custom in Catholic
countries of silencing the church bells for two days from noon on
Maundy Thursday to noon on Easter Saturday and substituting for
their music the harsh clatter of wooden rattles. See R. Chambers,
<i>The Book of Days</i> (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i, 412
<i>sq.</i> According to another account the church bells are silent
from midnight on the Wednesday preceding Maundy Thursday till
matins on Easter Day. See W. Smith and S. Cheetham, <i>Dictionary
of Christian Antiquities</i> (London, 1875-1880), ii. 1161,
referring to <i>Ordo Roman</i>. i. <i>u.s.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote314" name=
"footnote314"></a> <b>Footnote 314</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag314">(return)</a>
<p>R. Chambers, <i>The Book of Days</i> (London and Edinburgh,
1886), i. 421.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote315" name=
"footnote315"></a> <b>Footnote 315</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag315">(return)</a>
<p>Miss Jessie L. Weston, "The <i>Scoppio del Carro</i> at
Florence," <i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905) pp. 182-184; "Lo Scoppio
del Carro," <i>Resurrezione, Numero Unico del Sabato Santo</i>
(Florence, April, 1906), p. 1 (giving a picture of the car with its
pyramid of fire-works). The latter paper was kindly sent to me from
Florence by my friend Professor W.J. Lewis. I have also received a
letter on the subject from Signor Carlo Placci, dated 4 (or 7)
September, 1905, 1 Via Alfieri, Firenze.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote316" name=
"footnote316"></a> <b>Footnote 316</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag316">(return)</a>
<p>Frederick Starr, "Holy Week in Mexico," <i>The Journal of
American Folk-lore</i>, xii. (1899) pp. 164 <i>sq.</i>; C. Boyson
Taylor, "Easter in Many Lands," <i>Everybody's Magazine</i>, New
York, 1903, p. 293. I have to thank Mr. S.S. Cohen, of 1525 Walnut
Street, Philadelphia, for sending me a cutting from the latter
magazine.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote317" name=
"footnote317"></a> <b>Footnote 317</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag317">(return)</a>
<p>K. von den Steinen, <i>Unter den Naturv&ouml;lkern
Zentral-Brasiliens</i> (Berlin, 1894), pp. 458 <i>sq.</i>; E.
Montet, "Religion et Superstition dans l'Am&eacute;rique du Sud,"
<i>Revue de l'Histoire des Religions</i>, xxxii. (1895) p. 145.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote318" name=
"footnote318"></a> <b>Footnote 318</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag318">(return)</a>
<p>J.J. von Tschudi, <i>Peru, Reiseskizzen aus den Jahren
1838-1842</i> (St. Gallen, 1846), ii. 189 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote319" name=
"footnote319"></a> <b>Footnote 319</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag319">(return)</a>
<p>H. Candelier, <i>Rio-Hacha et les Indiens Goajires</i> (Paris,
1893), p. 85.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote320" name=
"footnote320"></a> <b>Footnote 320</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag320">(return)</a>
<p>Henry Maundrell, "A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter,
A.D. 1697," in Bohn's <i>Early Travellers in Palestine</i> (London,
1848), pp. 462-465; Mgr. Auvergne, in <i>Annales de la Propagation
de la Foi</i>, x. (1837) pp. 23 <i>sq.</i>; A.P. Stanley, <i>Sinai
and Palestine</i>, Second Edition (London, 1856), pp. 460-465; E.
Cortet, <i>Essai sur les F&ecirc;tes Religieuses</i> (Paris, 1867),
pp. 137-139; A.W. Kinglake, <i>Eothen</i>, chapter xvi. pp. 158-163
(Temple Classics edition); Father N. Abougit, S.J., "Le feu du
Saint-S&eacute;pulcre," <i>Les Missions Catholiques</i>, viii.
(1876) pp. 518 <i>sq.</i>; Rev. C.T. Wilson, <i>Peasant Life in the
Holy Land</i> (London, 1906), pp. 45 <i>sq.</i>; P. Saint-yves, "Le
Renouvellement du Feu Sacr&eacute;," <i>Revue des Traditions
Populaires</i>, xxvii. (1912) pp. 449 <i>sqq.</i> The distribution
of the new fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre is the subject
of a picture by Holman Hunt. From some printed notes on the
picture, with which Mrs. Holman Hunt was so kind as to furnish me,
it appears that the new fire is carried by horsemen to Bethlehem
and Jaffa, and that a Russian ship conveys it from Jaffa to Odessa,
whence it is distributed all over the country.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote321" name=
"footnote321"></a> <b>Footnote 321</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag321">(return)</a>
<p>Father X. Abougit, S.J., "Le feu du Saint-S&eacute;pulcre,"
<i>Les Missions Catholiques</i>, viii. (1876) pp. 165-168.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote322" name=
"footnote322"></a> <b>Footnote 322</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag322">(return)</a>
<p>I have described the ceremony as I witnessed it at Athens, on
April 13th, 1890. Compare <i>Folk-lore</i>, i. (1890) p. 275.
Having been honoured, like other strangers, with a place on the
platform, I did not myself detect Lucifer at work among the
multitude below; I merely suspected his insidious presence.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote323" name=
"footnote323"></a> <b>Footnote 323</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag323">(return)</a>
<p>W.H.D. Rouse, "Folk-lore from the Southern Sporades,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, x. (1899) p. 178.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote324" name=
"footnote324"></a> <b>Footnote 324</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag324">(return)</a>
<p>Mrs. A.E. Gardner was so kind as to send me a photograph of a
Theban Judas dangling from a gallows and partially enveloped in
smoke. The photograph was taken at Thebes during the Easter
celebration of 1891.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote325" name=
"footnote325"></a> <b>Footnote 325</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag325">(return)</a>
<p>G.F. Abbott, <i>Macedonian Folklore</i> (Cambridge, 1903) p.
37.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote326" name=
"footnote326"></a> <b>Footnote 326</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag326">(return)</a>
<p>Cirbied, "M&eacute;moire sur la gouvernment et sur la religion
des anciens Arm&eacute;niens," <i>M&eacute;moires publi&eacute;es
par la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; Royale des Antiquaires de France</i>,
ii. (1820) pp. 285-287; Manuk Abeghian, <i>Der armenische
Volksglaube</i> (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 72-74. The ceremony is said to
be merely a continuation of an old heathen festival which was held
at the beginning of spring in honour of the fire-god Mihr. A
bonfire was made in a public place, and lamps kindled at it were
kept burning throughout the year in each of the fire-god's
temples.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote327" name=
"footnote327"></a> <b>Footnote 327</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag327">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, i. 32, ii. 243;
<i>Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild</i>, ii. 65, 74, 75, 78,
136.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote328" name=
"footnote328"></a> <b>Footnote 328</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag328">(return)</a>
<p>Garcilasso de la Vega, <i>Royal Commentaries of the Yncas</i>
translated by (Sir) Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, London,
1869-1871), vol. ii. pp. 155-163. Compare Juan de Velasco,
"Histoire du Royaume de Quito," in H. Ternaux-Compans's <i>Voyages,
Relations et M&eacute;moires originaux pour servir &agrave;
l'Histoire de la D&eacute;couverte de l'Am&eacute;rique</i>, xviii.
(Paris, 1840) p. 140.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote329" name=
"footnote329"></a> <b>Footnote 329</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag329">(return)</a>
<p>B. de Sahagun, <i>Histoire G&eacute;n&eacute;rale des Choses de
la Nouvelle Espagne</i>, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon
(Paris, 1880), bk. ii. chapters 18 and 37, pp. 76, 161; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, <i>Histoire des Nations civilis&eacute;es du Mexique et
de l'Am&eacute;rique-Centrale</i> (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 136.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote330" name=
"footnote330"></a> <b>Footnote 330</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag330">(return)</a>
<p>Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, "The Zu&ntilde;i Indians,"
<i>Twenty-third Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology</i> (Washington, 1904), pp. 108-141, 148-162, especially
pp. 108, 109, 114 <i>sq.</i>, 120 <i>sq.</i>, 130 <i>sq.</i>, 132,
148 <i>sq.</i>, 157 <i>sq.</i> I have already described these
ceremonies in <i>Totemism and Exogamy</i>, iii. 237 <i>sq.</i>
Among the Hopi (Moqui) Indians of Walpi, another pueblo village of
this region, new fire is ceremonially kindled by friction in
November. See Jesse Walter Fewkes, "The Tusayan New Fire Ceremony,"
<i>Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History</i>, xxvi.
422-458; <i>id.</i>, "The Group of Tusayan Ceremonials called
<i>Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology</i> (Washington, 1897), p. 263; <i>id.</i>, "Hopi
<i>Katcinas," Twenty-first Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology</i> (Washington, 1903), p. 24.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote331" name=
"footnote331"></a> <b>Footnote 331</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag331">(return)</a>
<p>Henry R. Schoolcraft, <i>Notes on the Iroquois</i> (Albany,
1847), p. 137. Schoolcraft did not know the date of the ceremony,
but he conjectured that it fell at the end of the Iroquois year,
which was a lunar year of twelve or thirteen months. He says: "That
the close of the lunar series should have been the period of
putting out the fire, and the beginning of the next, the time of
relumination, from new fire, is so consonant to analogy in the
tropical tribes, as to be probable" (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 138).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote332" name=
"footnote332"></a> <b>Footnote 332</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag332">(return)</a>
<p>C.F. Hall, <i>Life with the Esquimaux</i> (London, 1864), ii.
323.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote333" name=
"footnote333"></a> <b>Footnote 333</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag333">(return)</a>
<p>Franz Boas, "The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,"
<i>Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural, History</i>, xv.
Part i. (New York, 1901) p. 151.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote334" name=
"footnote334"></a> <b>Footnote 334</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag334">(return)</a>
<p>G. Nachtigal, <i>Sahar&acirc; und S&ucirc;d&acirc;n</i>, iii.
(Leipsic, 1889) p. 251.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote335" name=
"footnote335"></a> <b>Footnote 335</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag335">(return)</a>
<p>Major C. Percival, "Tropical Africa, on the Border Line of
Mohamedan Civilization," <i>The Geographical Journal</i>, xlii.
(1913) pp. 253 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote336" name=
"footnote336"></a> <b>Footnote 336</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag336">(return)</a>
<p>Adrien Germain, "Note sur Zanzibar et la c&ocirc;te orientale de
l'Afrique," <i>Bulletin de la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; de
G&eacute;ographie</i> (Paris), v. S&eacute;rie xvi. (1868) p. 557;
<i>Les Missions Catholiques</i>, iii. (1870) p. 270; Charles New,
<i>Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa</i> (London,
1873), p. 65; Jerome Becker, <i>La Vie en Afrique</i> (Paris and
Brussels, 1887), ii. 36; O. Baumann, <i>Usambara und seine
Nachbargebiele</i> (Berlin, 1891), pp. 55 <i>sq.</i>; C. Velten,
<i>Sitten und Gebr&auml;ucheaer Suaheli</i> (G&ouml;ttingen,1903),
pp. 342-344.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote337" name=
"footnote337"></a> <b>Footnote 337</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag337">(return)</a>
<p>Duarte Barbosa, <i>Description of the Coasts of East Africa and
Malabar</i> (Hakluyt Society, London, 1866), p. 8; <i>id.</i>, in
<i>Records of South-Eastern Africa</i>, collected by G. McCall
Theal, vol. i. (1898) p. 96; Dami&atilde;o de Goes, "Chronicle of
the Most Fortunate King Dom Emanuel," in <i>Records of
South-Eastern Africa</i>, collected by G. McCall Theal, vol. iii.
(1899) pp. 130 <i>sq.</i> The name Benametapa (more correctly
<i>monomotapa</i>) appears to have been the regular title of the
paramount chief, which the Portuguese took to be the name of the
country. The people over whom he ruled seem to have been the Bantu
tribe of the Makalanga in the neighbourhood of Sofala. See G.
McCall Theal, <i>Records of South-Eastern Africa</i>, vii. (1901)
pp. 481-484. It is to their custom of annually extinguishing and
relighting the fire that Montaigne refers in his essay (i. 22, vol.
i. p. 140 of Charpentier's edition), though he mentions no
names.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote338" name=
"footnote338"></a> <b>Footnote 338</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag338">(return)</a>
<p>Sir H.H. Johnson, <i>British Central Africa</i> (London, 1897),
pp. 426, 439.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote339" name=
"footnote339"></a> <b>Footnote 339</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag339">(return)</a>
<p>W.H.R. Rivers, <i>The Todas</i> (London, 1906), pp. 290-292.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote340" name=
"footnote340"></a> <b>Footnote 340</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag340">(return)</a>
<p>Lieut. R. Stewart, "Notes on Northern Cachar," <i>Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal</i> xxiv. (1855) p. 612.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote341" name=
"footnote341"></a> <b>Footnote 341</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag341">(return)</a>
<p>A. Bastian, <i>Die V&ouml;lker des &ouml;stlichen Asien</i>, ii.
(Leipsic, 1866) pp. 49 <i>sq.</i>; Shway Yoe, <i>The Burman</i>
(London, 1882), ii. 325 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote342" name=
"footnote342"></a> <b>Footnote 342</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag342">(return)</a>
<p>G. Schlegel, <i>Uranographie Chinoise</i> (The Hague and Leyden,
1875), pp. 139-143; C. Puini, "Il fuoco nella tradizione degli
antichi Cinesi," <i>Giornale della Societ&agrave; Asiatica
Italiana</i>, i. (1887) pp. 20-23; J.J.M. de Groot, <i>Les
F&eacute;tes annuellement c&eacute;l&eacute;br&eacute;es &agrave;
&Eacute;moui (Amoy)</i> (Paris, 1886), i. 208 <i>sqq.</i> The
notion that fire can be worn out with age meets us also in Brahman
ritual. See the <i>Satapatha Brahmana</i>, translated by Julius
Eggeling, Part i. (Oxford, 1882) p. 230 (<i>Sacred Books of the
East</i>, vol. xii.).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote343" name=
"footnote343"></a> <b>Footnote 343</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag343">(return)</a>
<p>W.G. Aston, <i>Shinto, The Way of the Gods</i> (London, 1905),
pp. 258 <i>sq.</i>, compare p. 193. The wands in question are
sticks whittled near the top into a mass of adherent shavings; they
go by the name of <i>kedzurikake</i> ("part-shaved"), and resemble
the sacred <i>inao</i> of the Aino. See W.G. Aston, <i>op. cit.</i>
p. 191; and as to the <i>inao</i>, see <i>Spirits of the Corn and
of the Wild</i>, ii. 185, with note 2.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote344" name=
"footnote344"></a> <b>Footnote 344</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag344">(return)</a>
<p>Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 82; Homer, <i>Iliad</i>, i. 590,
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote345" name=
"footnote345"></a> <b>Footnote 345</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag345">(return)</a>
<p>Philostiatus, <i>Heroica</i>, xx. 24.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote346" name=
"footnote346"></a> <b>Footnote 346</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag346">(return)</a>
<p>Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 143 <i>sq.</i>; Macrobius,
<i>Saturn</i>, i. 12. 6.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote347" name=
"footnote347"></a> <b>Footnote 347</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag347">(return)</a>
<p>Festus, ed. C.O. M&uuml;ller (Leipsic, 1839), p. 106,
<i>s.v.</i> "Ignis." Plutarch describes a method of rekindling the
sacred fire by means of the sun's rays reflected from a hollow
mirror (<i>Numa</i>, 9); but he seems to be referring to a Greek
rather than to the Roman custom. The rule of celibacy imposed on
the Vestals, whose duty it was to relight the sacred fire as well
as to preserve it when it was once made, is perhaps explained by a
superstition current among French peasants that if a girl can blow
up a smouldering candle into a flame she is a virgin, but that if
she fails to do so, she is not. See Jules Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du
Bocage Normand</i> (Cond&eacute;-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 27;
B. Souch&eacute;, <i>Croyances, Pr&eacute;sages et Traditions
diverses</i> (Niort, 1880), p. 12. At least it seems more likely
that the rule sprang from a superstition of this sort than from a
simple calculation of expediency, as I formerly suggested
(<i>Journal of Philology</i>, xiv. (1885) p. 158). Compare <i>The
Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings&gt;</i> ii. 234
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote348" name=
"footnote348"></a> <b>Footnote 348</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag348">(return)</a>
<p>Geoffrey Keating, D.D., <i>The History of Ireland, translated
from the original Gaelic, and copiously annotated</i>, by John
O'Mahony (New York, 1857), p. 300, with the translator's note.
Compare (Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i> (London, 1888),
pp. 514 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote349" name=
"footnote349"></a> <b>Footnote 349</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag349">(return)</a>
<p>W.R.S. Ralston, <i>Songs of the Russian People</i>, Second
Edition (London, 1872), pp. 254 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote350" name=
"footnote350"></a> <b>Footnote 350</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag350">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, <i>Norddeutsche Sagen, M&auml;rchen und
Gebr&auml;uche</i> (Leipsic, 1848), p. 373; A. Kuhn, <i>Sagen,
Gebr&auml;uche und M&auml;rchen aus Westfalen</i> (Leipsic, 1859),
ii. 134 <i>sqq.; id., M&auml;rkische Sagen und M&auml;rchen</i>
(Berlin, 1843), pp. 312 <i>sq.</i>; J.D.H. Temme, <i>Die Volkssagen
der Altmark</i> (Berlin, 1839), pp. 75 <i>sq.</i>; K. Lynker,
<i>Deutsche Sagen und Sitten in hessischen Gauen</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(Cassel and G&ouml;ttingen, 1860), p. 240; H. Pr&ouml;hle,
<i>Harzbilder</i> (Leipsic, 1855), p. 63; R. Andree,
<i>Braunschweiger Volkskunde</i> (Brunswick, 1896), pp. 240-242; W.
Kolbe, <i>Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche</i> (Marburg,
1888), pp. 44-47; F.A. Reimann, <i>Deutsche Volksfeste</i> (Weimar,
1839), p. 37; "Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche in Duderstadt,"
<i>Zeitschrift f&uuml;r deutsche Mythologie und Sitten-kunde</i>,
ii. (1855) p. 107; K. Seifart, <i>Sagen, M&auml;rchen,
Schw&auml;nke und Gebr&auml;uche aus Stadt und Stift
Hildesheim</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Hildesheim, 1889), pp. 177, 180; O.
Hartung, "Zur Volkskunde aus Anhalt," <i>Zeitschrift des Vereins
f&uuml;r Volkskunde</i>, vii. (1897) p. 76.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote351" name=
"footnote351"></a> <b>Footnote 351</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag351">(return)</a>
<p>L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum
Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. p. 43 <i>sq.</i>, &sect;313;
W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer
Nachbarst&auml;mme</i> (Berlin, 1875), pp. 505 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote352" name=
"footnote352"></a> <b>Footnote 352</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag352">(return)</a>
<p>L. Strackerjan, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. p. 43, &sect;313.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote353" name=
"footnote353"></a> <b>Footnote 353</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag353">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> (Berlin,
1875-1878), i. 512; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus der Germanen
und ihrer Nachbarst&auml;mme</i>, pp. 506 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote354" name=
"footnote354"></a> <b>Footnote 354</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag354">(return)</a>
<p>H. Pr&ouml;hle, <i>Harzbilder</i> (Leipsic, 1855), p. 63;
<i>id.</i>, in <i>Zeitschrift f&uuml;r deutsche Mythologie und
Sittenkunde</i>, i. (1853) p. 79; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz,
<i>Norddeutsche Sagen, M&auml;rchen und Gebr&auml;uche</i>
(Leipsic, 1848), p. 373; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p.
507.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote355" name=
"footnote355"></a> <b>Footnote 355</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag355">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn, <i>M&auml;rkische Sagen und M&auml;rchen</i> (Berlin,
1843), pp. 312 <i>sq.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>l.c.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote356" name=
"footnote356"></a> <b>Footnote 356</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag356">(return)</a>
<p>W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i> p. 508. Compare J.W. Wolf,
<i>Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (G&ouml;ttingen,
1852-1857), i. 74; J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 512. The two latter writers only
state that before the fires were kindled it was customary to hunt
squirrels in the woods.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote357" name=
"footnote357"></a> <b>Footnote 357</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag357">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn, <i>l.c.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p.
508.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote358" name=
"footnote358"></a> <b>Footnote 358</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag358">(return)</a>
<p><i>Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K&ouml;nigreichs
Bayern</i> (Munich, 1860-1867), iii. 956.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote359" name=
"footnote359"></a> <b>Footnote 359</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag359">(return)</a>
<p>See above, pp. <a href="#page116">116</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href=
"#page119">119</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote360" name=
"footnote360"></a> <b>Footnote 360</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag360">(return)</a>
<p>F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich,
1848-1855), i. pp. 211 <i>sq.</i>, &sect; 233; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der
Baumkultus</i>, pp. 507 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote361" name=
"footnote361"></a> <b>Footnote 361</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag361">(return)</a>
<p><i>Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K&ouml;nigreichs
Bayern</i>, iii. 357.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote362" name=
"footnote362"></a> <b>Footnote 362</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag362">(return)</a>
<p>F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich,
1848-1855), i. pp. 212 <i>sq.</i>, &sect; 236.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote363" name=
"footnote363"></a> <b>Footnote 363</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag363">(return)</a>
<p>F. Panzer, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. pp. 78 <i>sq.</i>, &sect;&sect;
114, 115. The customs observed at these places and at Althenneberg
are described together by W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p.
505.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote364" name=
"footnote364"></a> <b>Footnote 364</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag364">(return)</a>
<p>A. Birlinger, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus Schwaben</i> (Freiburg
im Breisgau, 1861-1862), ii. p. 82, &sect; 106; W. Mannhardt,
<i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 508.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote365" name=
"footnote365"></a> <b>Footnote 365</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag365">(return)</a>
<p>Elard Hugo Meyer, <i>Badisches Volksleben</i> (Strasburg, 1900),
pp. 97 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote366" name=
"footnote366"></a> <b>Footnote 366</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag366">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 349
<i>sqq.</i> See further below, vol. ii. pp. 298 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote367" name=
"footnote367"></a> <b>Footnote 367</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag367">(return)</a>
<p>J.W. Wolf, <i>Beitr&auml;ge sur deutschen Mythologie</i>, i. 75
<i>sq.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 506.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote368" name=
"footnote368"></a> <b>Footnote 368</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag368">(return)</a>
<p>L. Lloyd, <i>Peasant Life in Sweden</i> (London, 1870), p.
228.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote369" name=
"footnote369"></a> <b>Footnote 369</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag369">(return)</a>
<p>W. M&uuml;ller, <i>Beitr&auml;ge sur Volkskunde der Deutschen in
Mahren</i> (Vienna and Olm&uuml;tz, 1893), pp. 321, 397 <i>sq.</i>
In Wagstadt, a town of Austrian Silesia, a boy in a red waistcoat
used to play the part of Judas on the Wednesday before Good Friday.
He was chased from before the church door by the other school
children, who pursued him through the streets with shouts and the
noise of rattles and clappers till they reached a certain suburb,
where they always caught and beat him because he had betrayed the
Redeemer. See Anton Peter, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus
&ouml;sterreichisch-Schlesien</i> (Troppau, 1865-1867), ii. 282
<i>sq.</i>; Paul Drechsler, <i>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in
Schlesien</i> (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 77 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote370" name=
"footnote370"></a> <b>Footnote 370</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag370">(return)</a>
<p><i>Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century</i>, from the
MSS. of John Ramsay, Esq., of Ochtertyre, edited by Alexander
Allardyce (Edinburgh and London, 1888), ii. 439-445. As to the
<i>tein-eigin</i> or need-fire, see below, pp. <a href=
"#page269">269</a> <i>sqq</i>. The etymology of the word Beltane is
uncertain; the popular derivation of the first part from the
Phoenician Baal is absurd. See, for example, John Graham Dalyell,
<i>The Darker Superstitions of Scotland</i> (Edinburgh, 1834), pp.
176 <i>sq.</i>: "The recognition of the pagan divinity Baal, or
Bel, the Sun, is discovered through innumerable etymological
sources. In the records of Scottish history, down to the sixteenth
or seventeenth centuries, multiplied prohibitions were issued from
the fountains of ecclesiastical ordinances, against kindling
<i>Bailfires</i>, of which the origin cannot be mistaken. The
festival of this divinity was commemorated in Scotland until the
latest date." Modern scholars are not agreed as to the derivation
of the name Beltane. See Rev. John Gregorson Campbell,
<i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 268 <i>sq.</i>; J.A. MacCulloch,
<i>The Religion of the Ancient Celts</i> (Edinburgh, 1911), p.
264.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote371" name=
"footnote371"></a> <b>Footnote 371</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag371">(return)</a>
<p>"<i>Bal-tein</i> signifies the <i>fire of Baal. Baal</i> or
<i>Ball</i> is the only word in Gaelic for <i>a globe</i>. This
festival was probably in honour of the sun, whose return, in his
apparent annual course, they celebrated, on account of his having
such a visible influence, by his genial warmth, on the productions
of the earth. That the Caledonians paid a superstitious respect to
the sun, as was the practice among many other nations, is evident,
not only by the sacrifice at Baltein, but upon many other
occasions. When a Highlander goes to bathe, or to drink waters out
of a consecrated fountain, he must always approach by going round
the place, <i>from east to west on the south side</i>, in imitation
of the apparent diurnal motion of the sun. When the dead are laid
in the earth, the grave is approached by going round in the same
manner. The bride is conducted to her future spouse, in the
presence of the minister, and the glass goes round a company, in
the course of the sun. This is called, in Gaelic, going round the
right, or the <i>lucky way</i>. The opposite course is the wrong,
or the <i>unlucky</i> way. And if a person's meat or drink were to
affect the wind-pipe, or come against his breath, they instantly
cry out <i>deisheal</i>! which is an ejaculation praying that it
may go by the right way" (Rev. J. Robertson, in Sir John Sinclair's
<i>Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, xi. 621 note). Compare J.G.
Campbell, <i>Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 229 <i>sq.</i>: "<i>The
Right-hand Turn</i> (<i>Deiseal</i>).&mdash;This was the most
important of all the observances. The rule is '<i>Deiseal</i>
(<i>i.e.</i> the right-hand turn) for everything,' and consists in
doing all things with a motion corresponding to the course of the
sun, or from left to right. This is the manner in which screw-nails
are driven, and is common with many for no reason but its
convenience. Old men in the Highlands were very particular about
it. The coffin was taken <i>deiseal</i> about the grave, when about
to be lowered; boats were turned to sea according to it, and drams
are given to the present day to a company. When putting a straw
rope on a house or corn-stack, if the assistant went
<i>tuaitheal</i> (<i>i.e.</i> against the course of the sun), the
old man was ready to come down and thrash him. On coming to a house
the visitor should go round it <i>deiseal</i> to secure luck in the
object of his visit. After milking a cow the dairy-maid should
strike it <i>deiseal</i> with the shackle, saying 'out and home'
(<i>mach 'us dachaigh</i>). This secures its safe return. The word
is from <i>deas</i>, right-hand, and <i>iul</i>, direction, and of
itself contains no allusion to the sun." Compare M. Martin,
"Description of the Western Islands of Scotland," in J. Pinkerton's
<i>Voyages and Travels</i>, iii. 612 <i>sq.</i>: "There was an
ancient custom in the island of Lewis, to make a fiery circle about
the houses, corn, cattle, etc., belonging to each particular
family: a man carried fire in his right hand, and went round, and
it was called <i>dessil</i>, from the right hand, which in the
ancient language is called <i>dess</i>.... There is another way of
the <i>dessil</i>, or carrying fire round about women before they
are churched, after child-bearing; and it is used likewise about
children until they are christened; both which are performed in the
morning and at night. This is only practised now by some of the
ancient midwives: I enquired their reason for this custom, which I
told them was altogether unlawful; this disobliged them mightily,
insomuch that they would give me no satisfaction. But others, that
were of a more agreeable temper, told me that fire-round was an
effectual means to preserve both the mother and the infant from the
power of evil spirits, who are ready at such times to do mischief,
and sometimes carry away the infant; and when they get them once in
their possession, return them poor meagre skeletons; and these
infants are said to have voracious appetites, constantly craving
for meat. In this case it was usual with those who believed that
their children were thus taken away, to dig a grave in the fields
upon quarter-day, and there to lay the fairy skeleton till next
morning; at which time the parents went to the place, where they
doubted not to find their own child instead of this skeleton. Some
of the poorer sort of people in these islands retain the custom of
performing these rounds sun-ways about the persons of their
benefactors three times, when they bless them, and wish good
success to all their enterprizes. Some are very careful when they
set out to sea that the boat be first rowed about sun-ways; and if
this be neglected, they are afraid their voyage may prove
unfortunate." Probably the superstition was based entirely on the
supposed luckiness of the right hand, which accordingly, in making
a circuit round an object, is kept towards the centre. As to a
supposed worship of the sun among the Scottish Highlanders, compare
J.G. Campbell, <i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and
Islands of Scotland</i>, p. 304: "Both the sun (<i>a Ghrian</i>)
and moon (<i>a Ghealach</i>) are feminine in Gaelic, and the names
are simply descriptive of their appearance. There is no trace of a
Sun-God or Moon-Goddess." As to the etymology of Beltane, see
above, p. <a href="#footnotetag370">149 note</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote372" name=
"footnote372"></a> <b>Footnote 372</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag372">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. James Robertson (Parish Minister of Callander), in Sir John
Sinclair's <i>Statistical Account of Scotland</i> (Edinburgh,
1791-1799), xi. 620 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote373" name=
"footnote373"></a> <b>Footnote 373</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag373">(return)</a>
<p>Pennant's "Tour in Scotland," in John Pinkerton's <i>Voyages and
Travels</i> (London, 1808-1814), iii. 49.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote374" name=
"footnote374"></a> <b>Footnote 374</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag374">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Dr. Thomas Bisset, in Sir John Sinclair's <i>Statistical
Account of Scotland</i>, v. 84.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote375" name=
"footnote375"></a> <b>Footnote 375</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag375">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Allan Stewart, in Sir John Sinclair's <i>Statistical
Account of Scotland</i>, xv. 517 note.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote376" name=
"footnote376"></a> <b>Footnote 376</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag376">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Walter Gregor, "Notes on Beltane Cakes," <i>Folk-lore</i>,
vi. (1895) pp. 2 <i>sq.</i> The Beltane cakes with the nine knobs
on them remind us of the cakes with twelve knobs which the
Athenians offered to Cronus and other deities (see <i>The
Scapegoat</i>, p. 351). The King of the Bean on Twelfth Night was
chosen by means of a cake, which was broken in as many pieces as
there were persons present, and the person who received the piece
containing a bean or a coin became king. See J. Boemus, <i>Mores,
leges et ritus omnium gentium</i> (Lyons, 1541), p. 222; John
Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 22 <i>sq.; The Scapegoat</i>, pp. 313
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote377" name=
"footnote377"></a> <b>Footnote 377</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag377">(return)</a>
<p>Shaw, in Pennant's "Tour in Scotland," printed in J. Pinkerton's
<i>Voyages and Travels</i>, iii. 136. The part of Scotland to which
Shaw's description applies is what he calls the province or country
of Murray, extending from the river Spey on the east to the river
Beauly on the west, and south-west to Loch Lochy.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote378" name=
"footnote378"></a> <b>Footnote 378</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag378">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East
of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), p. 167.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote379" name=
"footnote379"></a> <b>Footnote 379</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag379">(return)</a>
<p>A. Goodrich-Freer, "More Folklore from the Hebrides,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xiii. (1902) p. 41. The St. Michael's cake
(<i>Str&ugrave;than na h'eill Micheil</i>), referred to in the
text, is described as "the size of a quern" in circumference. "It
is kneaded simply with water, and marked across like a scone,
dividing it into four equal parts, and then placed in front of the
fire resting on a quern. It is not polished with dry meal as is
usual in making a cake, but when it is cooked a thin coating of
eggs (four in number), mixed with buttermilk, is spread first on
one side, then on the other, and it is put before the fire again.
An earlier shape, still in use, which tradition associates with the
female sex, is that of a triangle with the corners cut off. A
<i>str&ugrave;hthan</i> or <i>str&ugrave;hdhan</i> (the word seems
to be used for no other kind of cake) is made for each member of
the household, including servants and herds. When harvest is late,
an early patch of corn is mown on purpose for the
<i>str&ugrave;than</i>" (A. Goodrich-Freer, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 44.
<i>sq.</i>.)</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote380" name=
"footnote380"></a> <b>Footnote 380</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag380">(return)</a>
<p>Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>
(London, 1909), pp. 22-24.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote381" name=
"footnote381"></a> <b>Footnote 381</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag381">(return)</a>
<p>Jonathan Ceredig Davies, <i>Folklore of West and Mid-Wales</i>
(Aberystwyth, 1911), p. 76.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote382" name=
"footnote382"></a> <b>Footnote 382</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag382">(return)</a>
<p>Joseph Train, <i>An Historical and Statistical Account of the
Isle of Man</i> (Douglas, Isle of Man, 1845), i. 314 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote383" name=
"footnote383"></a> <b>Footnote 383</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag383">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Folk-lore, Welsh and Manx</i>
(Oxford, 1901), i. 309; <i>id.</i>, "The Coligny Calendar,"
<i>Proceedings of the British Academy, 1909-1910</i>, pp. 261
<i>sq.</i> See further <i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of
Kings</i>, ii. 53 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote384" name=
"footnote384"></a> <b>Footnote 384</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag384">(return)</a>
<p>Professor Frank Granger, "Early Man," in <i>The Victoria History
of the County of Nottingham</i>, edited by William Page, i.
(London, 1906) pp. 186 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote385" name=
"footnote385"></a> <b>Footnote 385</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag385">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Folk-lore, Welsh and Manx</i>
(Oxford, 1901), i. 310; <i>id.</i>, "Manx Folk-lore and
Superstitions," <i>Folk-lore</i>, ii. (1891) pp. 303 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote386" name=
"footnote386"></a> <b>Footnote 386</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag386">(return)</a>
<p>P.W. Joyce, <i>A Social History of Ancient Ireland</i> (London,
1903), i. 290 <i>sq.</i>, referring to Kuno Meyer, <i>Hibernia
Minora</i>, p. 49 and <i>Glossary</i>, 23.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote387" name=
"footnote387"></a> <b>Footnote 387</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag387">(return)</a>
<p>J.B. Bury, <i>The Life of St. Patrick</i> (London, 1905), pp.
104 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote388" name=
"footnote388"></a> <b>Footnote 388</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag388">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page147">147</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote389" name=
"footnote389"></a> <b>Footnote 389</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag389">(return)</a>
<p>Geoffrey Keating, D.D., <i>The History of Ireland</i>,
translated by John O'Mahony (New York, 1857), pp. 300
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote390" name=
"footnote390"></a> <b>Footnote 390</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag390">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, "Manx Folk-lore and Superstition,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, ii. (1891) p. 303; <i>id., Celtic Folk-lore,
Welsh and Manx</i> (Oxford, 1901), i. 309. Compare P.W. Joyce, <i>A
Social History of Ancient Ireland</i> (London, 1903), i. 291: "The
custom of driving cattle through fires against disease on the eve
of the 1st of May, and on the eve of the 24th June (St. John's
Day), continued in Ireland, as well as in the Scottish Highlands,
to a period within living memory." In a footnote Mr. Joyce refers
to Carmichael, <i>Carmina Gadelica</i>, ii. 340, for Scotland, and
adds, "I saw it done in Ireland."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote391" name=
"footnote391"></a> <b>Footnote 391</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag391">(return)</a>
<p>L. Lloyd, <i>Peasant Life in Sweden</i> (London, 1870), pp. 233
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote392" name=
"footnote392"></a> <b>Footnote 392</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag392">(return)</a>
<p>Reinsberg-D&uuml;ringsfeld, <i>Fest-Kalender aus B&ouml;hmen</i>
(Prague, N.D.), pp. 211 <i>sq.</i>; Br. Jel&iacute;nek,
"Materialien zur Vorgeschichte und Volkskunde B&ouml;hmens,"
<i>Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien</i>,
xxi. (1891) p. 13; Alois John, <i>Sitte, Branch, und Volksglaube im
deutschen Westb&ouml;hmen</i> (Prague, 1905), p. 71.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote393" name=
"footnote393"></a> <b>Footnote 393</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag393">(return)</a>
<p>J.A.E. K&ouml;hler, <i>Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre
alte Ueberlieferungen im Voigtlande</i> (Leipsic, 1867), p. 373.
The superstitions relating to witches at this season are legion.
For instance, in Saxony and Thuringia any one who labours under a
physical blemish can easily rid himself of it by transferring it to
the witches on Walpurgis Night. He has only to go out to a
cross-road, make three crosses on the blemish, and say, "In the
name of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost." Thus the
blemish, whatever it may be, is left behind him at the cross-road,
and when the witches sweep by on their way to the Brocken, they
must take it with them, and it sticks to them henceforth. Moreover,
three crosses chalked up on the doors of houses and cattle-stalls
on Walpurgis Night will effectually prevent any of the infernal
crew from entering and doing harm to man or beast. See E. Sommer,
<i>Sagen, M&auml;rchen und Gebr&auml;uche aus Sachsen und
Th&uuml;ringen</i> (Halle, 1846), pp. 148 <i>sq.; Die gestriegelte
Rockenphilosophie</i> (Chemnitz, 1759), p. 116.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote394" name=
"footnote394"></a> <b>Footnote 394</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag394">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>The Scapegoat</i>, pp. 158 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote395" name=
"footnote395"></a> <b>Footnote 395</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag395">(return)</a>
<p>As to the Midsummer Festival of Europe in general see the
evidence collected in the "Specimen Calendarii Gentilis," appended
to the <i>Edda Rhythmica seu Antiquior, vulgo Saemundina dicta</i>,
Pars iii. (Copenhagen, 1828) pp. 1086-1097.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote396" name=
"footnote396"></a> <b>Footnote 396</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag396">(return)</a>
<p>John Mitchell Kemble, <i>The Saxons in England</i>, New Edition
(London, 1876), i. 361 <i>sq</i>., quoting "an ancient MS. written
in England, and now in the Harleian Collection, No. 2345, fol. 50."
The passage is quoted in part by J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities
of Great Britain</i> (London, 1882-1883), i. 298 <i>sq.</i>, by
R.T. Hampson, <i>Medii Aevi Kalendarium</i> (London, 1841), i. 300,
and by W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 509. The same
explanations of the Midsummer fires and of the custom of trundling
a burning wheel on Midsummer Eve are given also by John Beleth, a
writer of the twelfth century. See his <i>Rationale Divinorum
Officiorum</i> (appended to the <i>Rationale Divinorum
Officiorum</i> of G. [W.] Durandus, Lyons, 1584), p. 556 <i>recto:
"Solent porro hoc tempore</i> [the Eve of St. John the Baptist]
<i>ex veteri consuetudine mortuorum animalium ossa comburi, quod
hujusmodi habet originem. Sunt enim animalia, quae dracones
appellamus.... Haec inquam animalia in aere volant, in aquis
natant, in terra ambulant. Sed quando in aere ad libidinem
concitantur (quod fere fit) saepe ipsum sperma vel in puteos, vel
in aquas fluviales ejicunt ex quo lethalis sequitur annus. Adversus
haec ergo hujusmodi inventum est remedium, ut videlicet rogus ex
ossibus construeretur, et ita fumus hujusmodi animalia fugaret. Et
quia istud maxime hoc tempore fiebat, idem etiam modo ab omnibus
observatur.... Consuetum item est hac vigilia ardentes deferri
faculas quod Johannes fuerit ardens lucerna, et qui vias Domini
praeparaverit. Sed quod etiam rota vertatur hinc esse putant quia
in eum circulum tunc Sol descenderit ultra quem progredi nequit, a
quo cogitur paulatim descendere</i>." The substance of the passage
is repeated in other words by G. Durandus (Wilh. Durantis), a
writer of the thirteenth century, in his <i>Rationale Divinorum
Officiorum</i>, lib. vii. cap. 14 (p. 442 <i>verso</i>, ed. Lyons,
1584). Compare J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i.
516.</p>
<p>With the notion that the air is poisoned at midsummer we may
compare the popular belief that it is similarly infected at an
eclipse. Thus among the Esquimaux on the Lower Yukon river in
Alaska "it is believed that a subtle essence or unclean influence
descends to the earth during an eclipse, and if any of it is caught
in utensils of any kind it will produce sickness. As a result,
immediately on the commencement of an eclipse, every woman turns
bottom side up all her pots, wooden buckets, and dishes" (E.W.
Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait," <i>Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology</i>, Part i.
(Washington, 1899) p. 431). Similar notions and practices prevail
among the peasantry of southern Germany. Thus the Swabian peasants
think that during an eclipse of the sun poison falls on the earth;
hence at such a time they will not sow, mow, gather fruit or eat
it, they bring the cattle into the stalls, and refrain from
business of every kind. If the eclipse lasts long, the people get
very anxious, set a burning candle on the mantel-shelf of the
stove, and pray to be delivered from the danger. See Anton
Birlinger, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus Schwaben</i> (Freiburg im
Breisgau, 1861-1862), i. 189. Similarly Bavarian peasants imagine
that water is poisoned during a solar eclipse (F. Panzer,
<i>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</i>, ii. 297); and Thuringian
bumpkins cover up the wells and bring the cattle home from pasture
during an eclipse either of the sun or of the moon; an eclipse is
particularly poisonous when it happens to fall on a Wednesday. See
August Witzschel, <i>Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Th&uuml;ringen</i> (Vienna, 1878), p. 287. As eclipses are commonly
supposed by the ignorant to be caused by a monster attacking the
sun or moon (E.B. Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>,<sup>2</sup>
London, 1873, i. 328 <i>sqq.</i>), we may surmise, on the analogy
of the explanation given of the Midsummer fires, that the unclean
influence which is thought to descend on the earth at such times is
popularly attributed to seed discharged by the monster or possibly
by the sun or moon then in conjunction with each other.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote397" name=
"footnote397"></a> <b>Footnote 397</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag397">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Popish Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latin
verse by Thomas Naogeorgus and Englyshed by Barnabe Googe,
1570</i>, edited by R.C. Hope (London, 1880), p. 54 <i>verso</i>.
As to this work see above, p. <a href="#footnotetag313">125 note
1.</a></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote398" name=
"footnote398"></a> <b>Footnote 398</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag398">(return)</a>
<p>J. Boemus, <i>Mores, leges et ritus omnium gentium</i> (Lyons,
1541), pp. 225 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote399" name=
"footnote399"></a> <b>Footnote 399</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag399">(return)</a>
<p>Tessier, "Sur la f&ecirc;te annuelle de la roue flamboyante de
la Saint-Jean, &agrave; Basse-Kontz, arrondissement de Thionville,"
<i>M&eacute;moires et dissertations publi&eacute;s par la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; Royale des Antiquaires de France</i>, v.
(1823) pp. 379-393. Tessier witnessed the ceremony, 23rd June 1822
(not 1823, as is sometimes stated). His account has been reproduced
more or less fully by J. Grimm (<i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 515 <i>sq.</i>) W. Mannhardt (<i>Der
Baumkultus</i>, pp. 510 <i>sq.</i>), and H. Gaidoz ("Le dieu
gaulois du Soleil et le symbolisme de la Roue," <i>Revue
Arch&eacute;ologique</i>, iii. S&eacute;rie, iv. (1884) pp. 24
<i>sq.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote400" name=
"footnote400"></a> <b>Footnote 400</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag400">(return)</a>
<p><i>Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K&ouml;nigreichs
Bayern</i> (Munich, 1860-1867), i. 373 <i>sq</i>.; compare
<i>id</i>., iii. 327 <i>sq</i>. As to the burning discs at the
spring festivals, see above, pp. <a href="#page116">116</a>
<i>sq</i>., <a href="#page119">119</a>, <a href=
"#page143">143</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote401" name=
"footnote401"></a> <b>Footnote 401</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag401">(return)</a>
<p><i>Op. cit</i>. ii. 260 <i>sq</i>., iii. 936, 956, iv. 2. p.
360.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote402" name=
"footnote402"></a> <b>Footnote 402</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag402">(return)</a>
<p><i>Op. cit</i>. ii. 260.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote403" name=
"footnote403"></a> <b>Footnote 403</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag403">(return)</a>
<p><i>Op. cit.</i> iv. i. p. 242. We have seen (p. 163) that in the
sixteenth century these customs and beliefs were common in Germany.
It is also a German superstition that a house which contains a
brand from the midsummer bonfire will not be struck by lightning
(J.W. Wolf, <i>Beitr&auml;ge, zur deutschen Mythologie</i>, i. p.
217, &sect; 185).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote404" name=
"footnote404"></a> <b>Footnote 404</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag404">(return)</a>
<p>J. Boemus, <i>Mores, leges et ritus omnium gentium</i> (Lyons,
1541), p. 226.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote405" name=
"footnote405"></a> <b>Footnote 405</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag405">(return)</a>
<p>Karl Freiherr von Leoprechting, <i>Aus dem Lechrain</i> (Munich,
1855), pp. 181 <i>sqq.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p.
510.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote406" name=
"footnote406"></a> <b>Footnote 406</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag406">(return)</a>
<p>A. Birlinger, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus Schwaben</i> (Freiburg
im Breisgau, 1861-1862), ii. pp. 96 <i>sqq.</i>, &sect; 128, pp.
103 <i>sq.</i>, &sect; 129; <i>id., Aus Schwaben</i> (Wiesbaden,
1874), ii. 116-120; E. Meier, <i>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und
Gebr&auml;uche aus Schwaben</i> (Stuttgart, 1852), pp. 423
<i>sqq.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 510.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote407" name=
"footnote407"></a> <b>Footnote 407</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag407">(return)</a>
<p>F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich,
1848-1855), i. pp. 215 <i>sq.</i>, &sect; 242; <i>id.</i>, ii.
549.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote408" name=
"footnote408"></a> <b>Footnote 408</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag408">(return)</a>
<p>A. Birlinger, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus Schwaben</i> (Freiburg
im Breisgau, 1861-1862), ii. 99-101.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote409" name=
"footnote409"></a> <b>Footnote 409</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag409">(return)</a>
<p>Elard Hugo Mayer, <i>Badisches Volksleben</i> (Strasburg, 1900),
pp. 103 <i>sq.</i>, 225 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote410" name=
"footnote410"></a> <b>Footnote 410</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag410">(return)</a>
<p>W. von Schulenberg, in <i>Verhandlungen der Berliner
Gesellschaft f&uuml;r Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte,
Jahrgang 1897</i>, pp. 494 <i>sq.</i> (bound up with <i>Zeitschrift
f&uuml;r Ethnologie</i>, xxix. 1897).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote411" name=
"footnote411"></a> <b>Footnote 411</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag411">(return)</a>
<p>H. Gaidoz, "Le dieu Gaulois du Soleil et le symbolisme de la
Roue," <i>Revue Arch&eacute;ologique</i>, iii. S&eacute;rie, iv.
(1884) pp. 29 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote412" name=
"footnote412"></a> <b>Footnote 412</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag412">(return)</a>
<p>Bruno Stehle, "Volksglauben, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche in
Lothringen," <i>Globus</i>, lix. (1891) pp. 378 <i>sq.</i>; "Die
Sommerwendfeier im St. Amarinthale," <i>Der Urquell</i>, N.F., i.
(1897) pp. 181 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote413" name=
"footnote413"></a> <b>Footnote 413</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag413">(return)</a>
<p>J.H. Schmitz, <i>Sitten und Sagen Lieder, Spr&uuml;chw&ouml;rter
und R&auml;thsel des Eifler Volkes</i> (Treves, 1856-1858), i. 40
<i>sq.</i> According to one writer, the garlands are composed of
St. John's wort (Montanus, <i>Die deutschen Volksfeste,
Volksbr&auml;uche und deutscher Volksglaube</i>, Iserlohn, N.D., p.
33). As to the use of St. John's wort at Midsummer, see below, vol.
ii. pp. 54 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote414" name=
"footnote414"></a> <b>Footnote 414</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag414">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, <i>Norddeutsche Sagen, M&auml;rchen und
Gebr&auml;uche</i> (Leipsic, 1848), p. 390.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote415" name=
"footnote415"></a> <b>Footnote 415</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag415">(return)</a>
<p>Montanus, <i>Die deutschen Volksfeste, Volksbr&auml;uche und
deutscher Volksglaube</i> (Iserlohn, N.D.), pp. 33 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote416" name=
"footnote416"></a> <b>Footnote 416</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag416">(return)</a>
<p>C.L. Rochholz, <i>Deutscher Glaube und Brauch</i> (Berlin,
1867), ii. 144 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote417" name=
"footnote417"></a> <b>Footnote 417</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag417">(return)</a>
<p>Philo vom Walde, <i>Schlesien in Sage und Brauch</i> (Berlin,
N.D.), p. 124; Paul Drechsler, <i>Sitte, Brauch, und Volksglaube in
Schlesien</i> (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 136 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote418" name=
"footnote418"></a> <b>Footnote 418</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag418">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie,</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 517
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote419" name=
"footnote419"></a> <b>Footnote 419</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag419">(return)</a>
<p>From information supplied by Mr. Sigurd K. Heiberg, engineer, of
Bergen, Norway, who in his boyhood regularly collected fuel for the
fires. I have to thank Miss Anderson, of Barskimming, Mauchline,
Ayrshire, for kindly procuring the information for me from Mr.
Heiberg.</p>
<p>The Blocksberg, where German as well as Norwegian witches gather
for their great Sabbaths on the Eve of May Day (Walpurgis Night)
and Midsummer Eve, is commonly identified with the Brocken, the
highest peak of the Harz mountains. But in Mecklenburg, Pomerania,
and probably elsewhere, villages have their own local Blocksberg,
which is generally a hill or open place in the neighbourhood; a
number of places in Pomerania go by the name of the Blocksberg. See
J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> ii. 878
<i>sq.</i>; Ulrich Jahn, <i>Hexenwesen und Zauberei in Pommern</i>
(Breslau, 1886), pp. 4 <i>sq.</i>; <i>id.</i>, <i>Volkssagen aus
Pommern und R&uuml;gen</i> (Stettin, 1886), p. 329.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote420" name=
"footnote420"></a> <b>Footnote 420</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag420">(return)</a>
<p>L. Lloyd, <i>Peasant Life in Sweden</i> (London, 1870), pp. 259,
265.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote421" name=
"footnote421"></a> <b>Footnote 421</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag421">(return)</a>
<p>L. Lloyd, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 261 <i>sq.</i> These springs are
called "sacrificial fonts" (<i>Offer k&auml;llor</i>) and are "so
named because in heathen times the limbs of the slaughtered victim,
whether man or beast, were here washed prior to immolation" (L.
Lloyd, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 261).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote422" name=
"footnote422"></a> <b>Footnote 422</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag422">(return)</a>
<p>E. Hoffmann-Krayer, <i>Feste und Br&auml;uche des
Schweizervolkes</i> (Zurich, 1913), p. 164.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote423" name=
"footnote423"></a> <b>Footnote 423</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag423">(return)</a>
<p>Ignaz V. Zingerle, <i>Sitten, Br&auml;uche und Meinungen des
Tiroler Volkes</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Innsbruck, 1871), ii. p. 159,
&sect; 1354.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote424" name=
"footnote424"></a> <b>Footnote 424</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag424">(return)</a>
<p>I.V. Zingerle, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 159, &sect;&sect; 1353, 1355,
1356; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 513.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote425" name=
"footnote425"></a> <b>Footnote 425</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag425">(return)</a>
<p>W. Mannhardt, <i>l.c.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote426" name=
"footnote426"></a> <b>Footnote 426</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag426">(return)</a>
<p>F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich,
1848-1855), i. p. 210, &sect; 231.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote427" name=
"footnote427"></a> <b>Footnote 427</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag427">(return)</a>
<p>Theodor Vernaleken, <i>Mythen und Br&auml;uche des Volkes in
Oesterreich</i> (Vienna, 1859), pp. 307 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote428" name=
"footnote428"></a> <b>Footnote 428</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag428">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 519;
Theodor Vernaleken, <i>Mythen und Br&auml;uche des Volkes in
Oesterreich</i> (Vienna, 1859), p. 308; Joseph Virgil Grohmann,
<i>Aberglauben und Gebr&auml;uche aus Bohmen und M&auml;hren</i>
(Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 80, &sect; 636;
Reinsberg-D&uuml;ringsfeld, <i>Fest-Kalender aus Bohmen</i>
(Prague, N.D.), pp. 306-311; Br. Jelfnek, "Materialien zur
Vorgeschichte und Volkskunde B&ouml;hmens," <i>Mittheilungen der
anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien&gt;</i> xxi. (1891) p. 13;
Alois John, <i>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen
Westb&ouml;hmen</i> (Prague, 1905) pp. 84-86.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote429" name=
"footnote429"></a> <b>Footnote 429</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag429">(return)</a>
<p>Willibald M&uuml;ller, <i>Beitr&auml;ge zur Volkskunde der
Deutschen in M&auml;hren</i> (Vienna and Olmutz, 1893), pp.
263-265.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote430" name=
"footnote430"></a> <b>Footnote 430</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag430">(return)</a>
<p>Anton Peter, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus
&Ouml;sterreichisch-Schlesien</i> (Troppau, 1865-1867), ii.
287.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote431" name=
"footnote431"></a> <b>Footnote 431</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag431">(return)</a>
<p>Th. Vernaleken, <i>Mythen und Br&auml;uche des Volkes in
Oesterreich</i> (Vienna, 1859), pp. 308 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote432" name=
"footnote432"></a> <b>Footnote 432</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag432">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Dying God</i>, p. 262. Compare M. Kowalewsky, in
<i>Folk-lore</i>, i. (1890) p. 467.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote433" name=
"footnote433"></a> <b>Footnote 433</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag433">(return)</a>
<p>W.R.S. Ralston, <i>Songs of the Russian People</i>, Second
Edition (London, 1872), p. 240.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote434" name=
"footnote434"></a> <b>Footnote 434</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag434">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 519; W.R.S.
Ralston, <i>Songs of the Russian People</i> (London, 1872), pp.
240, 391.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote435" name=
"footnote435"></a> <b>Footnote 435</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag435">(return)</a>
<p>W.R.S. Ralston, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 240.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote436" name=
"footnote436"></a> <b>Footnote 436</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag436">(return)</a>
<p>W.R.S. Ralston, <i>l.c.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote437" name=
"footnote437"></a> <b>Footnote 437</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag437">(return)</a>
<p>W.J.A. von Tettau und J.D.H. Temme, <i>Die Volkssagen
Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens</i> (Berlin, 1837), p.
277.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote438" name=
"footnote438"></a> <b>Footnote 438</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag438">(return)</a>
<p>M. T&ouml;ppen, <i>Aberglauben aus Masuren</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(Danzig, 1867), p. 71.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote439" name=
"footnote439"></a> <b>Footnote 439</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag439">(return)</a>
<p>F.S. Krauss, "Altslavische Feuergewinnung," <i>Globus</i>, lix.
(1891) p. 318.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote440" name=
"footnote440"></a> <b>Footnote 440</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag440">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Kohl, <i>Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen</i>
(Dresden and Leipsic, 1841), i. 178-180, ii. 24 <i>sq.</i> Ligho
was an old heathen deity, whose joyous festival used to fall in
spring.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote441" name=
"footnote441"></a> <b>Footnote 441</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag441">(return)</a>
<p>Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, vi. 775 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote442" name=
"footnote442"></a> <b>Footnote 442</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag442">(return)</a>
<p>Friederich S. Krauss, <i>Sitte und Brauch der S&uuml;dslaven</i>
(Vienna, 1885), pp. 176 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote443" name=
"footnote443"></a> <b>Footnote 443</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag443">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 519.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote444" name=
"footnote444"></a> <b>Footnote 444</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag444">(return)</a>
<p>H. von Wlislocki, <i>Volksglaube und religi&ouml;ser Brauch der
Magyar</i> (M&uuml;nster i. W., 1893), pp. 40-44.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote445" name=
"footnote445"></a> <b>Footnote 445</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag445">(return)</a>
<p>A. von Ipolyi, "Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen Mythologie aus
Ungarn," <i>Zeitschrift f&uuml;r deutsche Mythologie und
Sittenkunde</i>, i. (1853) pp. 270 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote446" name=
"footnote446"></a> <b>Footnote 446</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag446">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Kohl, <i>Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen</i>, ii.
268 <i>sq.</i>; F.J. Wiedemann, <i>Aus dem inneren und
&auml;usseren Leben der Ehsten</i> (St. Petersburg, 1876), p. 362.
The word which I have translated "weeds" is in Esthonian
<i>kaste-heinad</i>, in German <i>Thaugras</i>. Apparently it is
the name of a special kind of weed.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote447" name=
"footnote447"></a> <b>Footnote 447</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag447">(return)</a>
<p>Fr. Kreutzwald und H. Neus, <i>Mythische und Magische Lieder der
Ehsten</i> (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 62.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote448" name=
"footnote448"></a> <b>Footnote 448</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag448">(return)</a>
<p>J.B. Holzmayer, "Osiliana," <i>Verhandlungen der gelehrten
Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat</i>, vii. (1872) pp. 62
<i>sq.</i> Wiedemann also observes that the sports in which young
couples engage in the woods on this evening are not always decorous
(<i>Aus dem inneren und &auml;usseren Leben der Ehsten</i>, p.
362).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote449" name=
"footnote449"></a> <b>Footnote 449</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag449">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Kohl, <i>Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen</i>, ii.
447 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote450" name=
"footnote450"></a> <b>Footnote 450</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag450">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Georgi, <i>Beschreibung aller Nationen des russischen
Reichs</i> (St. Petersburg, 1776), p. 36; August Freiherr von
Haxthausen, <i>Studien &uuml;ber die innere Zust&auml;nde das
Volksleben und insbesondere die l&auml;ndlichen Einrichtungen
Russlands</i> (Hanover, 1847), i. 446 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote451" name=
"footnote451"></a> <b>Footnote 451</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag451">(return)</a>
<p>Alfred de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces
de France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 19.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote452" name=
"footnote452"></a> <b>Footnote 452</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag452">(return)</a>
<p>It is notable that St. John is the only saint whose birthday the
Church celebrates with honours like those which she accords to the
nativity of Christ. Compare Edmond Doutt&eacute;, <i>Magie et
Religion dans l'Afrique du Nord</i> (Algiers, 1908), p. 571 note
I.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote453" name=
"footnote453"></a> <b>Footnote 453</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag453">(return)</a>
<p>Bossuet, <i>Oeuvres</i> (Versailles, 1815-1819), vi. 276
("Cat&eacute;chisme du dioc&egrave;se de Meaux"). His description
of the superstitions is, in his own words, as follows: "<i>Danser
&agrave; l'entour du feu, jouer, faire des festins, chanter des
chansons deshonn&egrave;tes, jeter des herbes par-dessus le feu, en
cueillir avant midi ou &agrave; jeun, en porter sur soi, les
conserver le long de l'ann&eacute;e, garder des tisons ou des
charbons du feu, et autres semblables.</i>" This and other evidence
of the custom of kindling Midsummer bonfires in France is cited by
Ch. Cuissard in his tract <i>Les Feux de la Saint-Jean</i>
(Orleans, 1884).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote454" name=
"footnote454"></a> <b>Footnote 454</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag454">(return)</a>
<p>Ch. Cuissard, <i>Les Feux de la Saint-Jean</i> (Orleans, 1884),
pp. 40 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote455" name=
"footnote455"></a> <b>Footnote 455</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag455">(return)</a>
<p>A. Le Braz, <i>La L&eacute;gende de la Mort en
Basse-Bretagne</i> (Paris, 1893), p. 279. For an explanation of the
custom of throwing a pebble into the fire, see below, p. <a href=
"#page240">240</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote456" name=
"footnote456"></a> <b>Footnote 456</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag456">(return)</a>
<p>M. Quellien, quoted by Alexandre Bertrand, <i>La Religion des
Gaulois</i> (Paris, 1897), pp. 116 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote457" name=
"footnote457"></a> <b>Footnote 457</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag457">(return)</a>
<p>Collin de Plancy, <i>Dictionnaire Infernal</i> (Paris,
1825-1826), iii. 40; J.W. Wolf, <i>Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen
Mythologie</i> (G&ouml;ttingen, 1852-1857), i. p. 217, &sect; 185;
A. Breuil, "Du Culte de St. Jean Baptiste," <i>M&eacute;moires de
la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; des Antiquaires de Picardie</i>, viii.
(Amiens, 1845) pp. 189 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote458" name=
"footnote458"></a> <b>Footnote 458</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag458">(return)</a>
<p>Eugene Cortet, <i>Essai sur les F&ecirc;tes Religieuses</i>
(Paris, 1867), p. 216; Ch. Cuissard, <i>Les Feux de la
Saint-Jean</i> (Orleans, 1884), p. 24.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote459" name=
"footnote459"></a> <b>Footnote 459</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag459">(return)</a>
<p>Paul S&eacute;billot, <i>Coutumes populaires de la
Haute-Bretagne</i> (Paris, 1886), pp. 192-195. In Upper Brittany
these bonfires are called <i>rieux</i> or <i>raviers</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote460" name=
"footnote460"></a> <b>Footnote 460</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag460">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de
France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 219; E. Cortet, <i>Essai sur
les F&eacute;tes Religieuses</i>, p. 216.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote461" name=
"footnote461"></a> <b>Footnote 461</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag461">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de
France</i>, pp. 219, 228, 231; E. Cortet, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 215
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote462" name=
"footnote462"></a> <b>Footnote 462</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag462">(return)</a>
<p>J. Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du Bocage Normand</i>
(Cond&eacute;-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 219-224.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote463" name=
"footnote463"></a> <b>Footnote 463</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag463">(return)</a>
<p>This description is quoted by Madame Cl&eacute;ment (<i>Histoire
des f&ecirc;tes civites et religieuses</i>, etc., <i>de la Belgique
M&eacute;ridionale</i>, Avesnes, 1846, pp. 394-396); F. Liebrecht
(<i>Des Gervasius von Tilbury Otia Imperialia</i>, Hanover, 1856,
pp. 209 <i>sq.</i>); and W. Mannhardt (<i>Antike Wald und
Feldkulte</i>, Berlin, 1877, pp. 323 <i>sqq.</i>) from the
<i>Magazin pittoresque</i>, Paris, viii. (1840) pp. 287 <i>sqq.</i>
A slightly condensed account is given, from the same source, by E.
Cortet (<i>Essai sur les F&ecirc;tes Religieuses</i>, pp. 221
<i>sq.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote464" name=
"footnote464"></a> <b>Footnote 464</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag464">(return)</a>
<p>Bazin, quoted by Breuil, in <i>M&eacute;moires de la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; d' Antiquaires de Picardie</i>, viii. (1845)
p. 191 note.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote465" name=
"footnote465"></a> <b>Footnote 465</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag465">(return)</a>
<p>Correspondents quoted by A. Bertrand, <i>La Religion des
Gaulois</i> (Paris, 1897), pp. 118, 406.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote466" name=
"footnote466"></a> <b>Footnote 466</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag466">(return)</a>
<p>Correspondent quoted by A. Bertrand, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 407.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote467" name=
"footnote467"></a> <b>Footnote 467</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag467">(return)</a>
<p>Felix Chapiseau, <i>Le folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche</i>
(Paris, 1902), i. 318-320. In Perche the midsummer bonfires were
called <i>marolles</i>. As to the custom formerly observed at
Bullou, near Chateaudun, see a correspondent quoted by A. Bertrand,
<i>La Religion des Gaulois</i> (Paris, 1897), p. 117.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote468" name=
"footnote468"></a> <b>Footnote 468</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag468">(return)</a>
<p>Albert Meyrac, <i>Traditions, Coutumes, L&eacute;gendes, et
Contes des Ardennes</i> (Charleville, 1890), pp. 88 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote469" name=
"footnote469"></a> <b>Footnote 469</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag469">(return)</a>
<p>L.F. Sauv&eacute;, <i>Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges</i> (Paris,
1889), p. 186.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote470" name=
"footnote470"></a> <b>Footnote 470</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag470">(return)</a>
<p>D&eacute;sir&eacute; Monnier, <i>Traditions populaires
compar&eacute;es</i> (Paris, 1854), pp. 207 <i>sqq.</i>; E. Cortet,
<i>Essai sur les F&ecirc;tes Religieuses</i>, pp. 217
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote471" name=
"footnote471"></a> <b>Footnote 471</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag471">(return)</a>
<p>B&eacute;renger-F&eacute;raud, <i>R&eacute;miniscences
populaires de la Provence</i> (Paris, 1885), p. 142.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote472" name=
"footnote472"></a> <b>Footnote 472</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag472">(return)</a>
<p>Charles Beauquier, <i>Les Mois en Franche-Comt&eacute;</i>
(Paris, 1900), p. 89. The names of the bonfires vary with the
place; among them are <i>failles, bourdifailles, b&acirc;s</i> or
<i>baux, feul&egrave;res</i> or <i>foli&egrave;res</i>, and
<i>chavannes</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote473" name=
"footnote473"></a> <b>Footnote 473</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag473">(return)</a>
<p><i>La Bresse Louhannaise</i>, Juin, 1906, p. 207.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote474" name=
"footnote474"></a> <b>Footnote 474</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag474">(return)</a>
<p>Laisnel de la Salle, <i>Croyances et L&eacute;gendes du Centre
de la France</i> (Paris, 1875), i. 78 <i>sqq.</i> The writer adopts
the absurd derivation of <i>j&ocirc;n&eacute;e</i> from Janus.
Needless to say that our old friend Baal, Bel, or Belus figures
prominently in this and many other accounts of the European
fire-festivals.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote475" name=
"footnote475"></a> <b>Footnote 475</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag475">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de
France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 150.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote476" name=
"footnote476"></a> <b>Footnote 476</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag476">(return)</a>
<p>Correspondent, quoted by A. Bertrand, <i>La Religion des
Gaulois</i> (Paris, 1897), p. 408.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote477" name=
"footnote477"></a> <b>Footnote 477</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag477">(return)</a>
<p>Guerry, "Sur les usages et traditions du Poitou,"
<i>M&eacute;moires et dissertations publi&eacute;s par la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; Royale des Antiquaires de France</i>, viii.
(1829) pp. 451 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote478" name=
"footnote478"></a> <b>Footnote 478</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag478">(return)</a>
<p>Breuil, in <i>M&eacute;moires de la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; des
Antiquaires de Picardie</i>, viii. (1845) p. 206; E. Cortet,
<i>Essai sur les F&ecirc;tes Religieuses</i>, p. 216; Laisnel de la
Salle, <i>Croyances et L&eacute;gendes du Centre de la France</i>,
i. 83; J. Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du Bocage Normand</i>, ii. 225.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote479" name=
"footnote479"></a> <b>Footnote 479</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag479">(return)</a>
<p>H. Gaidoz, "Le dieu gaulois du soleil et le symbolisme de la
roue," <i>Revue Arch&eacute;ologique</i>, iii. S&eacute;rie, iv.
(1884) p. 26, note 3.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote480" name=
"footnote480"></a> <b>Footnote 480</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag480">(return)</a>
<p>L. Pineau, <i>Le Folk-lore du Poitou</i> (Paris, 1892), pp. 499
<i>sq.</i> In P&eacute;rigord the ashes of the midsummer bonfire
are searched for the hair of the Virgin (E. Cortet, <i>Essai sur
les F&ecirc;tes Religieuses</i>, p. 219).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote481" name=
"footnote481"></a> <b>Footnote 481</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag481">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de
France</i>, pp. 149 <i>sq.</i>; E. Cortet, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 218
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote482" name=
"footnote482"></a> <b>Footnote 482</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag482">(return)</a>
<p>Dupin, "Notice sur quelques f&ecirc;tes et divertissemens
populaires du d&eacute;partement des Deux-S&egrave;vres,"
<i>M&eacute;moires et Dissertations publi&eacute;s par la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; Royale des Antiquaires de France</i>, iv.
(1823) p. 110.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote483" name=
"footnote483"></a> <b>Footnote 483</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag483">(return)</a>
<p>J.L.M. Nogu&egrave;s, <i>Les moeurs d'autrefois en Saintonge et
en Aunis</i> (Saintes, 1891), pp. 72, 178 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote484" name=
"footnote484"></a> <b>Footnote 484</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag484">(return)</a>
<p>H. Gaidoz, "Le dieu soleil et le symbolisme de la roue,"
<i>Revue Arch&eacute;ologique</i>, iii. S&eacute;rie, iv. (1884) p.
30.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote485" name=
"footnote485"></a> <b>Footnote 485</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag485">(return)</a>
<p>Ch. Cuissard, <i>Les Feux de la Saint-Jean</i> (Orleans, 1884),
pp. 22 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote486" name=
"footnote486"></a> <b>Footnote 486</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag486">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de
France</i> p. 127.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote487" name=
"footnote487"></a> <b>Footnote 487</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag487">(return)</a>
<p>Aubin-Louis Millin, <i>Voyage dans les D&eacute;partemens du
Midi de la France</i> (Paris, 1807-1811), iii. 341 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote488" name=
"footnote488"></a> <b>Footnote 488</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag488">(return)</a>
<p>Aubin-Louis Millin, <i>op. cit.</i> iii. 28.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote489" name=
"footnote489"></a> <b>Footnote 489</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag489">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 19 <i>sq.</i>;
B&eacute;renger-F&eacute;raud, <i>Reminiscences populaires de la
Provence</i> (Paris, 1885), pp. 135-141. As to the custom at
Toulon, see Poncy, quoted by Breuil, <i>M&eacute;moires de la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; des Antiquaires de Picardie</i>, viii. (1845)
p. 190 note. The custom of drenching people on this occasion with
water used to prevail in Toulon, as well as in Marseilles and other
towns in the south of France. The water was squirted from syringes,
poured on the heads of passers-by from windows, and so on. See
Breuil, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 237 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote490" name=
"footnote490"></a> <b>Footnote 490</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag490">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 20 <i>sq.</i>; E. Cortet, <i>op.
cit.</i> pp. 218, 219 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote491" name=
"footnote491"></a> <b>Footnote 491</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag491">(return)</a>
<p>Le Baron de Reinsberg-D&uuml;ringsfeld, <i>Calendrier Belge</i>
(Brussels, 1861-1862), i. 416 <i>sq.</i> 439.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote492" name=
"footnote492"></a> <b>Footnote 492</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag492">(return)</a>
<p>Le Baron de Reinsberg-D&uuml;ringsfeld, <i>op. cit.</i> i.
439-442.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote493" name=
"footnote493"></a> <b>Footnote 493</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag493">(return)</a>
<p>Madame Cl&eacute;ment, <i>Histoire des f&ecirc;tes civiles et
religieuses</i>, etc., <i>du D&eacute;partement du Nord</i>
(Cambrai, 1836), p. 364; J.W. Wolf, <i>Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen
Mythologie</i> (G&ouml;ttingen, 1852-1857), ii. 392; W. Mannhardt,
<i>Der Baumkultus</i>. p. 513.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote494" name=
"footnote494"></a> <b>Footnote 494</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag494">(return)</a>
<p>E. Monseur, <i>Folklore Wallon</i> (Brussels, N.D.), p. 130,
&sect;&sect; 1783, 1786, 1787.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote495" name=
"footnote495"></a> <b>Footnote 495</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag495">(return)</a>
<p>Joseph Strutt, <i>The Sports and Pastimes of the People of
England</i>, New Edition, by W. Hone (London, 1834), p. 359.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote496" name=
"footnote496"></a> <b>Footnote 496</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag496">(return)</a>
<p>John Stow, <i>A Survay of London</i>, edited by Henry Morley
(London, N.D.), pp. 126 <i>sq.</i> Stow's <i>Survay</i> was written
in 1598.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote497" name=
"footnote497"></a> <b>Footnote 497</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag497">(return)</a>
<p>John Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 338; T.F. Thiselton Dyer, <i>British Popular
Customs</i> (London, 1876), p. 331. Both writers refer to <i>Status
Scholae Etonensis</i> (A.D. 1560).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote498" name=
"footnote498"></a> <b>Footnote 498</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag498">(return)</a>
<p>John Aubrey, <i>Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme</i> (London,
1881), p. 26.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote499" name=
"footnote499"></a> <b>Footnote 499</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag499">(return)</a>
<p>J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 300 <i>sq.</i>, 318, compare pp. 305, 306, 308
<i>sq.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus</i>, p. 512. Compare W.
Hutchinson, <i>View of Northumberland</i>, vol. ii. (Newcastle,
1778), Appendix, p. (15), under the head "Midsummer":&mdash;"It is
usual to raise fires on the tops of high hills and in the villages,
and sport and danse around them; this is of very remote antiquity,
and the first cause lost in the distance of time."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote500" name=
"footnote500"></a> <b>Footnote 500</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag500">(return)</a>
<p>Dr. Lyttelton, Bishop of Carlisle, quoted by William Borlase,
<i>Antiquities, Historical and Monumental, of the County of
Cornwall</i> (London, 1769), p. 135 note.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote501" name=
"footnote501"></a> <b>Footnote 501</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag501">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. iv. <i>Northumberland</i>,
collected by M.C. Balfour (London, 1904), p. 76, quoting E.
Mackenzie, <i>An Historical, Topographical, and Descriptive View of
the County of Northumberland</i>, Second Edition (Newcastle, 1825),
i. 217.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote502" name=
"footnote502"></a> <b>Footnote 502</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag502">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. iv. <i>Northumberland</i>,
collected by M.C. Balfour, p. 75.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote503" name=
"footnote503"></a> <b>Footnote 503</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag503">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. iv. <i>Northumberland</i>,
collected by M.C. Balfour, p. 75.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote504" name=
"footnote504"></a> <b>Footnote 504</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag504">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Denham Tracts</i>, edited by J. Hardy (London,
1892-1895), ii. 342 <i>sq.</i>, quoting <i>Arch&aelig;logia
Aeliana</i>, N.S., vii. 73, and the <i>Proceedings</i> of the
Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, vi. 242 <i>sq.</i>; <i>County
Folk-lore</i>, vol. iv. <i>Northumberland</i>, collected by M.C.
Balfour (London, 1904), pp. 75 <i>sq.</i> Whalton is a village of
Northumberland, not far from Morpeth.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote505" name=
"footnote505"></a> <b>Footnote 505</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag505">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. vi. <i>East Riding of
Yorkshire</i>, collected and edited by Mrs. Gutch (London, 1912),
p. 102.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote506" name=
"footnote506"></a> <b>Footnote 506</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag506">(return)</a>
<p>John Aubrey, <i>Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme</i> (London,
1881), p. 96, compare <i>id.</i>, p. 26.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote507" name=
"footnote507"></a> <b>Footnote 507</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag507">(return)</a>
<p>J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 311.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote508" name=
"footnote508"></a> <b>Footnote 508</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag508">(return)</a>
<p>William Borlase, LL.D., <i>Antiquities, Historical and
Monumental, of the County of Cornwall</i> (London, 1769), pp. 135
<i>sq.</i> The Eve of St. Peter is June 28th. Bonfires have been
lit elsewhere on the Eve or the day of St. Peter. See above, pp.
<a href="#page194">194</a> <i>sq.</i> <a href="#page196">196</a>
<i>sq.</i>, and below, pp. <a href="#page199">199</a> <i>sq.</i>,
<a href="#page202">202</a>, <a href="#page207">207</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote509" name=
"footnote509"></a> <b>Footnote 509</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag509">(return)</a>
<p>J. Brand, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 318, 319; T.F. Thiselton Dyer,
<i>British Popular Customs</i> (London, 1876), p. 315.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote510" name=
"footnote510"></a> <b>Footnote 510</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag510">(return)</a>
<p>William Bottrell, <i>Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West
Cornwall</i> (Penzance, 1870), pp. 8 <i>sq.</i>, 55 <i>sq.</i>;
James Napier, <i>Folk-lore, or Superstitious Beliefs in the West of
Scotland</i> (Paisley, 1879), p. 173.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote511" name=
"footnote511"></a> <b>Footnote 511</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag511">(return)</a>
<p>Richard Edmonds, <i>The Land's End District</i> (London, 1862),
pp. 66 <i>sq.</i>; Robert Hunt, <i>Popular Romances of the West of
England</i>, Third Edition (London, 1881), pp. 207 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote512" name=
"footnote512"></a> <b>Footnote 512</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag512">(return)</a>
<p>Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>
(London, 1909), pp. 27 <i>sq.</i> Compare Jonathan Ceredig Davies,
<i>Folk-lore of West and Mid-Wales</i> (Aberystwyth, 1911), p.
76.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote513" name=
"footnote513"></a> <b>Footnote 513</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag513">(return)</a>
<p>J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 318.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote514" name=
"footnote514"></a> <b>Footnote 514</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag514">(return)</a>
<p>Joseph Train, <i>Account of the Isle of Man</i> (Douglas, Isle
of Man, 1845), ii. 120.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote515" name=
"footnote515"></a> <b>Footnote 515</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag515">(return)</a>
<p>Sir Henry Piers, <i>Description of the County of Westmeath</i>,
written in 1682, published by (General) Charles Vallancey,
<i>Collectanea de Rebus Hibernieis</i>, i. (Dublin, 1786) pp. 123
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote516" name=
"footnote516"></a> <b>Footnote 516</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag516">(return)</a>
<p>J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 303, quoting the author of the <i>Survey of the
South of Ireland</i>, p. 232.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote517" name=
"footnote517"></a> <b>Footnote 517</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag517">(return)</a>
<p>J. Brand, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 305, quoting the author of the
<i>Comical Pilgrim's Pilgrimage into Ireland</i> (1723), p. 92.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote518" name=
"footnote518"></a> <b>Footnote 518</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag518">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Gentleman's Magazine</i>, vol. lxv. (London, 1795) pp.
124 <i>sq.</i> The writer dates the festival on June 21st, which is
probably a mistake.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote519" name=
"footnote519"></a> <b>Footnote 519</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag519">(return)</a>
<p>T.F. Thiselton Dyer, <i>British Popular Customs</i> (London,
1876), pp. 321 <i>sq.</i>, quoting the <i>Liverpool Mercury</i> of
June 29th, 1867.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote520" name=
"footnote520"></a> <b>Footnote 520</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag520">(return)</a>
<p>L.L. Duncan, "Further Notes from County Leitrim,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, v. (1894) p. 193.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote521" name=
"footnote521"></a> <b>Footnote 521</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag521">(return)</a>
<p>A.C. Haddon, "A Batch of Irish Folk-lore," <i>Folk-lore</i>, iv.
(1893) pp. 351, 359.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote522" name=
"footnote522"></a> <b>Footnote 522</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag522">(return)</a>
<p>G.H. Kinahan, "Notes on Irish Folk-lore," <i>Folk-lore
Record</i>, iv. (1881) p. 97.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote523" name=
"footnote523"></a> <b>Footnote 523</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag523">(return)</a>
<p>Charlotte Elizabeth, <i>Personal Recollections</i>, quoted by
Rev. Alexander Hislop, <i>The Two Babylons</i> (Edinburgh, 1853),
p. 53.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote524" name=
"footnote524"></a> <b>Footnote 524</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag524">(return)</a>
<p>Lady Wilde, <i>Ancient Legends, Mystic Charms, and Superstitions
of Ireland</i> (London, 1887), i. 214 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote525" name=
"footnote525"></a> <b>Footnote 525</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag525">(return)</a>
<p>T.F. Thiselton Dyer, <i>British Popular Customs</i> (London,
1876), pp. 322 <i>sq.</i>, quoting the <i>Hibernian Magazine</i>,
July 1817. As to the worship of wells in ancient Ireland, see P.W.
Joyce, <i>A Social History of Ancient Ireland</i> (London, 1903),
i. 288 <i>sq.</i>, 366 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote526" name=
"footnote526"></a> <b>Footnote 526</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag526">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. A. Johnstone, describing the parish of Monquhitter in
Perthshire, in Sir John Sinclair's <i>Statistical Account of
Scotland</i> (Edinburgh, 1791-1799), xxi. 145. Mr. W. Warde Fowler
writes that in Scotland "before the bonfires were kindled on
midsummer eve, the houses were decorated with foliage brought from
the woods" (<i>Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic</i>,
London, 1899, pp. 80 <i>sq.</i>). For his authority he refers to
<i>Chambers' Journal</i>, July, 1842.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote527" name=
"footnote527"></a> <b>Footnote 527</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag527">(return)</a>
<p>John Ramsay, of Ochtertyre, <i>Scotland and Scotsmen in the
Eighteenth Century</i>, edited by A. Allardyce (Edinburgh, 1888),
ii. 436.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote528" name=
"footnote528"></a> <b>Footnote 528</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag528">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Mr. Shaw, Minister of Elgin, in Pennant's "Tour in
Scotland," printed in John Pinkerton's <i>Voyages and Travels</i>
(London, 1808-1814), iii. 136.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote529" name=
"footnote529"></a> <b>Footnote 529</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag529">(return)</a>
<p>A. Macdonald, "Midsummer Bonfires," <i>Folk-lore</i>, xv. (1904)
pp. 105 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote530" name=
"footnote530"></a> <b>Footnote 530</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag530">(return)</a>
<p>From notes kindly furnished to me by the Rev. J.C. Higgins,
parish minister of Tarbolton. Mr. Higgins adds that he knows of no
superstition connected with the fire, and no tradition of its
origin. I visited the scene of the bonfire in 1898, but, as
Pausanias says (viii. 41. 6) in similar circumstances, "I did not
happen to arrive at the season of the festival." Indeed the snow
was falling thick as I trudged to the village through the beautiful
woods of "the Castle o' Montgomery" immortalized by Burns. From a
notice in <i>The Scotsman</i> of 26th June, 1906 (p. 8) it appears
that the old custom was observed as usual that year.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote531" name=
"footnote531"></a> <b>Footnote 531</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag531">(return)</a>
<p>Thomas Moresinus, <i>Papatus seu Depravatae Religionis Origo et
Incrementum</i> (Edinburgh, 1594), p. 56.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote532" name=
"footnote532"></a> <b>Footnote 532</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag532">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Dr. George Lawrie, in Sir John Sinclair's <i>Statistical
Account of Scotland</i>, iii. (Edinburgh, 1792) p. 105.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote533" name=
"footnote533"></a> <b>Footnote 533</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag533">(return)</a>
<p>Letter from Dr. Otero Acevado of Madrid, published in <i>Le
Temps</i>, September 1898. An extract from the newspaper was sent
me, but without mention of the day of the month when it appeared.
The fires on St. John's Eve in Spain are mentioned also by J.
Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i>, i. 317. Jacob
Grimm inferred the custom from a passage in a romance (<i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 518). The custom of washing or
bathing on the morning of St. John's Day is mentioned by the
Spanish historian Diego Duran, <i>Historia de las Indias de Nueva
Espa&ntilde;a</i>, edited by J.F. Ramirez (Mexico, 1867-1880), vol.
ii. p. 293. To roll in the dew on the morning of St. John's Day is
a cure for diseases of the skin in Normandy, P&eacute;rigord, and
the Abruzzi, as well as in Spain. See J. Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du
Bocage Normand</i>, ii. 8; A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et
Traditions des Provinces de France</i>, p. 150; Gennaro Finamore,
<i>Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi</i> (Palermo, 1890), p.
157.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote534" name=
"footnote534"></a> <b>Footnote 534</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag534">(return)</a>
<p>M. Longworth Dames and Mrs. E. Seemann, "Folklore of the
Azores," <i>Folk-lore</i>, xiv. (1903) pp. 142 <i>sq.</i>;
Theophilo Braga, <i>O Povo Portuguez nos seus Costumes,
Cren&ccedil;as e Tradi&ccedil;oes</i> (Lisbon, 1885), ii. 304
<i>sq.</i>, 307 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote535" name=
"footnote535"></a> <b>Footnote 535</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag535">(return)</a>
<p>See below, pp. <a href="#page234">234</a> <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote536" name=
"footnote536"></a> <b>Footnote 536</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag536">(return)</a>
<p>Angelo de Gubernatis, <i>Mythologie des Plantes</i> (Paris,
1878-1882), i. 185 note 1.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote537" name=
"footnote537"></a> <b>Footnote 537</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag537">(return)</a>
<p><i>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</i>, Second Edition, pp. 202
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote538" name=
"footnote538"></a> <b>Footnote 538</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag538">(return)</a>
<p>G. Finamore, <i>Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi</i> (Palermo,
1890), pp. 154 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote539" name=
"footnote539"></a> <b>Footnote 539</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag539">(return)</a>
<p>G. Finamore, <i>Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi</i>, pp.
158-160. We may compare the Proven&ccedil;al and Spanish customs of
bathing and splashing water at Midsummer. See above, pp. <a href=
"#page193">193</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page208">208</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote540" name=
"footnote540"></a> <b>Footnote 540</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag540">(return)</a>
<p>Giuseppe Pitr&egrave;, <i>Spettacoli e Feste Popolari
Siciliane</i> (Palermo, 1881), pp. 246, 308 <i>sq.</i>; <i>id., Usi
e Costumi, Credenze e Pregiudizi del Popolo Siciliano</i> (Palermo,
1889), pp. 146 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote541" name=
"footnote541"></a> <b>Footnote 541</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag541">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 518.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote542" name=
"footnote542"></a> <b>Footnote 542</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag542">(return)</a>
<p>V. Busuttil, <i>Holiday Customs in Malta, and Sports, Usages,
Ceremonies, Omens, and Superstitions of the Maltese People</i>
(Malta, 1894), pp. 56 <i>sqq.</i> The extract was kindly sent to me
by Mr. H.W. Underwood (letter dated 14th November, 1902, Birbeck
Bank Chambers, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane, W.C.). See
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xiv. (1903) pp. 77 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote543" name=
"footnote543"></a> <b>Footnote 543</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag543">(return)</a>
<p>W. R. Paton, in <i>Folk-lore</i>, ii. (1891) p. 128. The custom
was reported to me when I was in Greece in 1890 (<i>Folk-lore</i>,
i. (1890) p. 520).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote544" name=
"footnote544"></a> <b>Footnote 544</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag544">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 519.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote545" name=
"footnote545"></a> <b>Footnote 545</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag545">(return)</a>
<p>G. Georgeakis et L. Pineau, <i>Le Folk-lore de Lesbos</i>
(Paris, 1894), pp. 308 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote546" name=
"footnote546"></a> <b>Footnote 546</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag546">(return)</a>
<p>W.R. Paton, in <i>Folk-lore</i>, vi. (1895) p. 94. From the
stones cast into the fire omens may perhaps be drawn, as in
Scotland, Wales, and probably Brittany. See above, p. <a href=
"#page183">183</a>, and below, pp. <a href="#page230">230</a>
<i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page239">239</a>, <a href=
"#page240">240</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote547" name=
"footnote547"></a> <b>Footnote 547</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag547">(return)</a>
<p>W.H.D. Rouse, "Folklore from the Southern Sporades,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, x. (1899) p. 179.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote548" name=
"footnote548"></a> <b>Footnote 548</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag548">(return)</a>
<p>Lucy M.J. Garnett, <i>The Women of Turkey and their Folk-lore,
the Christian Women</i> (London, 1890), p. 122; G.F. Abbott,
<i>Macedonian Folklore</i> (Cambridge, 1903), p. 57.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote549" name=
"footnote549"></a> <b>Footnote 549</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag549">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. von Hahn, <i>Albanesische Studien</i> (Jena, 1854), i.
156.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote550" name=
"footnote550"></a> <b>Footnote 550</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag550">(return)</a>
<p>K. von den Steinen, <i>Unter den Natur-V&ouml;lkern
Zentral-Brasiliens</i> (Berlin, 1894), p. 561.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote551" name=
"footnote551"></a> <b>Footnote 551</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag551">(return)</a>
<p>Alcide d'Orbigny, <i>Voyage dans l'Am&eacute;rique
M&eacute;ridionale</i>, ii. (Paris and Strasbourg, 1839-1843), p.
420; D. Forbes, "On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,"
<i>Journal of the Ethnological Society of London</i>, ii. (1870) p.
235.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote552" name=
"footnote552"></a> <b>Footnote 552</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag552">(return)</a>
<p>Edmond Doutt&eacute;, <i>Magie et Religion dans l'Afrique du
Nord</i> (Algiers, 1908), pp. 566 <i>sq</i>. For an older but
briefer notice of the Midsummer fires in North Africa, see Giuseppe
Ferraro, <i>Superstizioni, Usi e Proverbi Monferrini</i> (Palermo,
1886), pp. 34 <i>sq.</i>: "Also in Algeria, among the Mussalmans,
and in Morocco, as Alvise da Cadamosto reports in his <i>Relazione
dei viaggi d'Africa</i>, which may be read in Ramusio, people used
to hold great festivities on St. John's Night; they kindled
everywhere huge fires of straw (the <i>Palilia</i> of the Romans),
in which they threw incense and perfumes the whole night long in
order to invoke the divine blessing on the fruit-trees." See also
Budgett Meakin, <i>The Moors</i> (London, 1902), p. 394: "The
Berber festivals are mainly those of Islam, though a few traces of
their predecessors are observable. Of these the most noteworthy is
Midsummer or St. John's Day, still celebrated in a special manner,
and styled <i>El Ansarah</i>. In the R&icirc;f it is celebrated by
the lighting of bonfires only, but in other parts there is a
special dish prepared of wheat, raisins, etc., resembling the
frumenty consumed at the New Year. It is worthy of remark that the
Old Style Gregorian calendar is maintained among them, with
corruptions of Latin names."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote553" name=
"footnote553"></a> <b>Footnote 553</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag553">(return)</a>
<p>Edward Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folklore</i>, xvi. (1905) pp. 28-30; <i>id., Ceremonies and
Beliefs connected with Agriculture, Certain Dates of the Solar
Year, and the Weather</i> (Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 79-83.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote554" name=
"footnote554"></a> <b>Footnote 554</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag554">(return)</a>
<p>E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905) pp. 30 <i>sq.</i>; <i>id., Ceremonies
and Beliefs connected with Agriculture</i>, etc., pp. 83
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote555" name=
"footnote555"></a> <b>Footnote 555</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag555">(return)</a>
<p>Edmond Doutt&eacute;, <i>Magie et Religion dans l'Afrique du
Nord</i> (Algiers, 1908), pp. 567 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote556" name=
"footnote556"></a> <b>Footnote 556</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag556">(return)</a>
<p>E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905) pp. 31 <i>sq.</i>; <i>id., Ceremonies
and Beliefs connected with Agriculture</i>, etc., pp. 84-86.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote557" name=
"footnote557"></a> <b>Footnote 557</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag557">(return)</a>
<p>See K. Vollers, in Dr. James Hastings's <i>Encyclopaedia of
Religion and Ethics</i> iii. (Edinburgh, 1910) <i>s.v.</i>
"Calendar (Muslim)," pp. 126 <i>sq.</i> However, L. Ideler held
that even before the time of Mohammed the Arab year was lunar and
vague, and that intercalation was only employed in order to fix the
pilgrimage month in autumn, which, on account of the milder weather
and the abundance of food, is the best time for pilgrims to go to
Mecca. See L. Ideler, <i>Handbuch der mathematischen und techischen
Chronologie</i> (Berlin, 1825-1826), ii. 495 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote558" name=
"footnote558"></a> <b>Footnote 558</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag558">(return)</a>
<p>E. Doutt&eacute;, <i>Magie et Religion dans l'Afrique du
Nord</i>, pp. 496, 509, 532, 543, 569. It is somewhat remarkable
that the tenth, not the first, day of the first month should be
reckoned New Year's Day.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote559" name=
"footnote559"></a> <b>Footnote 559</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag559">(return)</a>
<p>E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905) pp. 40-42.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote560" name=
"footnote560"></a> <b>Footnote 560</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag560">(return)</a>
<p>E. Doutt&eacute;, <i>Magie et Religion dans l'Afrique du
Nord</i> (Algiers, 1908), pp. 541 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote561" name=
"footnote561"></a> <b>Footnote 561</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag561">(return)</a>
<p>E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905) p. 42; <i>id., Ceremonies and Beliefs
connected with Agriculture, Certain Dates of the Solar Year, and
the Weather in Morocco</i> (Helsingfors, 1913), p. 101.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote562" name=
"footnote562"></a> <b>Footnote 562</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag562">(return)</a>
<p>E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905), pp. 42 <i>sq.</i>, 46 <i>sq.; id.,
Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture</i>, etc., <i>in
Morocco</i>, pp. 99 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote563" name=
"footnote563"></a> <b>Footnote 563</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag563">(return)</a>
<p>G. F. Abbott, <i>Macedonian Folklore</i> (Cambridge, 1903), pp.
60 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote564" name=
"footnote564"></a> <b>Footnote 564</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag564">(return)</a>
<p>"Narrative of the Adventures of four Russian Sailors, who were
cast in a storm upon the uncultivated island of East Spitzbergen,"
translated from the German of P.L. Le Roy, in John Pinkerton's
<i>Voyages and Travels</i> (London, 1808-1814), i. 603. This
passage is quoted from the original by (Sir) Edward B. Tylor,
<i>Researches into the Early History of Mankind</i>, Third Edition
(London, 1878), pp. 259 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote565" name=
"footnote565"></a> <b>Footnote 565</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag565">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>The Scapegoat</i>, pp. 166 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote566" name=
"footnote566"></a> <b>Footnote 566</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag566">(return)</a>
<p>E.K. Chambers, <i>The Mediaeval Stage</i> (Oxford, 1903), i. 110
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote567" name=
"footnote567"></a> <b>Footnote 567</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag567">(return)</a>
<p>In Eastern Europe to this day the great season for driving out
the cattle to pasture for the first time in spring is St. George's
Day, the twenty-third of April, which is not far removed from May
Day. See <i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 324
<i>sqq.</i> As to the bisection of the Celtic year, see the old
authority quoted by P.W. Joyce, <i>The Social History of Ancient
Ireland</i> (London, 1903), ii. 390: "The whole year was
[originally] divided into two parts&mdash;Summer from 1st May to
1st November, and Winter from 1st November to 1st May." On this
subject compare (Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i> (London
and Edinburgh, 1888), pp. 460, 514 <i>sqq.; id., Celtic Folk-lore,
Welsh and Manx</i> (Oxford, 1901), i. 315 <i>sqq.</i>; J.A.
MacCulloch, in Dr. James Hastings's <i>Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics</i>, iii. (Edinburgh, 1910) p. 80.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote568" name=
"footnote568"></a> <b>Footnote 568</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag568">(return)</a>
<p>See below, p. <a href="#page225">225</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote569" name=
"footnote569"></a> <b>Footnote 569</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag569">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page146">146</a> <i>sqq.</i>; <i>The Magic
Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 59 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote570" name=
"footnote570"></a> <b>Footnote 570</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag570">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Folk-lore, Manx and Welsh</i>
(Oxford, 1901), i. 316, 317 <i>sq.</i>; J.A. MacCulloch, in Dr.
James Hastings's <i>Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics</i>, iii.
(Edinburgh, 1910) <i>s.v.</i> "Calendar," p. 80, referring to
Kelly, <i>English and Manx Dictionary</i> (Douglas, 1866),
<i>s.v.</i> "Blein." Hogmanay is the popular Scotch name for the
last day of the year. See Dr. J. Jamieson, <i>Etymological
Dictionary of the Scottish Language</i>, New Edition (Paisley,
1879-1882), ii. 602 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote571" name=
"footnote571"></a> <b>Footnote 571</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag571">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Folk-lore, Welsh and Manx</i>, i. 316
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote572" name=
"footnote572"></a> <b>Footnote 572</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag572">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page139">139</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote573" name=
"footnote573"></a> <b>Footnote 573</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag573">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</i>, Second Edition, pp. 309-318.
As I have there pointed out, the Catholic Church succeeded in
altering the date of the festival by one day, but not in changing
the character of the festival. All Souls' Day is now the second
instead of the first of November. But we can hardly doubt that the
Saints, who have taken possession of the first of November, wrested
it from the Souls of the Dead, the original proprietors. After all,
the Saints are only one particular class of the Souls of the Dead;
so that the change which the Church effected, no doubt for the
purpose of disguising the heathen character of the festival, is
less great than appears at first sight.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote574" name=
"footnote574"></a> <b>Footnote 574</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag574">(return)</a>
<p>In Wales "it was firmly believed in former times that on All
Hallows' Eve the spirit of a departed person was to be seen at
midnight on every cross-road and on every stile" (Marie Trevelyan,
<i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>, London, 1909, p.
254).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote575" name=
"footnote575"></a> <b>Footnote 575</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag575">(return)</a>
<p>E. J. Guthrie, <i>Old Scottish Customs</i> (London and Glasgow,
1885), p. 68.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote576" name=
"footnote576"></a> <b>Footnote 576</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag576">(return)</a>
<p>A. Goodrich-Freer, "More Folklore from the Hebrides,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xiii. (1902) p. 53.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote577" name=
"footnote577"></a> <b>Footnote 577</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag577">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) Jolin Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i> (London and
Edinburgh, 1888), p. 516.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote578" name=
"footnote578"></a> <b>Footnote 578</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag578">(return)</a>
<p>P.W. Joyce, <i>A Social History of Ancient Ireland</i> (London,
1903), i. 264 <i>sq.</i>, ii. 556.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote579" name=
"footnote579"></a> <b>Footnote 579</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag579">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i>, p. 516.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote580" name=
"footnote580"></a> <b>Footnote 580</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag580">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. John Gregorson Campbell, <i>Superstitions of the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 61 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote581" name=
"footnote581"></a> <b>Footnote 581</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag581">(return)</a>
<p>Ch. Rogers, <i>Social Life in Scotland</i> (Edinburgh,
1884-1886), iii. 258-260.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote582" name=
"footnote582"></a> <b>Footnote 582</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag582">(return)</a>
<p>Douglas Hyde, <i>Beside the Fire, a Collection of Irish Gaelic
Folk Stories</i> (London, 1890), pp. 104, 105, 121-128.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote583" name=
"footnote583"></a> <b>Footnote 583</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag583">(return)</a>
<p>P.W. Joyce, <i>Social History of Ancient Ireland</i>, i.
229.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote584" name=
"footnote584"></a> <b>Footnote 584</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag584">(return)</a>
<p>Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>
(London, 1909), p. 254.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote585" name=
"footnote585"></a> <b>Footnote 585</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag585">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i>, pp. 514 <i>sq.</i> In
order to see the apparitions all you had to do was to run thrice
round the parish church and then peep through the key-hole of the
door. See Marie Trevelyan, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 254; J. C. Davies,
<i>Folk-lore of West and Mid-Wales</i> (Aberystwyth, 1911), p.
77.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote586" name=
"footnote586"></a> <b>Footnote 586</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag586">(return)</a>
<p>Miss E. J. Guthrie, <i>Old Scottish Customs</i> (London and
Glasgow, 1885), p. 75.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote587" name=
"footnote587"></a> <b>Footnote 587</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag587">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. John Gregorson Campbell, <i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in
the Highlands and Islands of Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902), p.
282.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote588" name=
"footnote588"></a> <b>Footnote 588</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag588">(return)</a>
<p>Thomas Pennant, "Tour in Scotland, and Voyage to the Hebrides in
1772," in John Pinkerton's <i>Voyages and Travels</i>, iii.
(London, 1809) pp. 383 <i>sq.</i> In quoting the passage I have
corrected what seem to be two misprints.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote589" name=
"footnote589"></a> <b>Footnote 589</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag589">(return)</a>
<p>John Ramsay, of Ochtertyre, <i>Scotland and Scotsmen in the
Eighteenth Century</i>, edited by Alexander Allardyce (Edinburgh
and London, 1888), ii. 437 <i>sq.</i> This account was written in
the eighteenth century.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote590" name=
"footnote590"></a> <b>Footnote 590</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag590">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. James Robertson, Parish minister of Callander, in Sir John
Sinclair's <i>Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, xi. (Edinburgh,
1794), pp. 621 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote591" name=
"footnote591"></a> <b>Footnote 591</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag591">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Dr. Thomas Bisset, in Sir John Sinclair's <i>Statistical
Account of Scotland</i> v. (Edinburgh, 1793) pp. 84 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote592" name=
"footnote592"></a> <b>Footnote 592</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag592">(return)</a>
<p>Miss E. J. Guthrie, <i>Old Scottish Customs</i> (London and
Glasgow, 1885), p. 67.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote593" name=
"footnote593"></a> <b>Footnote 593</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag593">(return)</a>
<p>James Napier, <i>Folk Lore, or Superstitious Beliefs in the West
of Scotland within this Century</i> (Paisley, 1879), p. 179.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote594" name=
"footnote594"></a> <b>Footnote 594</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag594">(return)</a>
<p>J. G. Frazer, "Folk-lore at Balquhidder," <i>The Folk-lore
Journal</i>, vi. (1888) p. 270.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote595" name=
"footnote595"></a> <b>Footnote 595</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag595">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East
of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), pp. 167 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote596" name=
"footnote596"></a> <b>Footnote 596</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag596">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. A. Johnstone, as to the parish of Monquhitter, in Sir John
Sinclair's <i>Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, xxi. (Edinburgh,
1799) pp. 145 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote597" name=
"footnote597"></a> <b>Footnote 597</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag597">(return)</a>
<p>A. Macdonald, "Some former Customs of the Royal Parish of
Crathie, Scotland," <i>Folk-lore</i>, xviii. (1907) p. 85. The
writer adds: "In this way the 'faulds' were purged of evil
spirits." But it does not appear whether this expresses the belief
of the people or only the interpretation of the writer.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote598" name=
"footnote598"></a> <b>Footnote 598</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag598">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. John Gregorson Campbell, <i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in
the Highlands and Islands of Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 282
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote599" name=
"footnote599"></a> <b>Footnote 599</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag599">(return)</a>
<p>Robert Burns, <i>Hallowe'en</i>, with the poet's note; Rev.
Walter Gregor, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 84; Miss E.J. Guthrie, <i>op.
cit.</i> p. 69; Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 287.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote600" name=
"footnote600"></a> <b>Footnote 600</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag600">(return)</a>
<p>R. Burns, <i>l.c.</i>; Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>l.c.</i>; Miss
E.J. Guthrie, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 70 <i>sq.</i>; Rev. J.G.
Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 286.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote601" name=
"footnote601"></a> <b>Footnote 601</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag601">(return)</a>
<p>R. Burns, <i>l.c.</i>.; Rev. W. Gregor, <i>l.c.</i>; Miss E.J.
Guthrie, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 73; Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i>
p. 285; A. Goodrich-Freer, "More Folklore from the Hebrides,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xiii. (1902) pp. 54 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote602" name=
"footnote602"></a> <b>Footnote 602</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag602">(return)</a>
<p>R. Burns, <i>l.c.</i>; Rev. W. Gregor, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 85;
Miss E.J. Guthrie, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 71; Rev. J.G. Campbell,
<i>op. cit.</i> p. 285. According to the last of these writers, the
winnowing had to be done in the devil's name.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote603" name=
"footnote603"></a> <b>Footnote 603</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag603">(return)</a>
<p>R. Burns, <i>l.c.</i>; Rev. W. Gregor, <i>l.c.</i>; Miss E.J.
Guthrie, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 72; Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i>
p. 286; A. Goodrich-Freer, "More Folklore from the Hebrides,"
<i>Folklore</i>, xiii. (1902) p. 54.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote604" name=
"footnote604"></a> <b>Footnote 604</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag604">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 283.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote605" name=
"footnote605"></a> <b>Footnote 605</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag605">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 283 <i>sq.</i>; A.
Goodrich-Freer, <i>l.c.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote606" name=
"footnote606"></a> <b>Footnote 606</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag606">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 284.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote607" name=
"footnote607"></a> <b>Footnote 607</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag607">(return)</a>
<p>R. Burns, <i>l.c.</i>; Rev. W. Gregor, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 85;
Miss E.J. Guthrie, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 70; Rev. J.G. Campbell,
<i>op. cit.</i> p. 284. Where nuts were not to be had, peas were
substituted.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote608" name=
"footnote608"></a> <b>Footnote 608</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag608">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 284.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote609" name=
"footnote609"></a> <b>Footnote 609</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag609">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>l.c.</i> According to my recollection of
Hallowe'en customs observed in my boyhood at Helensburgh, in
Dumbartonshire, another way was to stir the floating apples and
then drop a fork on them as they bobbed about in the water. Success
consisted in pinning one of the apples with the fork.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote610" name=
"footnote610"></a> <b>Footnote 610</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag610">(return)</a>
<p>R. Burns, <i>l.c.</i>; Rev. W. Gregor, <i>op. cit</i>. pp. 85
<i>sq</i>.; Miss E.J. Guthrie, <i>op. cit</i>. pp. 72 <i>sq</i>.;
Rev. J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit</i>. p. 287.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote611" name=
"footnote611"></a> <b>Footnote 611</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag611">(return)</a>
<p>R. Burns, <i>l.c.</i>; Rev. W. Gregor, <i>op. cit</i>. p. 85;
Miss E.J. Guthrie, <i>op. cit</i>. pp. 69 <i>sq</i>.; Rev. J.G.
Campbell, <i>op. cit</i>. p. 285. It is the last of these writers
who gives what may be called the Trinitarian form of the
divination.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote612" name=
"footnote612"></a> <b>Footnote 612</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag612">(return)</a>
<p>Miss E.J. Guthrie, <i>Old Scottish Customs</i> (London and
Glasgow, 1885), pp. 74 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote613" name=
"footnote613"></a> <b>Footnote 613</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag613">(return)</a>
<p>A. Goodrich-Freer, "More Folklore from the Hebrides,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xiii. (1902) p. 55.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote614" name=
"footnote614"></a> <b>Footnote 614</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag614">(return)</a>
<p>Pennant's manuscript, quoted by J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities
of Great Britain</i> (London, 1882-1883), i. 389 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote615" name=
"footnote615"></a> <b>Footnote 615</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag615">(return)</a>
<p>Sir Richard Colt Hoare, <i>The Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin
through Wales A.D. MCLXXXVIII. by Giraldus de Barri</i> (London,
1806), ii. 315; J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities</i>, i. 390. The
passage quoted in the text occurs in one of Hoare's notes on the
Itinerary. The dipping for apples, burning of nuts, and so forth,
are mentioned also by Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and
Folk-stories of Wales</i> (London, 1909), pp. 253, 255.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote616" name=
"footnote616"></a> <b>Footnote 616</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag616">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i> (London and Edinburgh,
1888), pp. 515 <i>sq.</i> As to the Hallowe'en bonfires in Wales
compare J.C. Davies, <i>Folk-lore of West and Mid-Wales</i>
(Aberystwyth, 1911), p. 77.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote617" name=
"footnote617"></a> <b>Footnote 617</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag617">(return)</a>
<p>See above, p. <a href="#page183">183</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote618" name=
"footnote618"></a> <b>Footnote 618</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag618">(return)</a>
<p>See above, p. <a href="#page231">231</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote619" name=
"footnote619"></a> <b>Footnote 619</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag619">(return)</a>
<p>Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>
(London, 1909), pp. 254 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote620" name=
"footnote620"></a> <b>Footnote 620</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag620">(return)</a>
<p>(General) Charles Vallancey, <i>Collectanea de Rebus
Hibernicis</i>, iii. (Dublin, 1786), pp. 459-461.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote621" name=
"footnote621"></a> <b>Footnote 621</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag621">(return)</a>
<p>Miss A. Watson, quoted by A.C. Haddon, "A Batch of Irish
Folk-lore," <i>Folk-lore</i>, iv. (1893) pp. 361 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote622" name=
"footnote622"></a> <b>Footnote 622</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag622">(return)</a>
<p>Leland L. Duncan, "Further Notes from County Leitrim,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, v. (1894) pp. 195-197.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote623" name=
"footnote623"></a> <b>Footnote 623</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag623">(return)</a>
<p>H.J. Byrne, "All Hallows Eve and other Festivals in Connaught,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xviii. (1907) pp. 437 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote624" name=
"footnote624"></a> <b>Footnote 624</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag624">(return)</a>
<p>Joseph Train, <i>Historical and Statistical Account of the Isle
of Man</i> (Douglas, Isle of Man, 1845), ii. 123; (Sir) John Rhys,
<i>Celtic Folk-lore, Welsh and Manx</i> (Oxford, 1901), i. 315
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote625" name=
"footnote625"></a> <b>Footnote 625</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag625">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, <i>Celtic Folk-lore, Welsh and Manx</i>
(Oxford, 1901), i. 318-321.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote626" name=
"footnote626"></a> <b>Footnote 626</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag626">(return)</a>
<p>John Harland and T.T. Wilkinson, <i>Lancashire Folk-lore</i>
(Manchester and London, 1882), pp. 3 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote627" name=
"footnote627"></a> <b>Footnote 627</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag627">(return)</a>
<p>J. Harland and T.T. Wilkinson, <i>op. cit</i>. p. 140.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote628" name=
"footnote628"></a> <b>Footnote 628</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag628">(return)</a>
<p>Annie Milner, in William Hone's <i>Year Book</i> (London,
preface dated January, 1832), coll. 1276-1279 (letter dated June,
1831); R.T. Hampson, <i>Medii Aevi Kalendarium</i> (London, 1841),
i. 365; T.F. Thiselton Dyer, <i>British Popular Customs</i>
(London, 1876), p. 395.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote629" name=
"footnote629"></a> <b>Footnote 629</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag629">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i> vol. iv. <i>Northumberland</i>,
collected by M.C. Balfour (London, 1904), p. 78. Compare W.
Henderson, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the Northern Counties of
England</i> (London, 1879), pp. 96 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote630" name=
"footnote630"></a> <b>Footnote 630</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag630">(return)</a>
<p>Baron Dupin, in <i>M&eacute;moires publi&eacute;es par la
Soci&eacute;t&eacute; Royale des Antiquaires de France</i>, iv.
(1823) p. 108.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote631" name=
"footnote631"></a> <b>Footnote 631</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag631">(return)</a>
<p>The evidence for the solar origin of Christmas is given in
<i>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</i>, Second Edition, pp. 254-256.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote632" name=
"footnote632"></a> <b>Footnote 632</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag632">(return)</a>
<p>For the various names (Yu-batch, Yu-block, Yule-log, etc.) see
Francis Grose, <i>Provincial Glossary</i>, New Edition (London,
1811), p. 141; Joseph Wright, <i>The English Dialect Dictionary</i>
(London, 1898-1905), vi. 593, <i>s.v.</i> "Yule."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote633" name=
"footnote633"></a> <b>Footnote 633</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag633">(return)</a>
<p>"I am pretty confident that the Yule block will be found, in its
first use, to have been only a counterpart of the Midsummer fires,
made within doors because of the cold weather at this winter
solstice, as those in the hot season, at the summer one, are
kindled in the open air." (John Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of
Great Britain</i>, London, 1882-1883, i. 471). His opinion is
approved by W. Mannhardt <i>(Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer
Nachbarst&auml;mme</i>, p. 236).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote634" name=
"footnote634"></a> <b>Footnote 634</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag634">(return)</a>
<p>"<i>Et arborem in nativitate domini ad festivum ignem suum
adducendam esse dicebat</i>" (quoted by Jacob Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>, i. 522).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote635" name=
"footnote635"></a> <b>Footnote 635</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag635">(return)</a>
<p>Montanus, <i>Die deutschen Volksfeste, Volksbrauche und
deutscher Volksglaube</i> (Iserlohn, N.D.), p. 12. The Sieg and
Lahn are two rivers of Central Germany, between Siegen and
Marburg.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote636" name=
"footnote636"></a> <b>Footnote 636</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag636">(return)</a>
<p>J.H. Schmitz, <i>Sitten und Sagen, Lieder,
Spr&uuml;chw&ouml;rter und R&auml;thsel des Eifler Volkes</i>
(Treves, 1856-1858), i. 4.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote637" name=
"footnote637"></a> <b>Footnote 637</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag637">(return)</a>
<p>Adalbert Kuhn, <i>Sagen, Gebr&auml;uche und M&auml;rchen aus
Westfalen</i> (Leipsic, 1859), ii. &sect; 319, pp. 103
<i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote638" name=
"footnote638"></a> <b>Footnote 638</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag638">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. &sect; 523, p. 187.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote639" name=
"footnote639"></a> <b>Footnote 639</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag639">(return)</a>
<p>August Witzschel, <i>Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Th&uuml;ringen</i> (Vienna, 1878), p. 172.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote640" name=
"footnote640"></a> <b>Footnote 640</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag640">(return)</a>
<p>K. Hoffmann-Krayer, <i>Feste und Br&auml;uche des
Schweizervolkes</i> (Zurich, 1913), pp. 108 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote641" name=
"footnote641"></a> <b>Footnote 641</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag641">(return)</a>
<p>Le Baron de Reinsberg-D&uuml;ringsfeld, <i>Calendrier Belge</i>
(Brussels, 1861-1862), ii. 326 <i>sq.</i> Compare J.W. Wolf,
<i>Beitr&auml;gezur deutschen Mythologie</i> (G&ouml;ttingen,
1852-1858), i. 117.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote642" name=
"footnote642"></a> <b>Footnote 642</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag642">(return)</a>
<p>J.B. Thiers, <i>Trait&eacute; des Superstitions</i>,<sup>5</sup>
(Paris, 1741), i. 302 <i>sq.</i>; Eug&egrave;ne Cortet, <i>Essai
sur les F&ecirc;tes Religieuses</i> (Paris, 1867), pp. <i>266
sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote643" name=
"footnote643"></a> <b>Footnote 643</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag643">(return)</a>
<p>J.B. Thiers, <i>Trait&eacute; des Superstitions</i> (Paris,
1679), p. 323.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote644" name=
"footnote644"></a> <b>Footnote 644</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag644">(return)</a>
<p>Aubin-Louis Millin, <i>Voyage dans les D&eacute;partemens du
Midi de la France</i> (Paris, 1807-1811), iii. 336 <i>sq.</i> The
fire so kindled was called <i>caco fuech</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote645" name=
"footnote645"></a> <b>Footnote 645</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag645">(return)</a>
<p>Alfred de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces
de France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 151 <i>sq.</i> The three
festivals during which the Yule log is expected to burn are
probably Christmas Day (December 25th), St. Stephen's Day (December
26th), and St. John the Evangelist's Day (December 27th). Compare
J.L.M. Nogu&egrave;s, <i>Les Moeurs d'autrefois en Saintonge et en
Aunis</i> (Saintes, 1891), pp. 45-47. According to the latter
writer, in Saintonge it was the mistress of the house who blessed
the Yule log, sprinkling salt and holy water on it; in Poitou it
was the eldest male who officiated. The log was called the <i>cosse
de N&ocirc;</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote646" name=
"footnote646"></a> <b>Footnote 646</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag646">(return)</a>
<p>Laisnel de Salle, <i>Croyances et L&eacute;gendes du Centres de
la France</i> (Paris, 1875), i. 1-3.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote647" name=
"footnote647"></a> <b>Footnote 647</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag647">(return)</a>
<p>Jules Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du Bocage Normand</i>
(Cond&eacute;-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 291. The author speaks
of the custom as still practised in out-of-the-way villages at the
time when he wrote. The usage of preserving the remains of the
Yule-log (called <i>tr&eacute;fouet</i>) in Normandy is mentioned
also by M'elle Am&eacute;lie Bosquet, <i>La Normandie Romanesque et
Merveilleuse</i> (Paris and Rouen, 1845), p. 294.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote648" name=
"footnote648"></a> <b>Footnote 648</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag648">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des Provinces de
France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 256.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote649" name=
"footnote649"></a> <b>Footnote 649</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag649">(return)</a>
<p>Paul S&eacute;billot, <i>Coutumes populaires de la
Haute-Bretagne</i> (Paris, 1886), pp. 217 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote650" name=
"footnote650"></a> <b>Footnote 650</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag650">(return)</a>
<p>Albert Meyrac, <i>Traditions, Coutumes, L&eacute;gendes et
Contes des Ardennes</i> (Charleville, 1890), pp. 96 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote651" name=
"footnote651"></a> <b>Footnote 651</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag651">(return)</a>
<p>See above, p. <a href="#page251">251</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote652" name=
"footnote652"></a> <b>Footnote 652</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag652">(return)</a>
<p>Lerouze, in <i>M&eacute;moires de l'Academie Celtique</i>, iii.
(1809) p. 441, quoted by J. Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great
Britain</i> (London, 1882-1883), i. 469 note.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote653" name=
"footnote653"></a> <b>Footnote 653</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag653">(return)</a>
<p>L.F. Sauv&eacute;, <i>Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges</i> (Paris,
1889), pp. 370 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote654" name=
"footnote654"></a> <b>Footnote 654</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag654">(return)</a>
<p>Charles Beauquier, <i>Les Mois en Franche-Comt&eacute;</i>
(Paris, 1900), p. 183.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote655" name=
"footnote655"></a> <b>Footnote 655</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag655">(return)</a>
<p>A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des Provinces de
France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 302 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote656" name=
"footnote656"></a> <b>Footnote 656</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag656">(return)</a>
<p>John Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities of Great Britain</i> (London,
1882-1883), i. 467.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote657" name=
"footnote657"></a> <b>Footnote 657</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag657">(return)</a>
<p>J. Brand, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 455; <i>The Denham Tracts</i>,
edited by Dr. James Hardy (London, 1892-1895), ii. 25
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote658" name=
"footnote658"></a> <b>Footnote 658</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag658">(return)</a>
<p>Herrick, <i>Hesperides</i>, "Ceremonies for Christmasse":</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Come, bring with a noise,</p>
<p>My merrie merrie boyes,</p>
<p>The Christmas log to the firing;...</p>
<p>With the last yeeres brand</p>
<p>Light the neiv block"</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>And, again, in his verses, "Ceremonies for Candlemasse Day":</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Kindle the Christmas brand, and then</p>
<p>Till sunne-set let it burne;</p>
<p>Which quencht, then lay it up agen,</p>
<p>Till Christmas next returne.</p>
<p>Part must be kept, wherewith to teend</p>
<p>The Christmas log next yeare;</p>
<p>And where 'tis safely kept, the fiend</p>
<p>Can do no mischiefe there"</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>See <i>The Works of Robert Herrick</i> (Edinburgh, 1823), vol.
ii. pp. 91, 124. From these latter verses it seems that the Yule
log was replaced on the fire on Candlemas (the second of
February).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote659" name=
"footnote659"></a> <b>Footnote 659</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag659">(return)</a>
<p>Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson, <i>Shropshire
Folk-lore</i> (London, 1883), p. 398 note 2. See also below, pp.
<a href="#page257">257</a>, <a href="#page258">258</a>, as to the
Lincolnshire, Herefordshire, and Welsh practice.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote660" name=
"footnote660"></a> <b>Footnote 660</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag660">(return)</a>
<p>Francis Grose, <i>Provincial Glossary</i>, Second Edition
(London, 1811), pp. 141 <i>sq.</i>; T.F. Thiselton Dyer, <i>British
Popular Customs</i> (London, 1876), p. 466.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote661" name=
"footnote661"></a> <b>Footnote 661</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag661">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. iv. <i>Northumberland</i>,
collected by M.C. Balfour and edited by Northcote W. Thomas
(London, 1904), p. 79.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote662" name=
"footnote662"></a> <b>Footnote 662</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag662">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore,</i> vol. ii. <i>North Riding of Yorkshire,
York and the Ainsty,</i> collected and edited by Mrs. Gutch
(London, 1901), pp. 273, 274, 275 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote663" name=
"footnote663"></a> <b>Footnote 663</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag663">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. vi. <i>East Riding of
Yorkshire</i>, collected and edited by Mrs. Gutch (London, 1912),
pp. 23, 118, compare p. 114.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote664" name=
"footnote664"></a> <b>Footnote 664</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag664">(return)</a>
<p>John Aubrey, <i>Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme</i> (London,
1881), p. 5.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote665" name=
"footnote665"></a> <b>Footnote 665</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag665">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. v. <i>Lincolnshire</i>, collected
by Mrs. Gutch and Mabel Peacock (London, 1908), p. 219. Elsewhere
in Lincolnshire the Yule-log seems to have been called the
Yule-clog (<i>op. cit</i>. pp. 215, 216).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote666" name=
"footnote666"></a> <b>Footnote 666</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag666">(return)</a>
<p>Mrs. Samuel Chandler (Sarah Whateley), quoted in <i>The
Folk-lore Journal</i>, i. (1883) pp. 351 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote667" name=
"footnote667"></a> <b>Footnote 667</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag667">(return)</a>
<p>Miss C.S. Burne and Miss G.F. Jackson, <i>Shropshire
Folk-lore</i> (London, 1883), pp. 397 <i>sq</i>. One of the
informants of these writers says (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 399): "In 1845
I was at the Vessons farmhouse, near the Eastbridge Coppice (at the
northern end of the Stiperstones). The floor was of flags, an
unusual thing in this part. Observing a sort of roadway through the
kitchen, and the flags much broken, I enquired what caused it, and
was told it was from the horses' hoofs drawing in the 'Christmas
Brund.'"</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote668" name=
"footnote668"></a> <b>Footnote 668</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag668">(return)</a>
<p>Mrs. Ella Mary Leather, <i>The Folklore of Herefordshire</i>
(Hereford and London, 1912), p. 109. Compare Miss C.S. Burne,
"Herefordshire Notes," <i>The Folk-lore Journal</i>, iv. (1886) p.
167.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote669" name=
"footnote669"></a> <b>Footnote 669</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag669">(return)</a>
<p>Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>
(London, 1909), p. 28.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote670" name=
"footnote670"></a> <b>Footnote 670</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag670">(return)</a>
<p>"In earlier ages, and even so late as towards the middle of the
nineteenth century, the Servian village organisation and the
Servian agriculture had yet another distinguishing feature. The
dangers from wild beasts in old time, the want of security for life
and property during the Turkish rule, or rather misrule, the
natural difficulties of the agriculture, more especially the lack
in agricultural labourers, induced the Servian peasants not to
leave the parental house but to remain together on the family's
property. In the same yard, within the same fence, one could see
around the ancestral house a number of wooden huts which contained
one or two rooms, and were used as sleeping places for the sons,
nephews and grandsons and their wives. Men and women of three
generations could be often seen living in that way together, and
working together the land which was considered as common property
of the whole family. This expanded family, remaining with all its
branches together, and, so to say, under the same roof, working
together, dividing the fruits of their joint labours together, this
family and an agricultural association in one, was called
<i>Zadrooga</i> (The Association). This combination of family and
agricultural association has morally, economically, socially, and
politically rendered very important services to the Servians. The
headman or chief (called <i>Stareshina</i>) of such family
association is generally the oldest male member of the family. He
is the administrator of the common property and director of work.
He is the executive chairman of the association. Generally he does
not give any order without having consulted all the grown-up male
members of the <i>Zadroega</i>" (Chedo Mijatovich, <i>Servia and
the Servians</i>, London, 1908, pp. 237 <i>sq.</i>). As to the
house-communities of the South Slavs see further Og. M.
Utiesenovic, <i>Die Hauskommunionen der S&uuml;dslaven</i> (Vienna,
1859); F. Demelic, <i>Le Droit Coutumier des Slaves
M&eacute;ridionaux</i> (Paris, 1876), pp. 23 <i>sqq.</i>; F.S.
Krauss, <i>Sitte und Brauch der S&uuml;dslaven</i> (Vienna, 1885),
pp. 64 <i>sqq.</i> Since Servia, freed from Turkish oppression, has
become a well-regulated European state, with laws borrowed from the
codes of France and Germany, the old house-communities have been
rapidly disappearing (Chedo Mijatovich, <i>op. cit.</i> p.
240).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote671" name=
"footnote671"></a> <b>Footnote 671</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag671">(return)</a>
<p>Chedo Mijatovich, <i>Servia and the Servians</i> (London, 1908),
pp. 98-105.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote672" name=
"footnote672"></a> <b>Footnote 672</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag672">(return)</a>
<p>Baron Rajacsich, <i>Das Leben, die Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche der
im Kaiserthume Oesterreich lebenden S&uuml;dslaven</i> (Vienna,
1873), pp. 122-128.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote673" name=
"footnote673"></a> <b>Footnote 673</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag673">(return)</a>
<p>Baron Rajacsich, <i>Das Leben, die Sitten und Gebrauche der im
Kaiserthume Oesterreich lebenden S&uuml;dslaven</i> (Vienna, 1873),
pp. 129-131. The Yule log (<i>badnyak</i>) is also known in
Bulgaria, where the women place it on the hearth on Christmas Eve.
See A. Strausz, <i>Die Bulgaren</i> (Leipsic, 1898), p. 361.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote674" name=
"footnote674"></a> <b>Footnote 674</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag674">(return)</a>
<p>M. Edith Durham, <i>High Albania</i> (London, 1909), p. 129.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote675" name=
"footnote675"></a> <b>Footnote 675</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag675">(return)</a>
<p>R.F. Kaindl, <i>Die Huzulen</i> (Vienna, 1894) p. 71.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote676" name=
"footnote676"></a> <b>Footnote 676</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag676">(return)</a>
<p>See above, pp. <a href="#page248">248</a>, <a href=
"#page249">249</a>, <a href="#page250">250</a>, <a href=
"#page251">251</a>, <a href="#page252">252</a>, <a href=
"#page253">253</a>, <a href="#page254">254</a>, <a href=
"#page255">255</a>, <a href="#page256">256</a>, <a href=
"#page258">258</a>. Similarly at Candlemas people lighted candles
in the churches, then took them home and kept them, and thought
that by lighting them at any time they could keep off thunder,
storm, and tempest. See Barnabe Googe, <i>The Popish Kingdom</i>
(reprinted London, 1880), p. 48 <i>verso</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote677" name=
"footnote677"></a> <b>Footnote 677</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag677">(return)</a>
<p>See above, pp. <a href="#page248">248</a>, <a href=
"#page250">250</a>, <a href="#page251">251</a>, <a href=
"#page257">257</a>, <a href="#page258">258</a>, <a href=
"#page263">263</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote678" name=
"footnote678"></a> <b>Footnote 678</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag678">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 356
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote679" name=
"footnote679"></a> <b>Footnote 679</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag679">(return)</a>
<p>See above, pp. <a href="#page248">248</a>, <a href=
"#page249">249</a>, <a href="#page250">250</a>, <a href=
"#page251">251</a>, <a href="#page264">264</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote680" name=
"footnote680"></a> <b>Footnote 680</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag680">(return)</a>
<p>August Witzschel, <i>Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Th&uuml;ringen</i> (Vienna, 1878), pp. 171 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote681" name=
"footnote681"></a> <b>Footnote 681</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag681">(return)</a>
<p>Jules Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du Bocage Normand</i>
(Cond&eacute;-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 289 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote682" name=
"footnote682"></a> <b>Footnote 682</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag682">(return)</a>
<p>Joseph Train, <i>Historical and Statistical Account of the Isle
of Man</i> (Douglas, Isle of Man, 1845), ii. 124, referring to
Cregeen's <i>Manx Dictionary</i>, p. 67.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote683" name=
"footnote683"></a> <b>Footnote 683</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag683">(return)</a>
<p>R. Chambers, <i>The Book of Days</i> (London and Edinburgh,
1886), ii. 789-791, quoting <i>The Banffshire Journal</i>; Miss
C.F. Gordon Cumming, <i>In the Hebrides</i> (London, 1883), p. 226;
Miss E.J. Guthrie, <i>Old Scottish Customs</i> (London and Glasgow,
1885), pp. 223-225; Ch. Rogers, <i>Social Life in Scotland</i>
(Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii. 244 <i>sq</i>.; <i>The Folk-lore
Journal</i>, vii. (1889) pp. 11-14, 46. Miss Gordon Gumming and
Miss Guthrie say that the burning of the Clavie took place upon
Yule Night; but this seems to be a mistake.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote684" name=
"footnote684"></a> <b>Footnote 684</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag684">(return)</a>
<p>Caesar, <i>De bello Gallico</i>, vii. 23.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote685" name=
"footnote685"></a> <b>Footnote 685</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag685">(return)</a>
<p>Hugh W. Young, F.S.A. Scot., <i>Notes on the Ramparts of
Burghead as revealed by recent Excavations</i> (Edinburgh, 1892),
pp. 3 <i>sqq</i>.; <i>Notes on further Excavations at Burghead</i>
(Edinburgh, 1893), pp. 7 <i>sqq</i>. These papers are reprinted
from the <i>Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland</i>, vols. xxv., xxvii. Mr. Young concludes as follows:
"It is proved that the fort at Burghead was raised by a people
skilled in engineering, who used axes and chisels of iron; who shot
balista stones over 20 lbs. in weight; and whose daily food was the
<i>bos longifrons</i>. A people who made paved roads, and sunk
artesian wells, and used Roman beads and pins. The riddle of
Burghead should not now be very difficult to read." (<i>Notes on
further Excavations at Burghead</i>, pp. 14 <i>sq</i>.). For a loan
of Mr. Young's pamphlets I am indebted to the kindness of
Sheriff-Substitute David.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote686" name=
"footnote686"></a> <b>Footnote 686</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag686">(return)</a>
<p>Robert Cowie, M.A., M.D., <i>Shetland, Descriptive and
Historical</i> (Aberdeen, 1871), pp. 127 <i>sq.</i>; <i>County
Folk-lore</i>, vol. iii. <i>Orkney and Shetland Islands</i>,
collected by G.F. Black and edited by Northcote W. Thomas (London,
1903), pp. 203 <i>sq.</i> A similar celebration, known as
Up-helly-a, takes place at Lerwick on the 29th of January,
twenty-four days after Old Christmas. See <i>The Scapegoat</i>, pp.
167-169. Perhaps the popular festival of Up-helly-a has absorbed
some of the features of the Christmas Eve celebration.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote687" name=
"footnote687"></a> <b>Footnote 687</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag687">(return)</a>
<p>Thomas Hyde, <i>Historia Religionis veterum Persarum</i>
(Oxford, 1700), pp. 255-257.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote688" name=
"footnote688"></a> <b>Footnote 688</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag688">(return)</a>
<p>On the need-fire see Jacob Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 501 <i>sqq.</i>; J.W. Wolf,
<i>Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (G&ouml;ttingen and
Leipsic, 1852-1857), i. 116 <i>sq.</i>, ii. 378 <i>sqq.</i>;
Adalbert Kuhn, <i>Die Herabkunjt des Feuers und des
G&ouml;ttertranks</i>,<sup>2</sup> (G&uuml;tersloh, 1886), pp. 41
<i>sqq.</i>; Walter K. Kelly, <i>Curiosities of Indo-European
Tradition and Folk-lore</i> (London, 1863), pp. 48 <i>sqq.</i>; W.
Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer
Nachbarst&auml;mme</i> (Berlin, 1875), pp. 518 <i>sqq.</i>; Charles
Elton, <i>Origins of English History</i> (London, 1882), pp. 293
<i>sqq.</i>; Ulrich Jahn, <i>Die deutschen Opfergebr&auml;uche bei
Ackerbau und Viehzucht</i> (Breslau, 1884), pp. 26 <i>sqq.</i>
Grimm would derive the name <i>need-</i>fire (German, <i>niedfyr,
nodfyr, nodfeur, nothfeur</i>) from <i>need</i> (German,
<i>noth</i>), "necessity," so that the phrase need-fire would mean
"a forced fire." This is the sense attached to it in Lindenbrog's
glossary on the capitularies, quoted by Grimm, <i>op. cit.</i> i.
p. 502: "<i>Eum ergo ignem</i> nodfeur <i>et</i> nodfyr, <i>quasi
necessarium ignem vocant</i>" C.L. Rochholz would connect
<i>need</i> with a verb <i>nieten</i> "to churn," so that need-fire
would mean "churned fire." See C.L. Rochholz, <i>Deutscher Glaube
und Brauch</i> (Berlin, 1867), ii. 149 <i>sq.</i> This interpretion
is confirmed by the name <i>ankenmilch bohren</i>, which is given
to the need-fire in some parts of Switzerland. See E.
Hoffmann-Krayer, "Fruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen
Volksbrauch," <i>Schweizerisches Archiv f&uuml;r
Volksk&uuml;nde</i>, xi. (1907) p. 245.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote689" name=
"footnote689"></a> <b>Footnote 689</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag689">(return)</a>
<p>"<i>Illos sacrilegos ignes, quos</i> niedfyr <i>vocant</i>,"
quoted by J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 502;
R. Andree, <i>Braunschweiger Volkskunde</i> (Brunswick, 1896), p.
312.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote690" name=
"footnote690"></a> <b>Footnote 690</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag690">(return)</a>
<p><i>Indiculus Superstitionum et Paganiarum</i>, No. XV., "<i>De
igne fricato de ligno i.e.</i> nodfyr." A convenient edition of the
<i>Indiculus</i> has been published with a commentary by H.A. Saupe
(Leipsic, 1891). As to the date of the work, see the editor's
introduction, pp. 4 <i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote691" name=
"footnote691"></a> <b>Footnote 691</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag691">(return)</a>
<p>Karl Lynker, <i>Deutsche Sagen und Sitten in hessischen
Gauen</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Cassel and G&ouml;ttingen, 1860), pp. 252
<i>sq.</i>, quoting a letter of the mayor (<i>Schultheiss</i>) of
Neustadt to the mayor of Marburg dated 12th December 1605.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote692" name=
"footnote692"></a> <b>Footnote 692</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag692">(return)</a>
<p>Bartholom&auml;us Carrichter, <i>Der Teutschen Speisskammer</i>
(Strasburg, 1614), Fol. pag. 17 and 18, quoted by C.L. Rochholz,
<i>Deutscher Glaube und Brauch</i> (Berlin, 1867), ii. 148
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote693" name=
"footnote693"></a> <b>Footnote 693</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag693">(return)</a>
<p>Joh. Reiskius, <i>Untersuchung des Notfeuers</i> (Frankfort and
Leipsic, 1696), p. 51, quoted by J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 502 <i>sq.</i>; R. Andree,
<i>Braunschweiger Volkskunde</i> (Brunswick, 1896), p. 313.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote694" name=
"footnote694"></a> <b>Footnote 694</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag694">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 503
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote695" name=
"footnote695"></a> <b>Footnote 695</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag695">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 504.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote696" name=
"footnote696"></a> <b>Footnote 696</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag696">(return)</a>
<p>Adalbert Kuhn, <i>M&auml;rkische Sagen und M&auml;rchen</i>
(Berlin, 1843), p. 369.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote697" name=
"footnote697"></a> <b>Footnote 697</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag697">(return)</a>
<p>Karl Bartsch, <i>Sagen, M&auml;rchen und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Mecklenburg</i> (Vienna, 1879-1880), ii. 149-151.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote698" name=
"footnote698"></a> <b>Footnote 698</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag698">(return)</a>
<p>Carl und Theodor Colshorn, <i>M&auml;rchen und Sagen</i>
(Hanover, 1854), pp. 234-236, from the description of an
eye-witness.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote699" name=
"footnote699"></a> <b>Footnote 699</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag699">(return)</a>
<p>Heinrich Pr&ouml;hle, <i>Harzbilder, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche
aus dem Harz-gebirge</i> (Leipsic, 1855), pp. 74 <i>sq.</i> The
date of this need-fire is not given; probably it was about the
middle of the nineteenth century.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote700" name=
"footnote700"></a> <b>Footnote 700</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag700">(return)</a>
<p>R. Andree, <i>Braunschweiger Volkskunde</i> (Brunswick, 1896),
pp. 313 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote701" name=
"footnote701"></a> <b>Footnote 701</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag701">(return)</a>
<p>R. Andree, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 314 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote702" name=
"footnote702"></a> <b>Footnote 702</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag702">(return)</a>
<p>Montanus, <i>Die deutschen Volks-feste, Volksbr&auml;uche und
deutscher Volksglaube</i> (Iserlohn, N.D.), p. 127.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote703" name=
"footnote703"></a> <b>Footnote 703</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag703">(return)</a>
<p>Paul Drechsler, <i>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in
Schlesien</i> (Leipsic, 1903-1906), ii. 204.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote704" name=
"footnote704"></a> <b>Footnote 704</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag704">(return)</a>
<p>Anton Peter, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus
&Ouml;sterreichisch-Schlesien</i> (Troppau, 1865-1867), ii.
250.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote705" name=
"footnote705"></a> <b>Footnote 705</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag705">(return)</a>
<p>Alois John, <i>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen
Westb&ouml;hmen</i> (Prague, 1905), p. 209.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote706" name=
"footnote706"></a> <b>Footnote 706</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag706">(return)</a>
<p>C.L. Rochholz, <i>Deutscher Glaube und Brauch</i> (Berlin,
1867), ii. 149.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote707" name=
"footnote707"></a> <b>Footnote 707</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag707">(return)</a>
<p>E. Hoffmann-Krayer, "Fruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen
Volksbrauch," <i>Schweizerisches Archiv fur Volkskunde</i>, xi.
(1907) pp. 244-246.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote708" name=
"footnote708"></a> <b>Footnote 708</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag708">(return)</a>
<p>E. Hoffmann-Krayer, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 246.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote709" name=
"footnote709"></a> <b>Footnote 709</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag709">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 505.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote710" name=
"footnote710"></a> <b>Footnote 710</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag710">(return)</a>
<p>"Old-time Survivals in remote Norwegian Dales,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xx. (1909) pp. 314, 322 <i>sq.</i> This record of
Norwegian folk-lore is translated from a little work <i>Sundalen og
&Ouml;ksendalens Beskrivelse</i> written by Pastor Chr.
Gl&uuml;kstad and published at Christiania "about twenty years
ago."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote711" name=
"footnote711"></a> <b>Footnote 711</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag711">(return)</a>
<p>Prof. VI. Titelbach, "Das heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,"
<i>Inter-nationales Archiv f&uuml;r Ethnographie</i>, xiii. (1900)
pp. 2 <i>sq.</i> We have seen (above, p. 220) that in Russia the
need-fire is, or used to be, annually kindled on the eighteenth of
August. As to the need-fire in Bulgaria see also below, pp.
<a href="#page284">284</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote712" name=
"footnote712"></a> <b>Footnote 712</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag712">(return)</a>
<p>F.S. Krauss, "Altslavische Feuergewinnung," <i>Globus</i>, lix.
(1891) p. 318, quoting P. Ljiebenov, <i>Baba Ega</i> (Trnovo,
1887), p. 44.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote713" name=
"footnote713"></a> <b>Footnote 713</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag713">(return)</a>
<p>F.S. Krauss, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 319, quoting <i>Wisla</i>, vol.
iv. pp. 1, 244 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote714" name=
"footnote714"></a> <b>Footnote 714</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag714">(return)</a>
<p>F.S. Krauss, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 318, quoting Oskar Kolberg, in
<i>Mazowsze</i>, vol. iv. p. 138.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote715" name=
"footnote715"></a> <b>Footnote 715</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag715">(return)</a>
<p>F.S. Krauss, "Slavische Feuerbohrer," <i>Globus</i>, lix. (1891)
p. 140. The evidence quoted by Dr. Krauss is that of his father,
who often told of his experience to his son.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote716" name=
"footnote716"></a> <b>Footnote 716</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag716">(return)</a>
<p>Prof. Vl. Titelbach, "Das heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,"
<i>Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographie</i>, xiii. (1900) p.
3.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote717" name=
"footnote717"></a> <b>Footnote 717</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag717">(return)</a>
<p>See below, vol. ii. pp. 168 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote718" name=
"footnote718"></a> <b>Footnote 718</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag718">(return)</a>
<p>Adolf Strausz, <i>Die Bulgaren</i> (Leipsic, 1898), pp.
194-199.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote719" name=
"footnote719"></a> <b>Footnote 719</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag719">(return)</a>
<p><i>Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der
Hercegovina</i>, redigirt von Moriz Hoernes, iii. (Vienna, 1895)
pp. 574 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote720" name=
"footnote720"></a> <b>Footnote 720</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag720">(return)</a>
<p>"<i>Pro fidei divinae integritate servanda recolat lector quod,
cum hoc anno in Laodonia pestis grassaretur in pecudes armenti,
quam vocant usitate Lungessouth, quidam bestiales, habitu
claustrales non animo, docebant idiotas patriae ignem confrictione
de lignis educere et simulachrum Priapi statuere, et per haec
bestiis succurrere</i>" quoted by J.M. Kemble, <i>The Saxons in
England</i> (London, 1849), i. 358 <i>sq.</i>; A. Kuhn, <i>Die
Herabkunft des Feuers und des G&ouml;ttertranks</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(G&uuml;tersloh, 1886), p. 43; Ulrich Jahn, <i>Die deutschen
Opfergebr&auml;uche bei Ackerbau und Viehzucht</i> (Breslau, 1884)
p. 31.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote721" name=
"footnote721"></a> <b>Footnote 721</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag721">(return)</a>
<p>W.G.M. Jones Barker, <i>The Three Days of Wensleydale</i>
(London, 1854), pp. 90 <i>sq.</i>; <i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol.
ii., <i>North Riding of Yorkshire, York and the Ainsty</i>,
collected and edited by Mrs. Gutch (London, 1901), p. 181.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote722" name=
"footnote722"></a> <b>Footnote 722</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag722">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Denham Tracts, a Collection of Folklore by Michael
Aislabie Denham</i>, edited by Dr. James Hardy (London, 1892-1895),
ii. 50.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote723" name=
"footnote723"></a> <b>Footnote 723</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag723">(return)</a>
<p>Harry Speight, <i>Tramps and Drives in the Craven Highlands</i>
(London, 1895), p. 162. Compare, <i>id., The Craven and North-West
Yorkshire Highlands</i> (London, 1892), pp. 206 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote724" name=
"footnote724"></a> <b>Footnote 724</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag724">(return)</a>
<p>J.M. Kemble, <i>The Saxons in England</i> (London, 1849), i. 361
note.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote725" name=
"footnote725"></a> <b>Footnote 725</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag725">(return)</a>
<p>E. Mackenzie, <i>An Historical, Topographical and Descriptive
View of the County of Northumberland</i>, Second Edition
(Newcastle, 1825), i. 218, quoted in <i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol.
iv. <i>Northumberland</i>, collected by M.C. Balfour (London,
1904), p. 45. Compare J.T. Brockett, <i>Glossary of North Country
Words</i>, p. 147, quoted by Mrs. M.C. Balfour, <i>l.c.:
"Need-fire</i> ... an ignition produced by the friction of two
pieces of dried wood. The vulgar opinion is, that an angel strikes
a tree, and that the fire is thereby obtained. Need-fire, I am
told, is still employed in the case of cattle infected with the
murrain. They were formerly driven through the smoke of a fire made
of straw, etc." The first edition of Brockett's <i>Glossary</i> was
published in 1825.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote726" name=
"footnote726"></a> <b>Footnote 726</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag726">(return)</a>
<p>W. Henderson, <i>Notes on the Folklore of the Northern Counties
of England and the Borders</i> (London, 1879), pp. 167 <i>sq.</i>
Compare <i>County Folklore</i>, vol. iv. <i>Northumberland</i>,
collected by M.C. Balfour (London, 1904), p. 45. Stamfordham is in
Northumberland. The vicar's testimony seems to have referred to the
first half of the nineteenth century.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote727" name=
"footnote727"></a> <b>Footnote 727</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag727">(return)</a>
<p>M. Martin, "Description of the Western Islands of Scotland," in
J. Pinkerton's <i>General Collection of Voyages and Travels</i>,
iii. (London, 1809), p. 611. The second edition of Martin's book,
which Pinkerton reprints, was published at London in 1716. For John
Ramsay's account of the need-fire, see above, pp. <a href=
"#page147">147</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote728" name=
"footnote728"></a> <b>Footnote 728</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag728">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 506,
referring to Miss Austin as his authority.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote729" name=
"footnote729"></a> <b>Footnote 729</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag729">(return)</a>
<p>As to the custom of sacrificing one of a plague-stricken herd or
flock for the purpose of saving the rest, see below, pp. <a href=
"#page300">300</a> <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote730" name=
"footnote730"></a> <b>Footnote 730</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag730">(return)</a>
<p>John Jamieson, <i>Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish
Language</i>, New Edition, revised by J. Longmuir and D. Donaldson,
iii. (Paisley, 1880) pp. 349 <i>sq.</i>, referring to "Agr. Surv.
Caithn., pp. 200, 201."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote731" name=
"footnote731"></a> <b>Footnote 731</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag731">(return)</a>
<p>R.C. Maclagan, "Sacred Fire," <i>Folk-lore</i>, ix. (1898) pp.
280 <i>sq.</i> As to the fire-drill see <i>The Magic Art and the
Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 207 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote732" name=
"footnote732"></a> <b>Footnote 732</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag732">(return)</a>
<p>W. Grant Stewart, <i>The Popular Superstitions and Festive
Amusements of the Highlanders of Scotland</i> (Edinburgh, 1823),
pp. 214-216; Walter K. Kelly, <i>Curiosities of Indo-European
Tradition and Folk-lore</i> (London, 1863), pp. 53 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote733" name=
"footnote733"></a> <b>Footnote 733</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag733">(return)</a>
<p>Alexander Carmichael, <i>Carmina Gadelica</i> (Edinburgh, 1900),
ii. 340 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote734" name=
"footnote734"></a> <b>Footnote 734</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag734">(return)</a>
<p>See above, pp. <a href="#page154">154</a>, <a href=
"#page156">156</a>, <a href="#page157">157</a>, <a href=
"#page159">159</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote735" name=
"footnote735"></a> <b>Footnote 735</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag735">(return)</a>
<p><i>Census of India, 1911</i>, vol. xiv. <i>Punjab</i>, Part i.
<i>Report</i>, by Pandit Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p. 302. So
in the north-east of Scotland "those who were born with their feet
first possessed great power to heal all kinds of sprains, lumbago,
and rheumatism, either by rubbing the affected part, or by
trampling on it. The chief virtue lay in the feet. Those who came
into the world in this fashion often exercised their power to their
own profit." See Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of
the North-East of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), pp. 45
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote736" name=
"footnote736"></a> <b>Footnote 736</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag736">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East
of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), p. 186. The fumigation of the byres
with juniper is a charm against witchcraft. See J.G. Campbell,
<i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902), p. ii. The "quarter-ill" is a disease
of cattle, which affects the animals only in one limb or quarter.
"A very gross superstition is observed by some people in Angus, as
an antidote against this ill. A piece is cut out of the thigh of
one of the cattle that has died of it. This they hang up within the
chimney, in order to preserve the rest of the cattle from being
infected. It is believed that as long as it hangs there, it will
prevent the disease from approaching the place. It is therefore
carefully preserved; and in case of the family removing,
transported to the new farm, as one of their valuable effects. It
is handed down from one generation to another" (J. Jamieson,
<i>Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language</i>, revised by
J. Longmuir and D. Donaldson, iii. 575, <i>s.v.</i> "Quarter-ill").
See further Rev. W. Gregor, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 186 <i>sq.</i>:
"The forelegs of one of the animals that had died were cut off a
little above the knee, and hung over the fire-place in the kitchen.
It was thought sufficient by some if they were placed over the door
of the byre, in the 'crap o' the wa'.' Sometimes the heart and part
of the liver and lungs were cut out, and hung over the fireplace
instead of the fore-feet. Boiling them was at times substituted for
hanging them over the hearth." Compare W. Henderson, <i>Notes on
the Folk-lore of the Northern Counties of England and the
Borders</i> (London, 1879), p. 167: "A curious aid to the rearing
of cattle came lately to the knowledge of Mr. George Walker, a
gentleman of the city of Durham. During an excursion of a few miles
into the country, he observed a sort of rigging attached to the
chimney of a farmhouse well known to him, and asked what it meant.
The good wife told him that they had experienced great difficulty
that year in rearing their calves; the poor little creatures all
died off, so they had taken the leg and thigh of one of the dead
calves, and hung it in a chimney by a rope, since which they had
not lost another calf." In the light of facts cited below (pp.
<a href="#page315">315</a> <i>sqq.</i>) we may conjecture that the
intention of cutting off the legs or cutting out the heart, liver,
and lungs of the animals and hanging them up or boiling them, is by
means of homoeopathic magic to inflict corresponding injuries on
the witch who cast the fatal spell on the cattle.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote737" name=
"footnote737"></a> <b>Footnote 737</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag737">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Mirror</i>, 24th June, 1826, quoted by J. M. Kemble,
<i>The Saxons in England</i> (London, 1849), i. 360 note 2.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote738" name=
"footnote738"></a> <b>Footnote 738</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag738">(return)</a>
<p>Leland L. Duncan, "Fairy Beliefs and other Folklore Notes from
County Leitrim," <i>Folk-lore</i>, vii. (1896) pp. 181
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote739" name=
"footnote739"></a> <b>Footnote 739</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag739">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) Edward B. Tylor, <i>Researches into the Early History of
Mankind</i>, Third Edition (London, 1878), pp. 237 <i>sqq.</i>;
<i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 207
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote740" name=
"footnote740"></a> <b>Footnote 740</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag740">(return)</a>
<p>For some examples of such extinctions, see <i>The Magic Art and
the Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 261 <i>sqq.</i>, 267 <i>sq.</i>;
<i>Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild</i>, i. 311, ii. 73
<i>sq.</i>; and above, pp. <a href="#page124">124</a> <i>sq.</i>,
<a href="#page132">132-139</a>. The reasons for extinguishing fires
ceremonially appear to vary with the occasion. Sometimes the motive
seems to be a fear of burning or at least singeing a ghost, who is
hovering invisible in the air; sometimes it is apparently an idea
that a fire is old and tired with burning so long, and that it must
be relieved of the fatiguing duty by a young and vigorous
flame.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote741" name=
"footnote741"></a> <b>Footnote 741</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag741">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page147">147</a>, <a href=
"#page154">154</a>. The same custom appears to have been observed
in Ireland. See above, p. <a href="#page158">158</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote742" name=
"footnote742"></a> <b>Footnote 742</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag742">(return)</a>
<p>J.N.B. Hewitt, "New Fire among the Iroquois," <i>The American
Anthropologist</i>, ii. (1889) p. 319.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote743" name=
"footnote743"></a> <b>Footnote 743</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag743">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 507.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote744" name=
"footnote744"></a> <b>Footnote 744</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag744">(return)</a>
<p>See above, p. <a href="#page290">290</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote745" name=
"footnote745"></a> <b>Footnote 745</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag745">(return)</a>
<p>William Hone, <i>Every-day Book</i> (London, preface dated
1827), i. coll. 853 <i>sq.</i> (June 24th), quoting Hitchin's
<i>History of Cornwall</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote746" name=
"footnote746"></a> <b>Footnote 746</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag746">(return)</a>
<p>Hunt, <i>Romances and Drolls of the West of England</i>, 1st
series, p. 237, quoted by W. Henderson, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore
of the Northern Counties of England and the Borders</i> (London,
1879), p. 149. Compare J.G. Dalyell, <i>The Darker Superstitions of
Scotland</i> (Edinburgh, 1834), p. 184: "Here also maybe found a
solution of that recent expedient so ignorantly practised in the
neighbouring kingdom, where one having lost many of his herd by
witchcraft, as he concluded, burnt a living calf to break the spell
and preserve the remainder."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote747" name=
"footnote747"></a> <b>Footnote 747</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag747">(return)</a>
<p>Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>
(London, 1909), p. 23.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote748" name=
"footnote748"></a> <b>Footnote 748</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag748">(return)</a>
<p>W. Henderson, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 148 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote749" name=
"footnote749"></a> <b>Footnote 749</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag749">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East
of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), p. 186.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote750" name=
"footnote750"></a> <b>Footnote 750</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag750">(return)</a>
<p>R. N. Worth, <i>History of Devonshire</i>, Second Edition
(London, 1886), p. 339. The diabolical nature of the toad probably
explains why people in Herefordshire think that if you wear a
toad's heart concealed about your person you can steal to your
heart's content without being found out. A suspected thief was
overheard boasting, "They never catches <i>me</i>: and they never
ooll neither. I allus wears a toad's heart round my neck, <i>I</i>
does." See Mrs. Ella M. Leather, in <i>Folk-lore</i>, xxiv. (1913)
p. 238.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote751" name=
"footnote751"></a> <b>Footnote 751</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag751">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page301">301</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote752" name=
"footnote752"></a> <b>Footnote 752</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag752">(return)</a>
<p>Robert Hunt, <i>Popular Romances of the West of England</i>,
Third Edition (London, 1881), p. 320. The writer does not say where
this took place; probably it was in Cornwall or Devonshire.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote753" name=
"footnote753"></a> <b>Footnote 753</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag753">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. Walter Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East
of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), p. 184.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote754" name=
"footnote754"></a> <b>Footnote 754</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag754">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore, Printed Extracts, No. 2, Suffolk</i>,
collected and edited by the Lady Eveline Camilla Gurdon (London,
1893), pp. 190 <i>sq.</i>, quoting <i>Some Materials for the
History of Wherstead</i> by F. Barham Zincke (Ipswich, 1887), p.
168.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote755" name=
"footnote755"></a> <b>Footnote 755</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag755">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore, Printed Extracts, No. 2, Suffolk</i>, p.
191, referring to Murray's <i>Handbook for Essex, Suffolk</i>,
etc., p. 109.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote756" name=
"footnote756"></a> <b>Footnote 756</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag756">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, "Manx Folklore and Superstitions,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, ii. (1891) pp. 300-302; repeated in his <i>Celtic
Folk-lore, Welsh and Manx</i> (Oxford, 1901), i. 306 <i>sq.</i> Sir
John Rhys does not doubt that the old woman saw, as she said, a
live sheep being burnt on old May-day; but he doubts whether it was
done as a sacrifice. He adds: "I have failed to find anybody else
in Andreas or Bride, or indeed in the whole island, who will now
confess to having ever heard of the sheep sacrifice on old
May-day." However, the evidence I have adduced of a custom of burnt
sacrifice among English rustics tends to confirm the old woman's
statement, that the burning of the live sheep which she witnessed
was not an act of wanton cruelty but a sacrifice per formed for the
public good.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote757" name=
"footnote757"></a> <b>Footnote 757</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag757">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) John Rhys, "Manx Folklore and Superstitions,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, ii. (1891) pp. 299 <i>sq.; id., Celtic Folklore,
Welsh and Manx</i> (Oxford, 1901), i. 304 <i>sq.</i> We have seen
that by burning the blood of a bewitched bullock a farmer expected
to compel the witch to appear. See above, p. <a href=
"#page303">303</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote758" name=
"footnote758"></a> <b>Footnote 758</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag758">(return)</a>
<p>Olaus Magnus, <i>Historia de Gentium Septentrionalium
Conditionibus</i>, lib xviii. cap. 47, p. 713 (ed. B&acirc;le,
1567).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote759" name=
"footnote759"></a> <b>Footnote 759</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag759">(return)</a>
<p>Collin de Plancy, <i>Dictionnaire Infernal</i> (Paris,
1825-1826), iii. 473 <i>sq.</i>, referring to Boguet.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote760" name=
"footnote760"></a> <b>Footnote 760</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag760">(return)</a>
<p>Collin de Plancy, <i>op. cit.</i> iii. 473.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote761" name=
"footnote761"></a> <b>Footnote 761</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag761">(return)</a>
<p>Felix Chapiseau, <i>Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche</i>
(Paris, 1902), i. 239 <i>sq.</i> The same story is told in Upper
Brittany. See Paul S&eacute;billot, <i>Traditions et Superstitions
de la Haute-Bretagne</i> (Paris, 1882), i. 292. It is a common
belief that a man who has once been transformed into a werewolf
must remain a were-wolf for seven years unless blood is drawn from
him in his animal shape, upon which he at once recovers his human
form and is delivered from the bondage and misery of being a
were-wolf. See F. Chapiseau, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 218-220;
Am&eacute;lie Bosquet, <i>La Normandie Romanesque et
Merveilleuse</i> (Paris and Rouen, 1845), p. 233. On the belief in
were-wolves in general; see W. Hertz, <i>Der Werwolf</i>
(Stuttgart, 1862); J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 915 <i>sqq.</i>; (Sir) Edward B.
Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>,<sup>2</sup> (London, 1873), i. 308
<i>sqq.</i>; R. Andree, <i>Ethnographische Parallelen und
Vergleiche</i> (Stuttgart, 1878), pp. 62-80. In North Germany it is
believed that a man can turn himself into a wolf by girding himself
with a strap made out of a wolf's hide. Some say that the strap
must have nine, others say twelve, holes and a buckle; and that
according to the number of the hole through which the man inserts
the tongue of the buckle will be the length of time of his
transformation. For example, if he puts the tongue of the buckle
through the first hole, he will be a wolf for one hour; if he puts
it through the second, he will be a wolf for two days; and so on,
up to the last hole, which entails a transformation for a full
year. But by putting off the girdle the man can resume his human
form. The time when were-wolves are most about is the period of the
Twelve Nights between Christmas and Epiphany; hence cautious German
farmers will not remove the dung from the cattle stalls at that
season for fear of attracting the were-wolves to the cattle. See
Adalbert Kuhn, <i>M&auml;rkische Sagen und M&auml;rchen</i>
(Berlin, 1843), p. 375; Ulrich Jahn, <i>Volkssagen aus Pommern und
R&uuml;gen</i> (Stettin, 1886), pp. 384, 386, Nos. 491, 495. Down
to the time of Elizabeth it was reported that in the county of
Tipperary certain men were annually turned into wolves. See W.
Camden, <i>Britain</i>, translated into English by Philemon Holland
(London, 1610), "Ireland," p. 83.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote762" name=
"footnote762"></a> <b>Footnote 762</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag762">(return)</a>
<p>J.J.M. de Groot, <i>The Religious System of China</i>, v.
(Leyden, 1907) p. 548.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote763" name=
"footnote763"></a> <b>Footnote 763</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag763">(return)</a>
<p>A. C. Kruijt, "De weerwolf bij de Toradja's van Midden-Celebes,"
<i>Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Landen Volkenkunde,</i> xli.
(1899) pp. 548-551, 557-560.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote764" name=
"footnote764"></a> <b>Footnote 764</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag764">(return)</a>
<p>A.C. Kruijt, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 552 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote765" name=
"footnote765"></a> <b>Footnote 765</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag765">(return)</a>
<p>A.C. Kruijt, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 553. For more evidence of the
belief in were-wolves, or rather in were-animals of various sorts,
particularly were-tigers, in the East Indies, see J.J. M. de Groot,
"De Weertijger in onze Koloni&euml;n en op het oostaziatische
Vasteland," <i>Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indi&euml;</i>, xlix. (1898) pp. 549-585; G.P.
Rouffaer, "Matjan Gadoengan," <i>Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi&euml;</i> 1. (1899) pp. 67-75; J.
Knebel, "De Weertijger op Midden-Java, den Javaan naverteld,"
<i>Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde</i>, xli.
(1899) pp. 568-587; L.M.F. Plate, "Bijdrage tot de kennis van de
lykanthropie bij de Sasaksche bevolking in Oost-Lombok,"
<i>Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde</i>, liv.
(1912) pp. 458-469; G.A. Wilken, "Het animisme bij de volken van
den Indischen Archipel," <i>Verspreide Geschriften</i> (The Hague,
1912), iii. 25-30.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote766" name=
"footnote766"></a> <b>Footnote 766</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag766">(return)</a>
<p>Ernst Marno, <i>Reisen im Gebiete des blauen und weissen Nil</i>
(Vienna, 1874), pp. 239 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote767" name=
"footnote767"></a> <b>Footnote 767</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag767">(return)</a>
<p>Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 61 <i>sq.</i> (pp. 40 <i>sq.</i>, ed. Fr.
Buecheler,<sup>3</sup> Berlin, 1882). The Latin word for a
were-wolf (<i>versipellis</i>) is expressive: it means literally
"skin-shifter," and is equally appropriate whatever the particular
animal may be into which the wizard transforms himself. It is to be
regretted that we have no such general term in English. The bright
moonlight which figures in some of these were-wolf stories is
perhaps not a mere embellishment of the tale but has its own
significance; for in some places it is believed that the
transformation of were-wolves into their bestial shape takes place
particularly at full moon. See A. de Nore, <i>Coutumes, Mythes et
Traditions des Provinces de France</i> (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp.
99, 157; J.L.M. Nogu&egrave;s, <i>Les Moeurs d'autrefois en
Saintonge et en Aunis</i> (Saintes, 1891), p. 141.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote768" name=
"footnote768"></a> <b>Footnote 768</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag768">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Campbell, <i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902), p. 6: "In carrying out
their unhallowed cantrips, witches assumed various shapes. They
became gulls, cormorants, ravens, rats, mice, black sheep, swelling
waves, whales, and very frequently cats and hares." To this list of
animals into which witches can turn themselves may be added horses,
dogs, wolves, foxes, pigs, owls, magpies, wild geese, ducks,
serpents, toads, lizards, flies, wasps, and butterflies. See A.
Wuttke, <i>Der deutsche Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Berlin,
1869), p. 150 &sect; 217; L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen
aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 327 &sect;
220; Ulrich Jahn, <i>Hexenwesen und Zauberei in Pommern</i>
(Breslau, 1886), p. 7. In his <i>Topography of Ireland</i> (chap.
19), a work completed in 1187 A.D., Giraldus Cambrensis records
that "it has also been a frequent complaint, from old times as well
as in the present, that certain hags in Wales, as well as in
Ireland and Scotland, changed themselves into the shape of hares,
that, sucking teats under this counterfeit form, they might
stealthily rob other people's milk." See <i>The Historical Works of
Giraldus Cambrensis</i>, revised and edited by Thomas Wright
(London, 1887), p. 83.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote769" name=
"footnote769"></a> <b>Footnote 769</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag769">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Folk-lore Journal</i>, iv. (1886) p. 266; Collin de
Plancy, <i>Dictionnaire Infernal</i> (Paris, 1825-1826), iii. 475;
J.L.M. Nogu&egrave;s, <i>Les Moeurs d'autrefois en Saintonge et en
Aunis</i> (Saintes, 1891), p. 141. In Scotland the cut was known as
"scoring above the breath." It consisted of two incisions made
crosswise on the witch's forehead, and was "confided in all
throughout Scotland as the most powerful counter-charm." See Sir
Walter Scott, <i>Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft</i> (London,
1884), p. 272; J.G. Dalyell, <i>The Darker Superstitions of
Scotland</i> (Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 531 <i>sq.</i>; M.M. Banks,
"Scoring a Witch above the Breath," <i>Folk-lore</i>, xxiii. (1912)
p. 490.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote770" name=
"footnote770"></a> <b>Footnote 770</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag770">(return)</a>
<p>J.L.M. Nogu&egrave;s, <i>l.c.</i>; L.F. Sauv&eacute;, <i>Le
Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges</i> (Paris, 1889), P. 187.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote771" name=
"footnote771"></a> <b>Footnote 771</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag771">(return)</a>
<p>M. Abeghian, <i>Der armenische Volksglaube</i> (Leipsic, 1899),
p. 117. The wolf-skin is supposed to fall down from heaven and to
return to heaven after seven years, if the were-wolf has not been
delivered from her unhappy state in the meantime by the burning of
the skin.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote772" name=
"footnote772"></a> <b>Footnote 772</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag772">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Campbell, <i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902), p. 8; compare A.
Wuttke, <i>Der deutsche Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Berlin,
1869), p. 150 &sect; 217. Some think that the sixpence should be
crooked. See Rev. W. Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the
North-East of Scotland</i> (London, 1881), pp. 71 <i>sq.</i>, 128;
<i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. v. <i>Lincolnshire</i>, collected by
Mrs. Gutch and Mabel Peacock (London, 1908), p. 75.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote773" name=
"footnote773"></a> <b>Footnote 773</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag773">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 30.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote774" name=
"footnote774"></a> <b>Footnote 774</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag774">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Campbell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 33.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote775" name=
"footnote775"></a> <b>Footnote 775</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag775">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) Edward B. Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(London, 1873), i. 314.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote776" name=
"footnote776"></a> <b>Footnote 776</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag776">(return)</a>
<p>Joseph Glanvil, <i>Saducismus Triumphatus or Full and Plain
Evidence concerning Witches and Apparitions</i> (London, 1681),
Part ii. p. 205.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote777" name=
"footnote777"></a> <b>Footnote 777</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag777">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J.C. Atkinson, <i>Forty Years in a Moorland Parish</i>
(London, 1891), pp. 82-84.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote778" name=
"footnote778"></a> <b>Footnote 778</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag778">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. v. <i>Lincolnshire</i>, collected
by Mrs. Gutch and Mabel Peacock (London, 1908), pp. 79, 80.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote779" name=
"footnote779"></a> <b>Footnote 779</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag779">(return)</a>
<p>Leland L. Duncan, "Folk-lore Gleanings from County Leitrim,"
<i>Folklore</i>, iv. (1893) pp. 183 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote780" name=
"footnote780"></a> <b>Footnote 780</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag780">(return)</a>
<p>L.F. Sauv&eacute;, <i>Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges</i> (Paris,
1889), p. 176.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote781" name=
"footnote781"></a> <b>Footnote 781</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag781">(return)</a>
<p>L.F. Sauv&eacute;, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 176 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote782" name=
"footnote782"></a> <b>Footnote 782</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag782">(return)</a>
<p>Ernst Meier, <i>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Schwaben</i> (Stuttgart, 1852), pp. 184 <i>sq.</i>, No. 203.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote783" name=
"footnote783"></a> <b>Footnote 783</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag783">(return)</a>
<p>E. Meier, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 191 <i>sq.</i>, No. 215. A similar
story of the shoeing of a woman in the shape of a horse is reported
from Silesia. See R. K&uuml;hnau, <i>Schlesische Sagen</i> (Berlin,
1910-1913), iii. pp. 27 <i>sq.</i>, No. 1380.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote784" name=
"footnote784"></a> <b>Footnote 784</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag784">(return)</a>
<p>R. K&uuml;hnau, <i>Schlesische Sagen</i> (Berlin, 1910-1913),
iii. pp. 23 <i>sq.</i>, No. 1375. Compare <i>id.</i>, iii. pp. 28
<i>sq.</i>, No. 1381.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote785" name=
"footnote785"></a> <b>Footnote 785</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag785">(return)</a>
<p>See for example L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem
Herzogthum Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), i. pp. 328, 329, 334,
339; W. von Schulenburg, <i>Wendische Volkssagen und Gebr&auml;uche
aus dem Spreewald</i> (Leipsic, 1880), pp. 164, 165 <i>sq.</i>; H.
Pr&ouml;hle, <i>Harzsagen</i> (Leipsic, 1859), i. 100 <i>sq.</i>
The belief in such things is said to be universal among the
ignorant and superstitious in Germany. See A. Wuttke, <i>Der
deutsche Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Berlin, 1869), p. 150,
&sect; 217. In Wales, also, "the possibility of injuring or marking
the witch in her assumed shape so deeply that the bruise remained a
mark on her in her natural form was a common belief" (J. Ceredig
Davies, <i>Folk-lore of West and Mid-Wales</i>, Aberystwyth, 1911,
p. 243). For Welsh stories of this sort, see J. Ceredig Davies,
<i>l.c.</i>; Rev. Elias Owen, <i>Welsh Folk-lore</i> (Oswestry and
Wrexham, N.D., preface dated 1896), pp. 228 <i>sq.</i>; M.
Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i> (London,
1909), p. 214.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote786" name=
"footnote786"></a> <b>Footnote 786</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag786">(return)</a>
<p>L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum
Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), i. p. 361, &sect; 239.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote787" name=
"footnote787"></a> <b>Footnote 787</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag787">(return)</a>
<p>Marie Trevelyan, <i>Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales</i>
(London, 1909), p. 210.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote788" name=
"footnote788"></a> <b>Footnote 788</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag788">(return)</a>
<p>L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum
Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), i. p. 358, &sect; 238.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote789" name=
"footnote789"></a> <b>Footnote 789</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag789">(return)</a>
<p>L. Strackerjan, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 360, &sect; 238e.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote790" name=
"footnote790"></a> <b>Footnote 790</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag790">(return)</a>
<p>"The 'Witch-burning' at Clonmell," <i>Folk-lore</i>, vi. (1895)
pp. 373-384. The account there printed is based on the reports of
the judicial proceedings before the magistrates and the judge,
which were published in <i>The Irish Times</i> for March 26th,
27th, and 28th, April 2nd, 3rd, 6th, and 8th, and July 6th,
1895.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote791" name=
"footnote791"></a> <b>Footnote 791</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag791">(return)</a>
<p>John Graham Dalyell, <i>The Darker Superstitions of Scotland</i>
(Edinburgh, 1834), p. 185. In this passage "quick" is used in the
old sense of "living," as in the phrase "the quick and the dead."
<i>Nois</i> is "nose," <i>hoill</i> is "hole," <i>quhilk
(whilk)</i> is "which," and <i>be</i> is "by."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote792" name=
"footnote792"></a> <b>Footnote 792</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag792">(return)</a>
<p>J.G. Dalyell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 186. <i>Bestiall</i>=animals;
<i>seik</i>=sick; <i>calling</i>=driving; <i>guidis</i>=cattle.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote793" name=
"footnote793"></a> <b>Footnote 793</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag793">(return)</a>
<p>John Ramsay, of Ochtertyre, <i>Scotland and Scotsmen in the
Eighteenth Century</i>, edited by Alexander Allardyce (Edinburgh
and London, 1888), ii. 446 <i>sq.</i> As to the custom of cutting
off the leg of a diseased animal and hanging it up in the house,
see above, p. <a href="#page296">296</a>, note 1.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote794" name=
"footnote794"></a> <b>Footnote 794</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag794">(return)</a>
<p>(Sir) Arthur Mitchell, A.M., M.D., <i>On Various Superstitions
in the North-West Highlands and Islands of Scotland</i> (Edinburgh,
1862), p. 12 (reprinted from the <i>Proceedings of the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland</i>, vol. iv.).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote795" name=
"footnote795"></a> <b>Footnote 795</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag795">(return)</a>
<p><i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. v. <i>Lincolnshire</i>, collected
by Mrs. Gutch and Mabel Peacock (London, 1908), p. 75, quoting Rev.
R.M. Heanley, "The Vikings: traces of their Folklore in Marshland,"
a paper read before the Viking Club, London, and printed in its
<i>Saga-Book</i>, vol. iii. Part i. Jan. 1902. The wicken-tree is
the mountain-ash or rowan free, which is a very efficient, or at
all events a very popular protective against witchcraft. See
<i>County Folk-lore</i>, vol. v. <i>Lincolnshire</i>, pp. 26
<i>sq.</i>, 98 <i>sq.</i>; Mabel Peacock, "The Folklore of
Lincolnshire," <i>Folk-lore</i>, xii. (1901) p. 175; J.G. Campbell,
<i>Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland</i> (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 11 <i>sq.</i>; Rev. Walter
Gregor, <i>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland</i>
(London, 1881), p. 188. See further <i>The Scapegoat</i>, pp. 266
<i>sq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page328" name="page328"></a>[pg
328]</span>
<h2><a id="chap5" name="chap5">CHAPTER V</a></h2>
<h3>THE INTERPRETATION OF THE FIRE-FESTIVALS</h3>
<h4><a id="sect5-1" name="sect5-1">&sect; 1. <i>On the
Fire-festivals in general</i></a></h4>
<a id="fireresemblance" name="fireresemblance"></a>
<p>[General resemblance of the European fire-festivals to each
other.]</p>
<p>The foregoing survey of the popular fire-festivals of Europe
suggests some general observations. In the first place we can
hardly help being struck by the resemblance which the ceremonies
bear to each other, at whatever time of the year and in whatever
part of Europe they are celebrated. The custom of kindling great
bonfires, leaping over them, and driving cattle through or round
them would seem to have been practically universal throughout
Europe, and the same may be said of the processions or races with
blazing torches round fields, orchards, pastures, or cattle-stalls.
Less widespread are the customs of hurling lighted discs into the
air<a id="footnotetag796" name="footnotetag796"></a><a href=
"#footnote796"><sup>796</sup></a> and trundling a burning wheel
down hill;<a id="footnotetag797" name="footnotetag797"></a><a href=
"#footnote797"><sup>797</sup></a> for to judge by the evidence
which I have collected these modes of distributing the beneficial
influence of the fire have been confined in the main to Central
Europe. The ceremonial of the Yule log is distinguished from that
of the other fire-festivals by the privacy and domesticity which
characterize it; but, as we have already seen, this distinction may
well be due simply to the rough weather of midwinter, which is apt
not only to render a public assembly in the open air disagreeable,
but also at any moment to defeat the object of the assembly by
extinguishing the all-important fire under a downpour of rain or a
fall of snow. Apart from these local or seasonal differences, the
general resemblance between <span class="pagenum"><a id="page329"
name="page329"></a>[pg 329]</span> the fire-festivals at all times
of the year and in all places is tolerably close. And as the
ceremonies themselves resemble each other, so do the benefits which
the people expect to reap from them. Whether applied in the form of
bonfires blazing at fixed points, or of torches carried about from
place to place, or of embers and ashes taken from the smouldering
heap of fuel, the fire is believed to promote the growth of the
crops and the welfare of man and beast, either positively by
stimulating them, or negatively by averting the dangers and
calamities which threaten them from such causes as thunder and
lightning, conflagration, blight, mildew, vermin, sterility,
disease, and not least of all witchcraft.</p>
<a id="twoexplanations" name="twoexplanations"></a>
<p>[Two explanations suggested of the fire-festivals. According to
W. Mannhardt, they are charms to secure a supply of sunshine;
according to Dr. E. Westermarck they are purificatory, being
intended to burn and destroy all harmful influences.]</p>
<p>But we naturally ask, How did it come about that benefits so
great and manifold were supposed to be attained by means so simple?
In what way did people imagine that they could procure so many
goods or avoid so many ills by the application of fire and smoke,
of embers and ashes? In short, what theory underlay and prompted
the practice of these customs? For that the institution of the
festivals was the outcome of a definite train of reasoning may be
taken for granted; the view that primitive man acted first and
invented his reasons to suit his actions afterwards, is not borne
out by what we know of his nearest living representatives, the
savage and the peasant. Two different explanations of the
fire-festivals have been given by modern enquirers. On the one hand
it has been held that they are sun-charms or magical ceremonies
intended, on the principle of imitative magic, to ensure a needful
supply of sunshine for men, animals, and plants by kindling fires
which mimic on earth the great source of light and heat in the sky.
This was the view of Wilhelm Mannhardt.<a id="footnotetag798" name=
"footnotetag798"></a><a href="#footnote798"><sup>798</sup></a> It
may be called the solar theory. On the other hand it has been
maintained that the ceremonial fires have no necessary reference to
the sun but are simply purificatory in intention, being designed to
burn up and destroy all harmful influences, whether these are
conceived in a personal form as witches, demons, and monsters, or
in an impersonal form as a sort of pervading taint or corruption of
the air. This is the view of Dr. <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page330" name="page330"></a>[pg 330]</span> Edward
Westermarck<a id="footnotetag799" name=
"footnotetag799"></a><a href="#footnote799"><sup>799</sup></a> and
apparently of Professor Eugen Mogk.<a id="footnotetag800" name=
"footnotetag800"></a><a href="#footnote800"><sup>800</sup></a> It
may be called the purificatory theory. Obviously the two theories
postulate two very different conceptions of the fire which plays
the principal part in the rites. On the one view, the fire, like
sunshine in our latitude, is a genial creative power which fosters
the growth of plants and the development of all that makes for
health and happiness; on the other view, the fire is a fierce
destructive power which blasts and consumes all the noxious
elements, whether spiritual or material, that menace the life of
men, of animals, and of plants. According to the one theory the
fire is a stimulant, according to the other it is a disinfectant;
on the one view its virtue is positive, on the other it is
negative.</p>
<a id="notexclusive" name="notexclusive"></a>
<p>[The two explanations are perhaps not mutually exclusive.]</p>
<p>Yet the two explanations, different as they are in the character
which they attribute to the fire, are perhaps not wholly
irreconcilable. If we assume that the fires kindled at these
festivals were primarily intended to imitate the sun's light and
heat, may we not regard the purificatory and disinfecting
qualities, which popular opinion certainly appears to have ascribed
to them, as attributes derived directly from the purificatory and
disinfecting qualities of sunshine? In this way we might conclude
that, while the imitation of sunshine in these ceremonies was
primary and original, the purification attributed to them was
secondary and derivative. Such a conclusion, occupying an
intermediate position between the two opposing theories and
recognizing an element of truth in both of them, was adopted by me
in earlier editions of this work;<a id="footnotetag801" name=
"footnotetag801"></a><a href="#footnote801"><sup>801</sup></a> but
in the meantime Dr. Westermarck <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page331" name="page331"></a>[pg 331]</span> has argued powerfully
in favour of the purificatory theory alone, and I am bound to say
that his arguments carry great weight, and that on a fuller review
of the facts the balance of evidence seems to me to incline
decidedly in his favour. However, the case is not so clear as to
justify us in dismissing the solar theory without discussion, and
accordingly I propose to adduce the considerations which tell for
it before proceeding to notice those which tell against it. A
theory which had the support of so learned and sagacious an
investigator as W. Mannhardt is entitled to a respectful
hearing.</p>
<h4><a id="sect5-2" name="sect5-2">&sect; 2. <i>The Solar Theory of
the Fire-festivals</i></a></h4>
<a id="supplytheory" name="supplytheory"></a>
<p>[Theory that the fire-festivals are charms to ensure a supply of
sunshine.]</p>
<p>In an earlier part of this work we saw that savages resort to
charms for making sunshine,<a id="footnotetag802" name=
"footnotetag802"></a><a href="#footnote802"><sup>802</sup></a> and
it would be no wonder if primitive man in Europe did the same.
Indeed, when we consider the cold and cloudy climate of Europe
during a great part of the year, we shall find it natural that
sun-charms should have played a much more prominent part among the
superstitious practices of European peoples than among those of
savages who live nearer the equator and who consequently are apt to
get in the course of nature more sunshine than they want. This view
of the festivals may be supported by various arguments drawn partly
from their dates, partly from the nature of the rites, and partly
from the influence which they are believed to exert upon the
weather and on vegetation.</p>
<a id="solsticecoincidence" name="solsticecoincidence"></a>
<p>[Coincidence of two of the festivals with the solstices.]</p>
<p>First, in regard to the dates of the festivals it can be no mere
accident that two of the most important and widely spread of the
festivals are timed to coincide more or less exactly with the
summer and winter solstices, that is, with the two turning-points
in the sun's apparent course in the sky when he reaches
respectively his highest and his lowest elevation at noon. Indeed
with respect to the midwinter celebration of Christmas we are not
left to conjecture; we <span class="pagenum"><a id="page332" name=
"page332"></a>[pg 332]</span> know from the express testimony of
the ancients that it was instituted by the church to supersede an
old heathen festival of the birth of the sun,<a id="footnotetag803"
name="footnotetag803"></a><a href="#footnote803"><sup>803</sup></a>
which was apparently conceived to be born again on the shortest day
of the year, after which his light and heat were seen to grow till
they attained their full maturity at midsummer. Therefore it is no
very far fetched conjecture to suppose that the Yule log, which
figures so prominently in the popular celebration of Christmas, was
originally designed to help the labouring sun of midwinter to
rekindle his seemingly expiring light.</p>
<a id="bushmenattempt" name="bushmenattempt"></a>
<p>[Attempt of the Bushmen to warm up the fire of Sirius in
midwinter by kindling sticks.]</p>
<p>The idea that by lighting a log on earth you can rekindle a fire
in heaven or fan it into a brighter blaze, naturally seems to us
absurd; but to the savage mind it wears a different aspect, and the
institution of the great fire-festivals which we are considering
probably dates from a time when Europe was still sunk in savagery
or at most in barbarism. Now it can be shewn that in order to
increase the celestial source of heat at midwinter savages resort
to a practice analogous to that of our Yule log, if the kindling of
the Yule log was originally a magical rite intended to rekindle the
sun. In the southern hemisphere, where the order of the seasons is
the reverse of ours, the rising of Sirius or the Dog Star in July
marks the season of the greatest cold instead of, as with us, the
greatest heat; and just as the civilized ancients ascribed the
torrid heat of midsummer to that brilliant star,<a id=
"footnotetag804" name="footnotetag804"></a><a href=
"#footnote804"><sup>804</sup></a> so the modern savage of South
Africa attributes to it the piercing cold of midwinter and seeks to
mitigate its rigour by warming up the chilly star with the genial
heat of the sun. How he does so may be best described in his own
words as follows:&mdash;<a id="footnotetag805" name=
"footnotetag805"></a><a href="#footnote805"><sup>805</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page333" name="page333"></a>[pg
333]</span>
<p>"The Bushmen perceive Canopus, they say to a child: 'Give me
yonder piece of wood, that I may put the end of it in the fire,
that I may point it burning towards grandmother, for grandmother
carries Bushman rice; grandmother shall make a little warmth for
us; for she coldly comes out; the sun<a id="footnotetag806" name=
"footnotetag806"></a><a href="#footnote806"><sup>806</sup></a>
shall warm grandmother's eye for us.' Sirius comes out; the people
call out to one another: 'Sirius comes yonder;' they say to one
another: 'Ye must burn a stick for us towards Sirius.' They say to
one another: 'Who was it who saw Sirius?' One man says to the
other: 'Our brother saw Sirius,' The other man says to him: 'I saw
Sirius.' The other man says to him: 'I wish thee to burn a stick
for us towards Sirius; that the sun may shining come out for us;
that Sirius may not coldly come out' The other man (the one who saw
Sirius) says to his son: 'Bring me the small piece of wood yonder,
that I may put the end of it in the fire, that I may burn it
towards grandmother; that grandmother may ascend the sky, like the
other one, Canopus.' The child brings him the piece of wood, he
(the father) holds the end of it in the fire. He points it burning
towards Sirius; he says that Sirius shall twinkle like Canopus. He
sings; he sings about Canopus, he sings about Sirius; he points to
them with fire,<a id="footnotetag807" name=
"footnotetag807"></a><a href="#footnote807"><sup>807</sup></a> that
they may twinkle like each other. He throws fire at them. He covers
himself up entirely (including his head) in his kaross and lies
down. He arises, he sits down; while he does not again lie down;
because he feels that he has worked, putting Sirius into the sun's
warmth; so that Sirius may warmly come out. The women go out early
to seek for Bushman rice; they walk, sunning their shoulder
blades."<a id="footnotetag808" name="footnotetag808"></a><a href=
"#footnote808"><sup>808</sup></a> What the Bushmen thus do to
temper the cold of midwinter in the southern hemisphere by blowing
up the celestial fires may have been done by our rude forefathers
at the corresponding season in the northern hemisphere.</p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page334" name="page334"></a>[pg
334]</span> <a id="burningimitations" name="burningimitations"></a>
<p>[The burning wheels and discs of the fire-festivals may be
direct imitations of the sun.]</p>
<p>Not only the date of some of the festivals but the manner of
their celebration suggests a conscious imitation of the sun. The
custom of rolling a burning wheel down a hill, which is often
observed at these ceremonies, might well pass for an imitation of
the sun's course in the sky, and the imitation would be especially
appropriate on Midsummer Day when the sun's annual declension
begins. Indeed the custom has been thus interpreted by some of
those who have recorded it.<a id="footnotetag809" name=
"footnotetag809"></a><a href="#footnote809"><sup>809</sup></a> Not
less graphic, it may be said, is the mimicry of his apparent
revolution by swinging a burning tar-barrel round a pole.<a id=
"footnotetag810" name="footnotetag810"></a><a href=
"#footnote810"><sup>810</sup></a> Again, the common practice of
throwing fiery discs, sometimes expressly said to be shaped like
suns, into the air at the festivals may well be a piece of
imitative magic. In these, as in so many cases, the magic force may
be supposed to take effect through mimicry or sympathy: by
imitating the desired result you actually produce it: by
counterfeiting the sun's progress through the heavens you really
help the luminary to pursue his celestial journey with punctuality
and despatch. The name "fire of heaven," by which the midsummer
fire is sometimes popularly known,<a id="footnotetag811" name=
"footnotetag811"></a><a href="#footnote811"><sup>811</sup></a>
clearly implies a consciousness of a connexion between the earthly
and the heavenly flame.</p>
<a id="wheelimitation" name="wheelimitation"></a>
<p>[The wheel sometimes used to kindle the fire by friction may
also be an imitation of the sun.]</p>
<p>Again, the manner in which the fire appears to have been
originally kindled on these occasions has been alleged in support
of the view that it was intended to be a mock-sun. As some scholars
have perceived, it is highly probable <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page335" name="page335"></a>[pg 335]</span> that at the periodic
festivals in former times fire was universally obtained by the
friction of two pieces of wood.<a id="footnotetag812" name=
"footnotetag812"></a><a href="#footnote812"><sup>812</sup></a> We
have seen that it is still so procured in some places both at the
Easter and the midsummer festivals, and that it is expressly said
to have been formerly so procured at the Beltane celebration both
in Scotland and Wales.<a id="footnotetag813" name=
"footnotetag813"></a><a href="#footnote813"><sup>813</sup></a> But
what makes it nearly certain that this was once the invariable mode
of kindling the fire at these periodic festivals is the analogy of
the need-fire, which has almost always been produced by the
friction of wood, and sometimes by the revolution of a wheel. It is
a plausible conjecture that the wheel employed for this purpose
represents the sun,<a id="footnotetag814" name=
"footnotetag814"></a><a href="#footnote814"><sup>814</sup></a> and
if the fires at the regularly recurring celebrations were formerly
produced in the same way, it might be regarded as a confirmation of
the view that they were originally sun-charms. In point of fact
there is, as Kuhn has indicated,<a id="footnotetag815" name=
"footnotetag815"></a><a href="#footnote815"><sup>815</sup></a> some
evidence to shew that the midsummer fire was originally thus
produced. We have seen that many Hungarian swineherds make fire on
Midsummer Eve by rotating a wheel round a wooden axle wrapt in
hemp, and that they drive their pigs through the fire thus
made.<a id="footnotetag816" name="footnotetag816"></a><a href=
"#footnote816"><sup>816</sup></a> At Obermedlingen, in Swabia, the
"fire of heaven," as it was called, was made on St. Vitus's Day
(the fifteenth of June) by igniting a cartwheel, which, smeared
with pitch and plaited with straw, was fastened on a pole twelve
feet high, the top of the pole being inserted in the nave of the
wheel. This fire was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page336" name=
"page336"></a>[pg 336]</span> made on the summit of a mountain, and
as the flame ascended, the people uttered a set form of words, with
eyes and arms directed heavenward.<a id="footnotetag817" name=
"footnotetag817"></a><a href="#footnote817"><sup>817</sup></a> Here
the fixing of a wheel on a pole and igniting it suggests that
originally the fire was produced, as in the case of the need-fire,
by the revolution of a wheel. The day on which the ceremony takes
place (the fifteenth of June) is near midsummer; and we have seen
that in Masuren fire is, or used to be, actually made on Midsummer
Day by turning a wheel rapidly about an oaken pole,<a id=
"footnotetag818" name="footnotetag818"></a><a href=
"#footnote818"><sup>818</sup></a> though it is not said that the
new fire so obtained is used to light a bonfire. However, we must
bear in mind that in all such cases the use of a wheel may be
merely a mechanical device to facilitate the operation of
fire-making by increasing the friction; it need not have any
symbolical significance.</p>
<a id="fireinfluence" name="fireinfluence"></a>
<p>[The influence which the fires are supposed to exert on the
weather and vegetation may be thought to be due to an increase of
solar heat produced by the fires.]</p>
<p>Further, the influence which these fires, whether periodic or
occasional, are supposed to exert on the weather and vegetation may
be cited in support of the view that they are sun-charms, since the
effects ascribed to them resemble those of sunshine. Thus, the
French belief that in a rainy June the lighting of the midsummer
bonfires will cause the rain to cease<a id="footnotetag819" name=
"footnotetag819"></a><a href="#footnote819"><sup>819</sup></a>
appears to assume that they can disperse the dark clouds and make
the sun to break out in radiant glory, drying the wet earth and
dripping trees. Similarly the use of the need-fire by Swiss
children on foggy days for the purpose of clearing away the
mist<a id="footnotetag820" name="footnotetag820"></a><a href=
"#footnote820"><sup>820</sup></a> may very naturally be interpreted
as a sun-charm. Again, we have seen that in the Vosges Mountains
the people believe that the midsummer fires help to preserve the
fruits of the earth and ensure good crops.<a id="footnotetag821"
name="footnotetag821"></a><a href="#footnote821"><sup>821</sup></a>
In Sweden the warmth or cold of the coming season is inferred from
the direction in which the flames of the May Day bonfire are blown;
if they blow to the south, it will be warm, if to the north,
cold.<a id="footnotetag822" name="footnotetag822"></a><a href=
"#footnote822"><sup>822</sup></a> No doubt at present the direction
of the flames is regarded merely as an augury of the weather, not
as a mode of influencing it. But we may be pretty sure that this is
one of the cases in which magic has dwindled into divination. So in
the Eifel <span class="pagenum"><a id="page337" name=
"page337"></a>[pg 337]</span> Mountains, when the smoke blows
towards the corn-fields, this is an omen that the harvest will be
abundant.<a id="footnotetag823" name="footnotetag823"></a><a href=
"#footnote823"><sup>823</sup></a> But the older view may have been
not merely that the smoke and flames prognosticated, but that they
actually produced an abundant harvest, the heat of the flames
acting like sunshine on the corn. Perhaps it was with this view
that people in the Isle of Man lit fires to windward of their
fields in order that the smoke might blow over them.<a id=
"footnotetag824" name="footnotetag824"></a><a href=
"#footnote824"><sup>824</sup></a> So in South Africa, about the
month of April, the Matabeles light huge fires to the windward of
their gardens, "their idea being that the smoke, by passing over
the crops, will assist the ripening of them."<a id="footnotetag825"
name="footnotetag825"></a><a href="#footnote825"><sup>825</sup></a>
Among the Zulus also "medicine is burned on a fire placed to
windward of the garden, the fumigation which the plants in
consequence receive being held to improve the crop."<a id=
"footnotetag826" name="footnotetag826"></a><a href=
"#footnote826"><sup>826</sup></a> Again, the idea of our European
peasants that the corn will grow well as far as the blaze of the
bonfire is visible,<a id="footnotetag827" name=
"footnotetag827"></a><a href="#footnote827"><sup>827</sup></a> may
be interpreted as a remnant of the belief in the quickening and
fertilizing power of the bonfires. The same belief, it may be
argued, reappears in the notion that embers taken from the bonfires
and inserted in the fields will promote the growth of the
crops,<a id="footnotetag828" name="footnotetag828"></a><a href=
"#footnote828"><sup>828</sup></a> and it may be thought to underlie
the customs of sowing flax-seed in the direction in which the
flames blow,<a id="footnotetag829" name=
"footnotetag829"></a><a href="#footnote829"><sup>829</sup></a> of
mixing the ashes of the bonfire with the seed-corn at sowing,<a id=
"footnotetag830" name="footnotetag830"></a><a href=
"#footnote830"><sup>830</sup></a> of scattering the ashes by
themselves over the field to fertilize it,<a id="footnotetag831"
name="footnotetag831"></a><a href="#footnote831"><sup>831</sup></a>
and of incorporating a piece of the Yule log in the plough to make
the seeds thrive.<a id="footnotetag832" name=
"footnotetag832"></a><a href="#footnote832"><sup>832</sup></a> The
opinion that the flax or hemp will grow as high as the flames rise
or the people leap over them<a id="footnotetag833" name=
"footnotetag833"></a><a href="#footnote833"><sup>833</sup></a>
belongs clearly to the same class of ideas. Again, at Konz, on the
banks of the Moselle, if the blazing wheel which was trundled down
the hillside reached the river without being extinguished, this was
hailed as a proof that the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page338"
name="page338"></a>[pg 338]</span> vintage would be abundant. So
firmly was this belief held that the successful performance of the
ceremony entitled the villagers to levy a tax upon the owners of
the neighbouring vineyards.<a id="footnotetag834" name=
"footnotetag834"></a><a href="#footnote834"><sup>834</sup></a> Here
the unextinguished wheel might be taken to represent an unclouded
sun, which in turn would portend an abundant vintage. So the
waggon-load of white wine which the villagers received from the
vineyards round about might pass for a payment for the sunshine
which they had procured for the grapes. Similarly we saw that in
the Vale of Glamorgan a blazing wheel used to be trundled down hill
on Midsummer Day, and that if the fire were extinguished before the
wheel reached the foot of the hill, the people expected a bad
harvest; whereas if the wheel kept alight all the way down and
continued to blaze for a long time, the farmers looked forward to
heavy crops that summer.<a id="footnotetag835" name=
"footnotetag835"></a><a href="#footnote835"><sup>835</sup></a>
Here, again, it is natural to suppose that the rustic mind traced a
direct connexion between the fire of the wheel and the fire of the
sun, on which the crops are dependent.</p>
<a id="fertilizingfire" name="fertilizingfire"></a>
<p>[The effect which the bonfires are supposed to have in
fertilizing cattle and women may also be attributed to an increase
of solar heat produced by the fires.]</p>
<p>But in popular belief the quickening and fertilizing influence
of the bonfires is not limited to the vegetable world; it extends
also to animals. This plainly appears from the Irish custom of
driving barren cattle through the midsummer fires,<a id=
"footnotetag836" name="footnotetag836"></a><a href=
"#footnote836"><sup>836</sup></a> from the French belief that the
Yule-log steeped in water helps cows to calve,<a id=
"footnotetag837" name="footnotetag837"></a><a href=
"#footnote837"><sup>837</sup></a> from the French and Servian
notion that there will be as many chickens, calves, lambs, and kids
as there are sparks struck out of the Yule log,<a id=
"footnotetag838" name="footnotetag838"></a><a href=
"#footnote838"><sup>838</sup></a> from the French custom of putting
the ashes of the bonfires in the fowls' nests to make the hens lay
eggs,<a id="footnotetag839" name="footnotetag839"></a><a href=
"#footnote839"><sup>839</sup></a> and from the German practice of
mixing the ashes of the bonfires with the drink of cattle in order
to make the animals thrive.<a id="footnotetag840" name=
"footnotetag840"></a><a href="#footnote840"><sup>840</sup></a>
Further, there are clear indications that even human fecundity is
supposed to be promoted by the genial heat of the fires. In Morocco
the people think that childless couples can obtain offspring by
leaping over the midsummer bonfire.<a id="footnotetag841" name=
"footnotetag841"></a><a href="#footnote841"><sup>841</sup></a> It
is an Irish belief that a girl who jumps thrice over the midsummer
bonfire will soon marry and become the mother <span class=
"pagenum"><a id="page339" name="page339"></a>[pg 339]</span> of
many children;<a id="footnotetag842" name=
"footnotetag842"></a><a href="#footnote842"><sup>842</sup></a> in
Flanders women leap over the Midsummer fires to ensure an easy
delivery;<a id="footnotetag843" name="footnotetag843"></a><a href=
"#footnote843"><sup>843</sup></a> and in various parts of France
they think that if a girl dances round nine fires she will be sure
to marry within the year.<a id="footnotetag844" name=
"footnotetag844"></a><a href="#footnote844"><sup>844</sup></a> On
the other hand, in Lechrain people say that if a young man and
woman, leaping over the midsummer fire together, escape unsmirched,
the young woman will not become a mother within twelve
months:<a id="footnotetag845" name="footnotetag845"></a><a href=
"#footnote845"><sup>845</sup></a> the flames have not touched and
fertilized her. In parts of Switzerland and France the lighting of
the Yule log is accompanied by a prayer that the women may bear
children, the she-goats bring forth kids, and the ewes drop
lambs.<a id="footnotetag846" name="footnotetag846"></a><a href=
"#footnote846"><sup>846</sup></a> The rule observed in some places
that the bonfires should be kindled by the person who was last
married<a id="footnotetag847" name="footnotetag847"></a><a href=
"#footnote847"><sup>847</sup></a> seems to belong to the same class
of ideas, whether it be that such a person is supposed to receive
from, or to impart to, the fire a generative and fertilizing
influence. The common practice of lovers leaping over the fires
hand in hand may very well have originated in a notion that thereby
their marriage would be blessed with offspring; and the like motive
would explain the custom which obliges couples married within the
year to dance to the light of torches.<a id="footnotetag848" name=
"footnotetag848"></a><a href="#footnote848"><sup>848</sup></a> And
the scenes of profligacy which appear to have marked the midsummer
celebration among the Esthonians,<a id="footnotetag849" name=
"footnotetag849"></a><a href="#footnote849"><sup>849</sup></a> as
they once marked the celebration of May Day among ourselves, may
have sprung, not from the mere license of holiday-makers, but from
a crude notion that such orgies were justified, if not required, by
some mysterious bond which linked the life of man to the courses of
the heavens at this turning-point of the year.</p>
<a id="carryingtorches" name="carryingtorches"></a>
<p>[The custom of carrying lighted torches about the country at the
festival may be explained as an attempt to diffuse the Sun's
heat.]</p>
<p>At the festivals which we are considering the custom of kindling
bonfires is commonly associated with a custom of carrying lighted
torches about the fields, the orchards, the pastures, the flocks
and the herds; and we can hardly doubt that the two customs are
only two different ways of attaining the same object, namely, the
benefits which are believed to flow from the fire, whether it be
stationary or portable. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page340" name=
"page340"></a>[pg 340]</span> Accordingly if we accept the solar
theory of the bonfires, we seem bound to apply it also to the
torches; we must suppose that the practice of marching or running
with blazing torches about the country is simply a means of
diffusing far and wide the genial influence of the sunshine, of
which these flickering flames are a feeble imitation. In favour of
this view it may be said that sometimes the torches are carried
about the fields for the express purpose of fertilizing them,<a id=
"footnotetag850" name="footnotetag850"></a><a href=
"#footnote850"><sup>850</sup></a> and for the same purpose live
coals from the bonfires are sometimes placed in the fields "to
prevent blight."<a id="footnotetag851" name=
"footnotetag851"></a><a href="#footnote851"><sup>851</sup></a> On
the Eve of Twelfth Day in Normandy men, women, and children run
wildly through the fields and orchards with lighted torches, which
they wave about the branches and dash against the trunks of the
fruit-trees for the sake of burning the moss and driving away the
moles and field mice. "They believe that the ceremony fulfils the
double object of exorcizing the vermin whose multiplication would
be a real calamity, and of imparting fecundity to the trees, the
fields, and even the cattle"; and they imagine that the more the
ceremony is prolonged, the greater will be the crop of fruit next
autumn.<a id="footnotetag852" name="footnotetag852"></a><a href=
"#footnote852"><sup>852</sup></a> In Bohemia they say that the corn
will grow as high as they fling the blazing besoms into the
air.<a id="footnotetag853" name="footnotetag853"></a><a href=
"#footnote853"><sup>853</sup></a> Nor are such notions confined to
Europe. In Corea, a few days before the New Year festival, the
eunuchs of the palace swing burning torches, chanting invocations
the while, and this is supposed to ensure bountiful crops for the
next season.<a id="footnotetag854" name=
"footnotetag854"></a><a href="#footnote854"><sup>854</sup></a> The
custom of trundling a burning wheel <span class="pagenum"><a id=
"page341" name="page341"></a>[pg 341]</span> over the fields, which
used to be observed in Poitou for the express purpose of
fertilizing them,<a id="footnotetag855" name=
"footnotetag855"></a><a href="#footnote855"><sup>855</sup></a> may
be thought to embody the same idea in a still more graphic form;
since in this way the mock-sun itself, not merely its light and
heat represented by torches, is made actually to pass over the
ground which is to receive its quickening and kindly influence.
Once more, the custom of carrying lighted brands round cattle<a id=
"footnotetag856" name="footnotetag856"></a><a href=
"#footnote856"><sup>856</sup></a> is plainly equivalent to driving
the animals through the bonfire; and if the bonfire is a sun-charm,
the torches must be so also.</p>
<h4><a id="sect5-3" name="sect5-3">&sect; 3. <i>The Purificatory
Theory of the Fire-festivals</i></a></h4>
<a id="purificatorytheory" name="purificatorytheory"></a>
<p>[Theory that the fires at the festivals are purificatory, being
intended to burn up all harmful things.]</p>
<p>Thus far we have considered what may be said for the theory that
at the European fire-festivals the fire is kindled as a charm to
ensure an abundant supply of sunshine for man and beast, for corn
and fruits. It remains to consider what may be said against this
theory and in favour of the view that in these rites fire is
employed not as a creative but as a cleansing agent, which purifies
men, animals, and plants by burning up and consuming the noxious
elements, whether material or spiritual, which menace all living
things with disease and death.</p>
<a id="destructiveeffect" name="destructiveeffect"></a>
<p>[The purificatory or destructive effect of the fires is often
alleged by the people who light them; the great evil against which
the fire at the festivals is directed appears to be
witchcraft.]</p>
<p>First, then, it is to be observed that the people who practise
the fire-customs appear never to allege the solar theory in
explanation of them, while on the contrary they do frequently and
emphatically put forward the purificatory theory. This is a strong
argument in favour of the purificatory and against the solar
theory; for the popular explanation of a popular custom is never to
be rejected except for grave cause. And in the present case there
seems to be no adequate reason for rejecting it. The conception of
fire as a destructive agent, which can be turned to account for the
consumption of evil things, is so simple and obvious that it could
hardly escape the minds even of the rude peasantry with whom these
festivals originated. On the other hand the conception of fire as
an emanation of the sun, or at all events as linked to it by a bond
of physical sympathy, is far less simple and obvious; and though
the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page342" name="page342"></a>[pg
342]</span> use of fire as a charm to produce sunshine appears to
be undeniable,<a id="footnotetag857" name=
"footnotetag857"></a><a href="#footnote857"><sup>857</sup></a>
nevertheless in attempting to explain popular customs we should
never have recourse to a more recondite idea when a simpler one
lies to hand and is supported by the explicit testimony of the
people themselves. Now in the case of the fire-festivals the
destructive aspect of fire is one upon which the people dwell again
and again; and it is highly significant that the great evil against
which the fire is directed appears to be witchcraft. Again and
again we are told that the fires are intended to burn or repel the
witches;<a id="footnotetag858" name="footnotetag858"></a><a href=
"#footnote858"><sup>858</sup></a> and the intention is sometimes
graphically expressed by burning an effigy of a witch in the
fire.<a id="footnotetag859" name="footnotetag859"></a><a href=
"#footnote859"><sup>859</sup></a> Hence, when we remember the great
hold which the dread of witchcraft has had on the popular European
mind in all ages, we may suspect that the primary intention of all
these fire-festivals was simply to destroy or at all events get rid
of the witches, who were regarded as the causes of nearly all the
misfortunes and calamities that befall men, their cattle, and their
crops.<a id="footnotetag860" name="footnotetag860"></a><a href=
"#footnote860"><sup>860</sup></a></p>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="page343" name="page343"></a>[pg
343]</span> <a id="cattledisease" name="cattledisease"></a>
<p>[Amongst the evils for which the fire-festivals are deemed
remedies the foremost is cattle-disease, and cattle-disease is
often supposed to be an effect of witchcraft.]</p>
<p>This suspicion is confirmed when we examine the evils for which
the bonfires and torches were supposed to provide a remedy.
Foremost, perhaps, among these evils we may reckon the diseases of
cattle; and of all the ills that witches are believed to work there
is probably none which is so constantly insisted on as the harm
they do to the herds, particularly by stealing the milk from the
cows.<a id="footnotetag861" name="footnotetag861"></a><a href=
"#footnote861"><sup>861</sup></a> Now it is significant that the
need-fire, which may perhaps be regarded as the parent of the
periodic fire-festivals, is kindled above all as a remedy for a
murrain or other disease of cattle; and the circumstance suggests,
what on general grounds seems probable, that the custom of kindling
the need-fire goes back to a time when the ancestors of the
European peoples subsisted chiefly on the products of their herds,
and when agriculture as yet played a subordinate part in their
lives. Witches and wolves are the two great foes still dreaded by
the herdsman in many parts of Europe;<a id="footnotetag862" name=
"footnotetag862"></a><a href="#footnote862"><sup>862</sup></a> and
we need not wonder that he should resort to fire as a powerful
means of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page344" name=
"page344"></a>[pg 344]</span> banning them both. Among Slavonic
peoples it appears that the foes whom the need-fire is designed to
combat are not so much living witches as vampyres and other evil
spirits,<a id="footnotetag863" name="footnotetag863"></a><a href=
"#footnote863"><sup>863</sup></a> and the ceremony, as we saw, aims
rather at repelling these baleful beings than at actually consuming
them in the flames. But for our present purpose these distinctions
are immaterial. The important thing to observe is that among the
Slavs the need-fire, which is probably the original of all the
ceremonial fires now under consideration, is not a sun-charm, but
clearly and unmistakably nothing but a means of protecting man and
beast against the attacks of maleficent creatures, whom the peasant
thinks to burn or scare by the heat of the fire, just as he might
burn or scare wild animals.</p>
<a id="averthail" name="averthail"></a>
<p>[Again, the bonfires are thought to avert hail, thunder,
lightning, and other maladies, all of which are attributed to the
maleficent arts of witches.]</p>
<p>Again, the bonfires are often supposed to protect the fields
against hail<a id="footnotetag864" name=
"footnotetag864"></a><a href="#footnote864"><sup>864</sup></a> and
the homestead against thunder and lightning.<a id="footnotetag865"
name="footnotetag865"></a><a href="#footnote865"><sup>865</sup></a>
But both hail and thunderstorms are frequently thought to be caused
by witches;<a id="footnotetag866" name=
"footnotetag866"></a><a href="#footnote866"><sup>866</sup></a>
hence the fire which bans the witches necessarily serves at the
same time as a talisman against hail, thunder, and lightning.
Further, brands taken from the bonfires are commonly kept in the
houses to guard them against conflagration;<a id="footnotetag867"
name="footnotetag867"></a><a href="#footnote867"><sup>867</sup></a>
and though this may perhaps be done on the principle of
homoeopathic magic, one fire being thought to act as a preventive
of another, it is also possible that the intention may be to keep
witch-incendiaries at bay. Again, people leap over the bonfires as
a preventive of colic,<a id="footnotetag868" name=
"footnotetag868"></a><a href="#footnote868"><sup>868</sup></a> and
look at the flames steadily in order to preserve their eyes in good
health;<a id="footnotetag869" name="footnotetag869"></a><a href=
"#footnote869"><sup>869</sup></a> and both colic and sore eyes are
in Germany, and probably elsewhere, set down to the machinations of
witches.<a id="footnotetag870" name="footnotetag870"></a><a href=
"#footnote870"><sup>870</sup></a> Once more, to leap over the
Midsummer fires or <span class="pagenum"><a id="page345" name=
"page345"></a>[pg 345]</span> to circumambulate them is thought to
prevent a person from feeling pains in his back at reaping;<a id=
"footnotetag871" name="footnotetag871"></a><a href=
"#footnote871"><sup>871</sup></a> and in Germany such pains are
called "witch-shots" and ascribed to witchcraft.<a id=
"footnotetag872" name="footnotetag872"></a><a href=
"#footnote872"><sup>872</sup></a></p>
<a id="wheelsburn" name="wheelsburn"></a>
<p>[The burning wheels rolled down hills and the burning discs and
brooms thrown into the air may be intended to burn the invisible
witches.]</p>
<p>But if the bonfires and torches of the fire-festivals are to be
regarded primarily as weapons directed against witches and wizards,
it becomes probable that the same explanation applies not only to
the flaming discs which are hurled into the air, but also to the
burning wheels which are rolled down hill on these occasions; discs
and wheels, we may suppose, are alike intended to burn the witches
who hover invisible in the air or haunt unseen the fields, the
orchards, and the vineyards on the hillside.<a id="footnotetag873"
name="footnotetag873"></a><a href="#footnote873"><sup>873</sup></a>
Certainly witches are constantly thought to ride through the air on
broomsticks or other equally convenient vehicles; and if they do
so, how can you get at them so effectually as by hurling lighted
missiles, whether discs, torches, or besoms, after them as they
flit past overhead in the gloom? The South Slavonian peasant
believes that witches ride in the dark hail-clouds; so he shoots at
the clouds to bring down the hags, while he curses them, saying,
"Curse, curse Herodias, thy mother is a heathen, damned of God and
fettered through the Redeemer's blood." Also he brings out a pot of
glowing charcoal on which he has thrown holy oil, laurel leaves,
and wormwood to make a smoke. The fumes are supposed to ascend to
the clouds and stupefy the witches, so that they tumble down to
earth. And in order that they may not fall soft, but may hurt
themselves very much, the yokel hastily brings out a chair and
tilts it bottom up so that the witch in falling may break her legs
on the legs of the chair. Worse than that, he cruelly lays scythes,
bill-hooks and other formidable weapons edge upwards so as to cut
and mangle <span class="pagenum"><a id="page346" name=
"page346"></a>[pg 346]</span> the poor wretches when they drop
plump upon them from the clouds.<a id="footnotetag874" name=
"footnotetag874"></a><a href="#footnote874"><sup>874</sup></a></p>
<a id="fertilityindirect" name="fertilityindirect"></a>
<p>[On this view the fertility supposed to follow the use of fire
results indirectly from breaking the spells of witches.]</p>
<p>On this view the fertility supposed to follow the application of
fire in the form of bonfires, torches, discs, rolling wheels, and
so forth, is not conceived as resulting directly from an increase
of solar heat which the fire has magically generated; it is merely
an indirect result obtained by freeing the reproductive powers of
plants and animals from the fatal obstruction of witchcraft. And
what is true of the reproduction of plants and animals may hold
good also of the fertility of the human sexes. We have seen that
the bonfires are supposed to promote marriage and to procure
offspring for childless couples. This happy effect need not flow
directly from any quickening or fertilizing energy in the fire; it
may follow indirectly from the power of the fire to remove those
obstacles which the spells of witches and wizards notoriously
present to the union of man and wife.<a id="footnotetag875" name=
"footnotetag875"></a><a href="#footnote875"><sup>875</sup></a></p>
<a id="destructiveprobable" name="destructiveprobable"></a>
<p>[On the whole the theory of the purificatory or destructive
intention of the fire-festivals seems the more probable.]</p>
<p>On the whole, then, the theory of the purificatory virtue of the
ceremonial fires appears more probable and more in accordance with
the evidence than the opposing theory of their connexion with the
sun. But Europe is not the only part of the world where ceremonies
of this sort have been performed; elsewhere the passage through the
flames or smoke or over the glowing embers of a bonfire, which is
the central feature of most of the rites, has been employed as a
cure or a preventive of various ills. We have seen that the
midsummer ritual of fire in Morocco is practically identical with
that of our European peasantry; and customs more or less similar
have been observed by many races in various parts of the world. A
consideration of some of them may help us to decide between the
conflicting claims of the two rival theories, which explain the
ceremonies as sun-charms or purifications respectively.</p>
<p>Notes:</p>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote796" name=
"footnote796"></a> <b>Footnote 796</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag796">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page116">116</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href=
"#page119">119</a>, <a href="#page143">143</a>, <a href=
"#page165">165</a>, <a href="#page166">166</a>, <a href=
"#page168">168</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page172">172</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote797" name=
"footnote797"></a> <b>Footnote 797</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag797">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page116">116</a>, <a href=
"#page117">117</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page119">119</a>, <a href=
"#page141">141</a>, <a href="#page143">143</a>, <a href=
"#page161">161</a>, <a href="#page162">162</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href=
"#page163">163</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page173">173</a>, <a href=
"#page191">191</a>, <a href="#page201">201</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote798" name=
"footnote798"></a> <b>Footnote 798</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag798">(return)</a>
<p>W. Mannhardt, <i>Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer
Nachbarst&auml;mme</i> (Berlin, 1875), pp. 521 <i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote799" name=
"footnote799"></a> <b>Footnote 799</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag799">(return)</a>
<p>E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco,"
<i>Folk-lore</i>, xvi. (1905) pp. 44 <i>sqq.; id., The Origin and
Development of the Moral Ideas</i> (London, 1906-1908), i. 56;
<i>id., Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, certain
Dates of the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco</i>
(Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 93-102.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote800" name=
"footnote800"></a> <b>Footnote 800</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag800">(return)</a>
<p>E. Mogk, "Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche im Kreislauf des Jahres," in
R. Wuttke's <i>S&auml;chsische Volkskunde</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(Dresden, 1901), pp. 310 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote801" name=
"footnote801"></a> <b>Footnote 801</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag801">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Golden Bough</i>, Second Edition (London, 1900), iii.
312: "The custom of leaping over the fire and driving cattle
through it may be intended, on the one hand, to secure for man and
beast a share of the vital energy of the sun, and, on the other
hand, to purge them of all evil influences; for to the primitive
mind fire is the most powerful of all purificatory agents"; and
again, <i>id.</i> iii. 314: "It is quite possible that in these
customs the idea of the quickening power of fire may be combined
with the conception of it as a purgative agent for the expulsion or
destruction of evil beings, such as witches and the vermin that
destroy the fruits of the earth. Certainly the fires are often
interpreted in the latter way by the persons who light them; and
this purgative use of the element comes out very prominently, as we
have seen, in the general expulsion of demons from towns and
villages. But in the present class of cases this aspect of fire may
be secondary, if indeed it is more than a later misinterpretation
of the custom."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote802" name=
"footnote802"></a> <b>Footnote 802</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag802">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, i. 311
<i>sqq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote803" name=
"footnote803"></a> <b>Footnote 803</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag803">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</i>, Second Edition, pp. 254
<i>sqq</i>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote804" name=
"footnote804"></a> <b>Footnote 804</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag804">(return)</a>
<p>Manilius, <i>Astronom</i>. v. 206 <i>sqq.</i>:</p>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<p>"Cum vero in vastos surget Nemeaeus</p>
<p class="i4">hiatus,</p>
<p class="i2">Exoriturque Canis, latratque Canicula</p>
<p class="i4">flammas</p>
<p class="i2">Et rabit igne suo geminatque incendia</p>
<p class="i4">solis,</p>
<p class="i2">Qua subdente facem terris radiosque</p>
<p class="i4">movente" etc.</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>Pliny, <i>Naturalis Historic</i> xviii. 269 <i>sq</i>.:
"<i>Exoritur dein post triduum fere ubique confessum inter omnes
sidus ingens quod canis ortum vocamus, sole partem primam leonis
ingresso. Hoc fit post solstitium XXIII. die. Sentiunt id maria et
terrae, multae vero et ferae, ut suis locis diximus. Neque est
minor ei veneratio quam descriptis in deos stellis accendique solem
et magnam aestus obtinet causam</i>."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote805" name=
"footnote805"></a> <b>Footnote 805</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag805">(return)</a>
<p><i>Specimens of Bushman Folklore</i> collected by the late
W.H.I. Bleek, Ph.D., and L.C. Lloyd (London, 1911), pp. 339, 341.
In quoting the passage I have omitted the brackets which the
editors print for the purpose of indicating the words which are
implied, but not expressed, in the original Bushman text.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote806" name=
"footnote806"></a> <b>Footnote 806</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag806">(return)</a>
<p>"The sun is a little warm, when this star appears in winter"
(Editors of <i>Specimens of Bushman Folklore</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote807" name=
"footnote807"></a> <b>Footnote 807</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag807">(return)</a>
<p>"With the stick that he had held in the fire, moving it up and
down quickly" (Editors).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote808" name=
"footnote808"></a> <b>Footnote 808</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag808">(return)</a>
<p>"They take one arm out of the kaross, thereby exposing one
shoulder blade to the sun" (Editors).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote809" name=
"footnote809"></a> <b>Footnote 809</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag809">(return)</a>
<p>See above, pp. <a href="#page162">161</a>, <a href=
"#page162">162</a> <i>sq.</i> On the wheel as an emblem of the sun,
see J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> ii. 585; A.
Kuhn, <i>Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des
G&ouml;ttertranks</i>,<sup>2</sup> (G&uuml;tersloh, 1886), pp. 45
<i>sqq.</i>; H. Gaidoz, "Le dieu gaulois du soleil et le symbolisme
de la roue," <i>Revue Arch&eacute;ologique</i>, iii. S&eacute;rie,
iv. (1884) pp. 14 <i>sqq.</i>; William Simpson, <i>The Buddhist
Praying Wheel</i> (London, 1896), pp. 87 <i>sqq.</i> It is a
popular Armenian idea that "the body of the sun has the shape of
the wheel of a water-mill; it revolves and moves forward. As drops
of water sputter from the mill-wheel, so sunbeams shoot out from
the spokes of the sun-wheel" (M. Abeghian, <i>Der armenische
Volksglaube</i>, Leipsic, 1899, p. 41). In the old Mexican
picture-books the usual representation of the sun is "a wheel,
often brilliant with many colours, the rays of which are so many
bloodstained tongues, by means of which the Sun receives his
nourishment" (E.J. Payne, <i>History of the New World called
America</i>, Oxford, 1892, i. 521).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote810" name=
"footnote810"></a> <b>Footnote 810</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag810">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page169">169</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote811" name=
"footnote811"></a> <b>Footnote 811</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag811">(return)</a>
<p>Ernst Meier, <i>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr&auml;uche aus
Schwaben</i> (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 225; F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag zur
deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich, 1848-1855), ii. 240; Anton
Birlinger, <i>Volksth&uuml;mliches aus Schwaben</i> (Freiburg im
Breisgau, 1861-1862), ii. 57, 97; W. Mannhardt, <i>Baumkultus</i>,
p. 510.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote812" name=
"footnote812"></a> <b>Footnote 812</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag812">(return)</a>
<p>Compare J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i.
521; J.W. Wolf, <i>Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen Mythologie</i>
(Gottingen und Leipsic, 1852-1857), ii. 389; Adalbert Kuhn, <i>Die
Herabkunft des Feuers und des G&ouml;ttertranks</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(G&uuml;tersloh, 1886), pp. 41 <i>sq.</i>, 47; W. Mannhardt,
<i>Baumkultus</i>, p. 521. Lindenbrog in his Glossary on the
Capitularies (quoted by J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 502) expressly says: "The rustics in
many parts of Germany, particularly on the festival of St. John the
Baptist, wrench a stake from a fence, wind a rope round it, and
pull it to and fro till it catches fire. This fire they carefully
feed with straw and dry sticks and scatter the ashes over the
vegetable gardens, foolishly and superstitiously imagining that in
this way the caterpillar can be kept off. They call such a fire
<i>nodfeur</i> or <i>nodfyr</i>, that is to say need-fire."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote813" name=
"footnote813"></a> <b>Footnote 813</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag813">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page144">144</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href=
"#page147">147</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page155">155</a>, <a href=
"#page169">169</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page175">175</a>, <a href=
"#page177">177</a>, <a href="#page179">179</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote814" name=
"footnote814"></a> <b>Footnote 814</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag814">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> i. 509; J.W.
Wolf, <i>Beitr&auml;ge zur deutschen Mythologie</i>, i. 117; A.
Kuhn, <i>Die Herabkunft des Feuers</i>,<sup>2</sup> pp. 47
<i>sq.</i>; W. Mannhardt, <i>Baumkultus</i>, p. 521; W.E. Kelly,
<i>Curiosities of Indo-European Tradition and Folk-lore</i>
(London, 1863), p. 49.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote815" name=
"footnote815"></a> <b>Footnote 815</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag815">(return)</a>
<p>A. Kuhn, <i>Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des
G&ouml;ttertranks</i>,<sup>2</sup> (G&uuml;tersloh, 1886), p.
47.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote816" name=
"footnote816"></a> <b>Footnote 816</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag816">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page179">179</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote817" name=
"footnote817"></a> <b>Footnote 817</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag817">(return)</a>
<p>F. Panzer, <i>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</i> (Munich,
1848-1855), ii. 240, &sect; 443.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote818" name=
"footnote818"></a> <b>Footnote 818</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag818">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page177">177</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote819" name=
"footnote819"></a> <b>Footnote 819</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag819">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page187">187</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote820" name=
"footnote820"></a> <b>Footnote 820</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag820">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page279">279</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote821" name=
"footnote821"></a> <b>Footnote 821</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag821">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page188">188</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote822" name=
"footnote822"></a> <b>Footnote 822</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag822">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page159">159</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote823" name=
"footnote823"></a> <b>Footnote 823</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag823">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page116">116</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote824" name=
"footnote824"></a> <b>Footnote 824</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag824">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page201">201</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote825" name=
"footnote825"></a> <b>Footnote 825</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag825">(return)</a>
<p>L. Decle, <i>Three Years in Savage Africa</i> (London, 1898),
pp. 160 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote826" name=
"footnote826"></a> <b>Footnote 826</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag826">(return)</a>
<p>Rev. J. Shooter, <i>The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country</i>
(London, 1857), p. 18.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote827" name=
"footnote827"></a> <b>Footnote 827</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag827">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page140">140</a>, <a href=
"#page142">142</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote828" name=
"footnote828"></a> <b>Footnote 828</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag828">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page119">119</a>, <a href=
"#page165">165</a>, <a href="#page166">166</a>, <a href=
"#page173">173</a>, <a href="#page203">203</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote829" name=
"footnote829"></a> <b>Footnote 829</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag829">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page140">140</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote830" name=
"footnote830"></a> <b>Footnote 830</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag830">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page121">121</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote831" name=
"footnote831"></a> <b>Footnote 831</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag831">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page141">141</a>, <a href=
"#page170">170</a>, <a href="#page190">190</a>, <a href=
"#page203">203</a>, <a href="#page248">248</a>, <a href=
"#page250">250</a>, <a href="#page264">264</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote832" name=
"footnote832"></a> <b>Footnote 832</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag832">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page251">251</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote833" name=
"footnote833"></a> <b>Footnote 833</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag833">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page119">119</a>, <a href=
"#page165">165</a>, <a href="#page166">166</a>, <a href=
"#page168">168</a>, <a href="#page173">173</a>, <a href=
"#page174">174</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote834" name=
"footnote834"></a> <b>Footnote 834</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag834">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page118">118</a>, <a href=
"#page163">163</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote835" name=
"footnote835"></a> <b>Footnote 835</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag835">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page201">201</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote836" name=
"footnote836"></a> <b>Footnote 836</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag836">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page203">203</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote837" name=
"footnote837"></a> <b>Footnote 837</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag837">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page250">250</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote838" name=
"footnote838"></a> <b>Footnote 838</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag838">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page251">251</a>, <a href=
"#page262">262</a>, <a href="#page263">263</a>, <a href=
"#page264">264</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote839" name=
"footnote839"></a> <b>Footnote 839</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag839">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page112">112</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote840" name=
"footnote840"></a> <b>Footnote 840</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag840">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page141">141</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote841" name=
"footnote841"></a> <b>Footnote 841</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag841">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page214">214</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote842" name=
"footnote842"></a> <b>Footnote 842</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag842">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page204">204</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote843" name=
"footnote843"></a> <b>Footnote 843</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag843">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page194">194</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote844" name=
"footnote844"></a> <b>Footnote 844</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag844">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page185">185</a>, <a href=
"#page189">189</a>; compare p. <a href="#page174">174</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote845" name=
"footnote845"></a> <b>Footnote 845</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag845">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page166">166</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote846" name=
"footnote846"></a> <b>Footnote 846</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag846">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page249">249</a>, <a href=
"#page250">250</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote847" name=
"footnote847"></a> <b>Footnote 847</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag847">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page107">107</a>, <a href=
"#page109">109</a>, <a href="#page111">111</a>, <a href=
"#page119">119</a>; compare pp. <a href="#page116">116</a>,
<a href="#page192">192</a>, <a href="#page193">193</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote848" name=
"footnote848"></a> <b>Footnote 848</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag848">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page115">115</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote849" name=
"footnote849"></a> <b>Footnote 849</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag849">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page180">180</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote850" name=
"footnote850"></a> <b>Footnote 850</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag850">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page113">113</a>, <a href=
"#page142">142</a>, <a href="#page170">170</a>, <a href=
"#page233">233</a>. The torches of Demeter, which figure so largely
in her myth and on her monuments, are perhaps to be explained by
this custom. See <i>Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild</i>, i. 57.
W. Mannhardt thought (<i>Baumkultus</i>, p. 536) that the torches
in the modern European customs are imitations of lightning. At some
of their ceremonies the Indians of North-West America imitate
lightning by means of pitch-wood torches which are flashed through
the roof of the house. See J.G. Swan, quoted by Franz Boas, "The
Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl
Indians," <i>Report of the United States National Museum for
1895</i> (Washington, 1897), p. 639.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote851" name=
"footnote851"></a> <b>Footnote 851</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag851">(return)</a>
<p>Above, p. <a href="#page203">203</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote852" name=
"footnote852"></a> <b>Footnote 852</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag852">(return)</a>
<p>Am&eacute;lie Bosquet, <i>La Normandie Romanesque et
Merveilleuse</i> (Paris and Rouen, 1845), pp. 295 <i>sq.</i>; Jules
Lecoeur, <i>Esquisses du Bocage Normand</i>
(Cond&eacute;-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 126-129. See <i>The
Scapegoat</i>, pp. 316 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote853" name=
"footnote853"></a> <b>Footnote 853</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag853">(return)</a>
<p>Br. Jel&iacute;nek, "Materialen zur Vorgeschichte mid Volkskunde
B&ouml;hmens," <i>Mittheilungen der anthropolog. Gesellschaft in
Wien</i> xxi. (1891) p. 13 note.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote854" name=
"footnote854"></a> <b>Footnote 854</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag854">(return)</a>
<p>Mrs. Bishop, <i>Korea and her Neighbours</i> (London, 1898), ii.
56 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote855" name=
"footnote855"></a> <b>Footnote 855</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag855">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page190">190</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote856" name=
"footnote856"></a> <b>Footnote 856</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag856">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page178">178</a>, <a href=
"#page205">205</a>, <a href="#page206">206</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote857" name=
"footnote857"></a> <b>Footnote 857</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag857">(return)</a>
<p>See <i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, i. 311
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote858" name=
"footnote858"></a> <b>Footnote 858</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag858">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page108">108</a>, <a href=
"#page109">109</a>, <a href="#page116">116</a>, <a href=
"#page118">118</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page121">121</a>, <a href=
"#page148">148</a>, <a href="#page154">154</a>, <a href=
"#page156">156</a>, <a href="#page157">157</a>, <a href=
"#page159">159</a>, <a href="#page160">160</a>, <a href=
"#page170">170</a>, <a href="#page171">171</a>, <a href=
"#page174">174</a>, <a href="#page175">175</a>, <a href=
"#page176">176</a>, <a href="#page180">180</a>, <a href=
"#page183">183</a>, <a href="#page185">185</a>, <a href=
"#page188">188</a>, <a href="#page232">232</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href=
"#page245">245</a>, <a href="#page252">252</a>, <a href=
"#page253">253</a>, <a href="#page280">280</a>, <a href=
"#page292">292</a>, <a href="#page293">293</a>, <a href=
"#page295">295</a>, <a href="#page297">297</a>. For more evidence
of the use of fire to burn or expel witches on certain days of the
year, see <i>The Scapegoat</i> pp. 158 <i>sqq.</i> Less often the
fires are thought to burn or repel evil spirits and vampyres. See
above, pp. <a href="#page146">146</a>, <a href="#page170">170</a>,
<a href="#page172">172</a>, <a href="#page202">202</a>, <a href=
"#page252">252</a>, <a href="#page282">282</a>, <a href=
"#page285">285</a>. Sometimes the purpose of the fires is to drive
away dragons (above, pp. <a href="#page161">161</a>, <a href=
"#page195">195</a>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote859" name=
"footnote859"></a> <b>Footnote 859</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag859">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page107">107</a>, <a href=
"#page116">116</a>, <a href="#page118">118</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href=
"#page159">159</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote860" name=
"footnote860"></a> <b>Footnote 860</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag860">(return)</a>
<p>"In short, of all the ills incident to the life of man, none are
so formidable as witchcraft, before the combined influence of
which, to use the language of an honest man who had himself
severely suffered from its effects, the great laird of Grant
himself could not stand them if they should fairly yoke upon him"
(W. Grant Stewart, <i>The Popular Superstitions and Festive
Amusements of the Highlanders of Scotland</i>, Edinburgh, 1823, pp.
202 <i>sq.</i>). "Every misfortune and calamity that took place in
the parish, such as ill-health, the death of friends, the loss of
stock, and the failure of crops; yea to such a length did they
carry their superstition, that even the inclemency of the seasons,
were attributed to the influence of certain old women who were
supposed to be in league, and had dealings with the Devil. These
the common people thought had the power and too often the
inclination to injure their property, and torment their persons"
(<i>County Folklore</i>, vol. v. <i>Lincolnshire</i>, collected by
Mrs. Gutch and Mabel Peacock, London, 1908, p. 76). "The county of
Salop is no exception to the rule of superstition. The late vicar
of a parish on the Clee Hills, startled to find that his
parishioners still believed in witchcraft, once proposed to preach
a sermon against it, but he was dissuaded from doing so by the
parish schoolmaster, who assured him that the belief was so deeply
rooted in the people's minds that he would be more likely to
alienate them from the Church than to weaken their faith in
witchcraft" (Miss C.F. Burne and Miss G.F. Jackson, <i>Shropshire
Folk-lore</i>, London, 1883, p. 145). "Wherever a man or any living
creature falls sick, or a misfortune of any kind happens, without
any natural cause being discoverable or rather lying on the
surface, there in all probability witchcraft is at work. The sudden
stiffness in the small of the back, which few people can account
for at the time, is therefore called a 'witch-shot' and is really
ascribed to witchcraft" (L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen
aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg</i>, Oldenburg, 1867, i. p. 298,
&sect; 209). What Sir Walter Scott said less than a hundred years
ago is probably still true: "The remains of the superstition
sometimes occur; there can be no doubt that the vulgar are still
addicted to the custom of scoring above the breath (as it is
termed), and other counter-spells, evincing that the belief in
witchcraft is only asleep, and might in remote corners be again
awakened to deeds of blood" (<i>Letters on Demonology and
Witchcraft</i>, London, 1884, p. 272). Compare L. Strackerjan,
<i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 340, &sect; 221: "The great power, the
malicious wickedness of the witches, cause them to be feared and
hated by everybody. The hatred goes so far that still at the
present day you may hear it said right out that it is a pity
burning has gone out of fashion, for the evil crew deserve nothing
else. Perhaps the hatred might find vent yet more openly, if the
fear were not so great."</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote861" name=
"footnote861"></a> <b>Footnote 861</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag861">(return)</a>
<p>For some evidence, see <i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of
Kings</i>; ii. 52-55, 330 <i>sqq.</i> It is a popular belief,
universally diffused in Germany, that cattle-plagues are caused by
witches (A. Wuttke, <i>Der deutsche
Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup> Berlin, 1869, p. 149 &sect; 216).
The Scotch Highlanders thought that a witch could destroy the whole
of a farmer's live stock by hiding a small bag, stuffed with
charms, in a cleft of the stable or byre (W. Grant Stewart, <i>The
Popular superstitions and Festive Amusements of the Highlanders of
Scotland</i>, Edinburgh, 1823, pp. 201 <i>sq.</i>).</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote862" name=
"footnote862"></a> <b>Footnote 862</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag862">(return)</a>
<p><i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, ii. 330
<i>sqq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote863" name=
"footnote863"></a> <b>Footnote 863</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag863">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page282">282</a>, <a href=
"#page284">284</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote864" name=
"footnote864"></a> <b>Footnote 864</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag864">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page118">118</a>, <a href=
"#page121">121</a>, <a href="#page144">144</a>, <a href=
"#page145">145</a>, <a href="#page176">176</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote865" name=
"footnote865"></a> <b>Footnote 865</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag865">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page121">121</a>, <a href=
"#page122">122</a>, <a href="#page124">124</a>, <a href=
"#page140">140</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#page145">145</a>, <a href=
"#page146">146</a>, <a href="#page174">174</a>, <a href=
"#page176">176</a>, <a href="#page183">183</a>, <a href=
"#page184">184</a>, <a href="#page187">187</a>, <a href=
"#page188">188</a>, <a href="#page190">190</a>, <a href=
"#page191">191</a>, <a href="#page192">192</a>, <a href=
"#page249">249</a>, <a href="#page250">250</a>, <a href=
"#page252">252</a>, <a href="#page253">253</a>, <a href=
"#page254">254</a>, <a href="#page258">258</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote866" name=
"footnote866"></a> <b>Footnote 866</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag866">(return)</a>
<p>J. Grimm, <i>Deutsch Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> ii. 908
<i>sqq.</i>; J.V. Grohmann, <i>Aberglauben und Gebr&auml;uche aus
B&ouml;hmen und M&auml;hren</i> (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 32
&sect; 182; A. Wuttke, <i>Der deutsche
Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Berlin, 1869), pp. 149
<i>sq.</i>, &sect;216; J. Ceredig Davies, <i>Folk-lore of West and
Mid-Wales</i> (Aberystwyth, 1911), p. 230; Alois John, <i>Sitte,
Branch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westb&ouml;hmen</i> (Prague,
1905), p. 202.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote867" name=
"footnote867"></a> <b>Footnote 867</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag867">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page108">108</a>, <a href=
"#page121">121</a>, <a href="#page140">140</a>, <a href=
"#page146">146</a>, <a href="#page165">165</a>, <a href=
"#page183">183</a>, <a href="#page188">188</a>, <a href=
"#page196">196</a>, <a href="#page250">250</a>, <a href=
"#page255">255</a>, <a href="#page256">256</a>, <a href=
"#page258">258</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote868" name=
"footnote868"></a> <b>Footnote 868</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag868">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page107">107</a>, <a href=
"#page195">195</a> <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote869" name=
"footnote869"></a> <b>Footnote 869</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag869">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page162">162</a>, <a href=
"#page163">163</a>, <a href="#page166">166</a>, <a href=
"#page171">171</a>, <a href="#page174">174</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote870" name=
"footnote870"></a> <b>Footnote 870</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag870">(return)</a>
<p>A. Wuttke, <i>Der deutsche Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(Berlin, 1869), p. 351, &sect; 395.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote871" name=
"footnote871"></a> <b>Footnote 871</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag871">(return)</a>
<p>Above, pp. <a href="#page165">165</a>, <a href=
"#page168">168</a>, <a href="#page189">189</a>, compare <a href=
"#page190">190</a>.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote872" name=
"footnote872"></a> <b>Footnote 872</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag872">(return)</a>
<p>A. Wuttke, <i>Der deutsche Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup>
(Berlin, 1869), p. 351, &sect; 395; L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube
und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), i. p.
298, &sect; 209. See above, p. <a href="#page343">343</a> note.</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote873" name=
"footnote873"></a> <b>Footnote 873</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag873">(return)</a>
<p>In the Ammerland, a district of Oldenburg, you may sometimes see
an old cart-wheel fixed over the principal door or on the gable of
a house; it serves as a charm against witchcraft and is especially
intended to protect the cattle as they are driven out and in. See
L. Strackerjan, <i>Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum
Oldenburg</i> (Oldenburg, 1867), i. p. 357, &sect; 236. Can this
use of a wheel as a talisman against witchcraft be derived from the
practice of rolling fiery wheels down hill for a similar
purpose?</p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote874" name=
"footnote874"></a> <b>Footnote 874</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag874">(return)</a>
<p>F.S. Krauss, <i>Volksglaube und religi&ouml;ser Brauch der
S&uuml;dslaven</i> (M&uuml;nster i. W., 1890), pp. 118
<i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote875" name=
"footnote875"></a> <b>Footnote 875</b>: <a href=
"#footnotetag875">(return)</a>
<p>In German such spells are called <i>Nestelkn&uuml;pfen</i>; in
French, <i>nouer l'aiguilette</i>. See J. Grimm, <i>Deutsche
Mythologie</i>,<sup>4</sup> ii. 897, 983; A. Wuttke, <i>Der
deutsche Volksaberglaube</i>,<sup>2</sup> (Berlin, 1869), p. 252
&sect; 396; K. Doutt&eacute;, <i>Magic et Religion dans l'Afrique
du Nord</i> (Algiers, 1908), pp. 87 <i>sq.</i>, 294 <i>sqq.</i>;
J.L.M. Nogu&egrave;s, <i>Les Moeurs d'autrefois en Saintonge et en
Aunis</i> (Saintes, 1891), pp. 171 <i>sq.</i></p>
</blockquote>
<hr />

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