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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Dio's Rome, Vol VI., by Cassius Dio
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Dio's Rome, Vol VI.
+       An Historical Narrative Originally Composed In Greek During The
+       Reigns Of Septimius Severus, Geta And Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus
+       And Alexander Severus
+       
+
+Author: Cassius Dio
+
+Release Date: April 16, 2004 [EBook #12061]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOL VI. ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Ted Garvin, Jayam Subramanian and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                   DIO'S ROME
+
+
+                       AN
+
+              HISTORICAL NARRATIVE
+          ORIGINALLY COMPOSED IN GREEK
+              DURING THE REIGNS OF
+             SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, GETA
+             AND CARACALLA, MACRINUS,
+         ELAGABALUS AND ALEXANDER SEVERUS:
+
+                       AND
+
+
+          NOW PRESENTED IN ENGLISH FORM
+
+
+                        BY
+
+
+             HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,
+      A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins),
+  Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University
+
+
+
+
+                   SIXTH VOLUME
+
+
+
+
+I.   Books 77-80 (A.D. 211-229).
+
+II.  Fragments of Books 1-21 (Melber's Arrangement).
+
+III. Glossary of Latin Terms.
+
+IV.  General Index.
+
+
+
+                    1905
+
+
+           PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY
+               TROY NEW YORK
+
+
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+77
+
+
+Antoninus begins his reign by having various persons assassinated,
+among them his brother Geta (chapters 1-3).
+
+Cruelty of Antoninus toward Papinianus, Cilo, and others (chapters
+4-6).
+
+Antoninus as emulator of Alexander of Macedon (chapters 7, 8).
+
+His levies and extravagance (chapters 9-11).
+
+His treachery toward Abgarus of Osrhoene, toward the Armenian king,
+the Parthian king, and the Germans (chapters 12, 13).
+
+The Cenni conquer Antoninus in battle (chapter 14).
+
+He strives to drive out his disease of mind by consulting spirits and
+oracles (chapter 15).
+
+Slaughter of vestals, insults to the senate, demise of others contrary
+to his mother's wishes (chapters 16-18).
+
+Antoninus's Parthian war (chapters 19-21).
+
+Massacres of Alexandrians caused by Antoninus (chapters 22-24).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+Q. Epidius Rufus Lollianus Gentianus, Pomponius Bassus (A.D. 211 = a.
+u. 964 = First of Antoninus, from Feb. 4th).
+
+C. Iulius Asper (II), C. Iulius Asper. (A.D. 212 = a.u. 965 = Second
+of Antoninus.)
+
+Antoninus Aug. (IV), D. Coelius Balbinus (II). (A.D. 213 = a.u. 966 =
+Third of Antoninus.)
+
+Silius Messala, Sabinus. (A.D. 214 = a.u. 967 = Fourth of Antoninus.)
+
+Lætus (II), Cerealis. (A.D. 215 = a.u. 968 = Fifth of Antoninus.)
+
+C. Attius Sabinus (II), Cornelius Annullinus. (A.D. 216 = a.u. 969 =
+Sixth of Antoninus.)
+
+
+(_BOOK 78, BOISSEVAIN_.)
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 211 (_a.u._ 964)] [Sidenote:--1--] After this Antoninus
+secured the entire power. Nominally he ruled with his brother, but in
+reality alone and at once. With the enemy he came to terms, withdrew
+from their country, and abandoned the forts. But his own people he
+either dismissed (as Papinianus the prefect) or else killed (as Euodus,
+his nurse, Castor, and his wife Plautilla, and the latter's brother
+Plautius). In Rome itself he also executed a man who was renowned for no
+other reason than his profession, which made him very conspicuous. This
+was Euprepes, the charioteer; he killed him when the man dared to show
+enthusiasm for a cause that the emperor opposed. So Euprepes died in
+old age after having been crowned in an endless number of horse-races.
+He had won seven hundred and eighty-two of them,--a record equaled by
+none other.
+
+Antoninus had first had the desire to murder his brother while his
+father was still alive, but had been unable to do so at that time
+because of Severus, or later, on the road, because of the legions. The
+men felt very kindly toward the younger son, especially because in
+appearance he was the very image of his father. But when Antoninus
+arrived in Rome, he got rid of this rival also. The two pretended to
+love and commend each other, but their actions proved quite the reverse
+to be true, and anybody could see that some catastrophe would result
+from their relations. This fact was recognized even prior to their
+reaching Rome. When it had been voted by the senate to sacrifice in
+behalf of their harmony both to the other gods and to Harmony herself,
+the assistants made ready a victim to be sacrificed to Harmony and the
+consul arrived to do the slaughtering; yet he could not find them, nor
+could the assistants find the consul. They spent nearly the whole night
+looking for each other, so that the sacrifice could not be performed on
+that occasion. The next day two wolves climbed the Capitol, but were
+chased away from that region: one of them was next encountered somewhere
+in the Forum, and the other was later slain outside the pomerium. This
+is the story about those two animals.
+
+[Sidenote:--2---] It was Antoninus's wish to murder his brother at the
+Saturnalia, but he was not able to carry out his intention. The danger
+had already grown too evident to be concealed. As a consequence, there
+were many violent meetings between the two,--both feeling that they were
+being plotted against,--and many precautionary measures were taken on
+both sides. As many soldiers and athletes, abroad and at home, day and
+night, were guarding Geta, Antoninus persuaded his mother to send for
+him and his brother and have them come along to her house with a view to
+being reconciled. Geta without distrust went in with him. When they were
+well inside, some centurions suborned by Antoninus rushed in a body.
+Geta on seeing them had run to his mother, and as he hung upon her neck
+and clung to her bosom and breasts he was cut down, bewailing his fate
+and crying out: "Mother that bore me, mother that bore me, help! I am
+slain!!"
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 212 (_a.u._ 965)] Tricked in this way, she beheld her son
+perishing by most unholy violence in her very lap, and, as it were,
+received his death into her womb whence she had borne him. She was all
+covered with blood, so that she made no account of the wound she had
+received in her hand. She might neither mourn nor weep for her son,
+although, untimely he had met so miserable an end (he was only
+twenty-two years and nine months old): on the contrary, she was
+compelled to rejoice and laugh as though enjoying some great piece of
+luck. All her words, gestures, and changes of color were watched with
+the utmost narrowness. She alone, Augusta, wife of the emperor, mother
+of emperors, was not permitted to shed tears even in private over so
+great a calamity.
+
+[Sidenote:--3--] Antoninus, although it was evening, took possession of
+the legions after bawling all the way along the road that he had been
+the object of a plot and was in danger. On entering the fortifications,
+he exclaimed: "Rejoice, fellow-soldiers, for now I have a chance to
+benefit you!" Before they heard the whole story he had stopped their
+mouths with so many and so great promises that they could neither think
+nor speak anything decent. "I am one of you," he said, "it is on your
+account alone that I care to live, that so I may afford you much
+happiness. All the treasuries are yours." Indeed, he said this also: "I
+pray if possible to live with you, but if not, at any rate to die with
+you. I do not fear death in any form, and it is my desire to end my days
+in warfare. There should a man die, or nowhere!"
+
+To the senate on the following day he made various remarks and after
+rising from his seat he went towards the door and said: "Listen to a
+great announcement from me. That the whole world may be glad, let all
+the exiles, who have been condemned on any complaint whatever in any way
+whatever, be restored to full rights." Thus did he empty the islands of
+exiles and grant pardon to the worst condemned criminals, but before
+long he had the isles full again.
+
+[Sidenote:--4--] The Cæsarians and the soldiers that had been with Geta
+were suddenly put to death to the number of twenty thousand, men and
+women alike, wherever in the palace any of them happened to be.
+Antoninus slew also various distinguished men, among them Papinianus.
+
+  ¶While the Pretorians accused Papianus (_sic_) and Patruinus
+  [Footnote: This is Valerius Patruinus.] for certain actions,
+  Antoninus allowed the complainants to kill them, and added the
+  following remark: "I hold sway for your advantage and not for my
+  own; therefore, I defer to you both as accusers and as judges."
+
+He rebuked the murderer of Papinianus for using an axe instead of a
+sword to give the finishing stroke.
+
+He had also desired to deprive of life Cilo, his nurse and benefactor,
+who had served as prefect of the city during his father's reign, whom he
+had also often called father. The soldiers sent against him plundered
+his silver plate, his robes, his money, and everything else that
+belonged to him. Cilo himself they conducted along the Sacred Way,
+making the palace their destination, where they prepared to give him his
+quietus. He had low slippers [Footnote: Reading [Greek: blahytast] in the
+place of the MS. [Greek: chlhapast]. This emendation is favored by Cobet
+(Mnemosyne, N.S., X, p. 211) and Naber (Mnemosyne, N.S., XVI, p. 113).]
+on his feet, since he had chanced to be in the bath when apprehended,
+and wore an abbreviated tunic. The men rent his clothing open and
+disfigured his face, so that the people and the soldiers stationed in
+the city made clamorous objections. Therefore Antoninus, out of respect
+and fear for them, met the party, and, shielding Cilo with his cavalry
+cloak,--he was wearing military garb,--cried out: "Insult not my father!
+Strike not my nurse!" The tribune charged with slaying him and the
+soldiers in his contingent lost their lives, nominally for making plots
+but really for not having killed their victim.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] [But Antoninus was so anxious to appear to love Cilo
+that he declared: "Those who have plotted against him have plotted
+against me." Commended for this by the bystanders, he proceeded: "Call
+me neither Hercules nor the name of any other god;" not that he was
+unwilling to be termed a god, but because he wished to do nothing worthy
+of a god. He was naturally capricious in all matters, and would bestow
+great honors upon people and then suddenly disgrace them, quite without
+reason. He would save those who least deserved it and punish those whom
+one would never have expected.
+
+Julianus Asper was a man by no means contemptible, on account of his
+education and good sense as well. He exalted him, together with his
+sons, and after Asper had walked the streets surrounded by I don't know
+how many fasces he without warning insulted him outrageously and
+dismissed him to his native place [Footnote: I.e., Tusculum.] with abuse
+and in mighty trepidation. Lætus, too, he would have disgraced or even
+killed, had this man not been extremely sick. So the emperor before the
+soldiers called his sickness "wicked," because it did not allow him to
+display wickedness in one more case.
+
+Again he made way with Thrasea Priscus, a person second to none in
+family or intelligence.
+
+Many others also, previously friends of his, he put to death.]
+
+[Sidenote:--6--]
+
+  "Nay, I could not recite nor give the names all over"
+
+[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, II, verse 488.] of the distinguished men
+whom he killed without any right. Dio, because the slain were very well
+known in those days, even makes a list of them. For me it suffices to
+say that he crushed the life out of everybody he chose, without
+exception,
+
+  "whether the man was guilty or whether he was not ";
+
+[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XV, verse 137.] and that he simply
+mutilated Rome, by rendering it bereft of excellent men. [Antoninus was
+allied to three races. And he possessed not a single one of their good
+points, but included in himself all their vices. The lightness, the
+cowardice, and recklessness of Gaul were his, the roughness and cruelty
+of Africa, the abominations of Syria (whence he was on his mother's
+side).] Veering from slaughter to sports, he pursued his murderous
+course no less in the latter. Of course one would pay no attention to
+an elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, and hippotigris being killed in the
+theatre, but he took equal pleasure in having gladiators shed the
+greatest amount of one another's blood. One of them, Bato, he forced
+to fight three successive men on the same day, and then, when Bato
+met death at the hands of the last, he honored him with a conspicuous
+burial.
+
+[Sidenote:--7--] He had Alexander on the brain to such an extent that he
+used certain weapons and cups which purported to have belonged to the
+great conqueror, and furthermore he set up many representations of him
+both among the legions and in Rome itself. He organized a phalanx,
+sixteen thousand men, of Macedonians alone, named it "Alexander's
+phalanx," and equipped it with the arms which warriors had used in his
+day. These were: a helmet of raw oxhide, a three-ply linen breastplate,
+a bronze shield, long pike, short spear, high boots, sword. Not even
+this, however, satisfied him, but he called his hero "The Eastern
+Augustus." Once he wrote to the senate that Alexander had come on earth
+again in, the body of the Augustus, [Footnote: Antoninus meant
+himself.] so that when he had finished his own brief existence he might
+enjoy a larger life in the emperor's person. The so-called Aristotelian
+philosophers he hated bitterly, wishing even to burn their books, and he
+abolished the common messes they had in Alexandria and all the other
+privileges they enjoyed: his grievance, as stated, was the tradition
+that Aristotle had been an accomplice in the death of Alexander.
+
+This was the way he behaved in those matters. And, by Jupiter, he took
+around with him numbers of elephants, that in this respect, too, he
+might seem to be imitating Alexander, or rather, perhaps, Dionysus.
+
+[Sidenote:--8--] On Alexander's account he was fond of all the
+Macedonians. Once after praising a Macedonian tribune because the latter
+had shown agility in jumping upon his horse, he enquired of him first:
+"From what country are you?" Then, learning that he was a Macedonian, he
+pursued: "What is your name?" Having thereupon heard that it was
+Antigonus, he further questioned: "How was your father called?" When
+the father's name was found to be Philip, he declared: "I have all my
+desire." He straightway bestowed upon him the whole series of exalted
+military honors and before a great while appointed him one of the
+senators with the rank of an ex-prætor.
+
+There was another man who had no connection with Macedonia, but had
+committed many dreadful crimes, and for this reason was tried before him
+in an appealed case. His name proved to be Alexander, and when the
+orator accusing him said repeatedly "the bloodthirsty Alexander, the
+god-detested Alexander," the emperor became angry, as if he were
+personally slandered, and spoke out: "If Alexander doesn't suit you, you
+may regard yourself as dismissed."
+
+[Sidenote:--9--] Now this great Alexandrophile, Antoninus, [kept many
+men about him, alleging reasons after reasons, all fictitious, and wars
+upon wars. He had also this most frightful characteristic, that he was
+fond of spending money not only upon the soldiers but for all other
+projects with one sole end in view,--to] strip, despoil and grind down
+all mankind, and the senators by no means least. [In the first place,
+there were gold crowns that he kept demanding, on the constant pretext
+that he had conquered some enemy or other (I am not speaking about the
+actual manufacture of the crowns,--for what does that amount to?--but
+the great sums of money constantly being given under that name by the
+cities, for the "crowning" (as it is called) of their emperors). Then
+there was the provisions which we were all the time levying in great
+abundance from all quarters, sometimes seizing them without compensation
+and sometimes spending a little something on them: all this supply he
+presented or else peddled to the soldiers. And the gifts, which he
+demanded from wealthy individuals and from states. And the taxes, both
+the new ones which he published and the ten per cent. tax that he
+instituted in place of the twenty per cent. to apply to the emancipation
+of slaves, to bequests left to any one, and to all gifts; for he
+abolished in such cases the right of succession and exemption from taxes
+which had been accorded to those closely related to persons deceased.
+This accounts for his giving the title of Romans to all the men in his
+empire. Nominally it was to honor them, but his real purpose was to get
+an increased income by such means, since foreigners did not have to pay
+most of those taxes. But aside from all these] we were also compelled to
+build at our own expense all sorts of dwellings for him whenever he took
+a trip from Rome, and costly lodgings in the middle of even the very
+shortest journeys. Yet not only did he never live in them but he had no
+idea of so much as looking at a single one. Moreover, without receiving
+any appropriation from him we constructed hunting-theatres and
+race-courses at every point where he wintered or expected to winter.
+They were all torn down without delay and apparently the sole purpose of
+their being called into existence was to impoverish us.
+
+[Sidenote:--10--] The emperor himself kept spending the money upon the
+soldiers (as we said) and upon beasts and horses. He was forever
+killing great collections of wild beasts, of horses, and also of
+domestic animals, forcing us to contribute the majority of them, though
+now and then he bought a few. One day he slew a hundred boars at once
+with his own hands. He raced also in chariots, and then he would wear
+the Blue costume. In all undertakings he was exceedingly hot-headed and
+exceedingly fickle, and besides this he possessed the rascality of his
+mother and of the Syrians, to which race she belonged. He would put up
+some kind of freedman or other wealthy person as director of games
+merely that in this occupation, too, the man might spend money. From
+below he would make gestures of subservience to the audience with his
+whip and would beg for gold pieces like one of the lowliest citizens. He
+said that he used the same methods of chariot-driving as the Sun god,
+and he took pride in the fact. Accordingly, during the whole extent of
+his reign the whole earth, so far as it yielded obedience to him, was
+plundered. Hence the Romans once at a horse-race uttered this among
+other cries: "We are destroying the living in order to bury the dead."
+The emperor would often say: "No man need have money but me, and I want
+it to bestow it on the soldiers." Once when Julia chided him for his
+great outlays upon them and said: "No longer is any resource, either
+just or unjust, left to us," he replied, exhibiting his sword: "Cheer
+up, mother: for, as long as we have this, money is not going to fail
+us."
+
+[Sidenote:--11--] To those who flattered him, however, he distributed
+possessions and money.
+
+  ¶Julius Paulus [Footnote: Undoubtedly a mistake for the _Julius
+  Paulinus_ subsequently mentioned.] was a man of consular rank,
+  who was a great chatterer and joker and would not refrain from
+  aiming his shafts of wit at the very emperors: therefore Severus
+  had him taken into custody, though without constraints. When he
+  still continued, even under guard, to make the sovereigns the
+  objects of his jests, Severus sent for him and swore that he
+  would cut off his head. But the man replied: "Yes, you can cut it
+  off, but as long as I have it, neither you nor I can restrain
+  it," and so Severus laughed and released him.
+
+He granted to Julius Paulinus twenty-five myriads because the man, who
+was a jester, had been led, though involuntarily, to make a joke upon
+him. Paulinus had said that he actually resembled a man getting angry,
+for somehow he was always assuming a fierce expression. [Footnote: None
+of the editors, any more than the casual reader, has been able to find
+anything of a sidesplitting nature in this joke. The trouble is, of
+course, that the utterance sounds like a plain statement of fact.
+Caracalla's natural disposition was harsh and irritable. Some have
+changed the word "man" to "Pan (in anger)", but without gaining very
+much. I offer for what it is worth the suggestion that a well-known
+truth, especially in the case of personal characteristics, may sound
+very amusing when pronounced in a quizzical or semi-ironical fashion by
+a person possessing sufficient _vis comica_. Thus we may conceive
+Paulinus, a professional jester, on meeting Antoninus to have blurted
+out in a tone of mock surprise: "Why, anybody would really think you are
+angry. You look so cross all the time!" There would then be a point in
+the jest, but the point would lie not in the words but in the voice and
+features of the speaker. Apart from this explanation of the possible
+humor of the remark an excerpt of Peter Patricius (Exc. Vat. 143) gives
+us to understand that it would be taken as a compliment by Antoninus
+from the mouth of a person to whom he was accustomed to accord some
+liberties, since Antoninus made a point of maintaining at all times this
+character of harshness and abruptness.]--Antoninus made no account of
+anything excellent: he never learned anything of the kind, as he himself
+admitted. So it was that he showed a contempt for us, who possessed
+something approaching education. Severus, to be sure, had trained him in
+all pursuits, bar none, that tended to inculcate virtue, whether
+physical or mental, so that even after he became emperor he went to
+teachers and studied philosophy most of the day. He also took oil
+rubbings without water and rode horseback to a distance of seven hundred
+and fifty stades. Moreover, he practiced swimming even in rough water.
+In consequence of this, Antoninus was, as you might say, strong, but he
+paid no heed to culture, since he had never even heard the name of it.
+Still, his language was not bad, nor did he lack judgment, but he showed
+in almost everything a keen appreciation and talked very readily. For
+through his authority and recklessness and his habit of saying right out
+without reflection anything at all that occurred to him, and not being
+ashamed to air his thoughts, he often stumbled upon some felicitous
+expression. [But the same Antoninus made many mistakes through his
+headstrong opinions. It was not enough for him to know everything: he
+wanted to be the only one who knew anything. It was not enough for him
+to have all power: he would be the only one with any power. Hence it
+was that he employed no counselor and was jealous of such men as knew
+something worth while. He never loved a single person and he hated all
+those who excelled in anything; and most did he hate those whom he
+affected most to love. Many of these he destroyed in some way or other.
+Of course he had many men murdered openly, but others he would send to
+provinces not suited to them, fatal to their physical condition, having
+an unwholesome climate; thus, while pretending to honor them
+excessively, he quietly got rid of them, exposing such as he did not
+like to excessive heat or cold. Hence, though he spared some in so far
+as not to put them to death, yet he subjected them to such hardships
+that the stain [Footnote: This is very likely an incorrect translation of
+an incorrect reading. The various editors of Dio have a few substitutes
+to propose, but as all the interpretations seem to me extremely
+lumbering I have turned the MS. [Greek] chêlidoysthai (taken as a
+passive) in a way that may be not quite beyond the bounds of
+possibility. The noun [Greek] chêlhist like the English "stain," often
+passes from its original sense of "blemish" to that of the consequent
+"disgrace."] of murder still rested on him.
+
+The above describes him in general terms.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 213(?)] [Sidenote:--12--] Now we shall state what sort
+of person he showed himself in war. [Abgarus, king of the Osrhoeni, when
+he had once got control of the kindred tribes, inflicted the most
+outrageous treatment upon his superiors. Nominally he was compelling
+them to change to Roman customs, but in fact he was making the most of
+his authority over them in an unjustifiable way.] He tricked the king of
+the Osrhoeni, Abgarus, inducing him to visit him as a friend, and then
+arrested and imprisoned him. This left Osrhoene without a ruler and he
+subdued it.
+
+The king of the Armenians had a dispute with his own children and
+Antoninus summoned him in a friendly letter with the avowed purpose of
+making peace between them: he treated these princes in the same fashion
+as he had Abgarus. The Armenians, however, instead of yielding to him
+had recourse to arms and not one of them thereafter would trust him in
+the slightest particular. Thus he was brought by experience to
+understand how great the penalty is for an emperor's practicing deceit
+toward friends. [The same ruler assumed the utmost credit for the fact
+that at the death of Vologæsus, king of the Parthians, his children
+proceeded to fight about the sovereignty; what was purely accidental he
+pretended had come about through his own connivance. He ever took
+vehement delight in the actions and dissensions of the brothers and
+generally in the mutual slaughter of foreign potentates.] He did not
+hesitate, either, to write to the senate regarding the rulers of the
+Parthians (who were brothers and at variance) that the brothers' quarrel
+would work great harm to the Parthian state. Just as if barbarian
+governments could be destroyed by such procedure and yet the Roman state
+had been preserved! Just as if it had not been, on the contrary, almost
+utterly overthrown! It was not merely that the great sums of blood money
+given under such conditions to the soldiers for his brother's murder
+served to demoralize mankind: in addition, vast numbers of citizens had
+information laid against them,--not only those who had sent the brother
+letters or had brought him presents [Footnote: Reading [Greek:
+dôrophorhêsantest] (Reimar) for the MS. [Greek: doruphoraesantes].] when
+he was still Cæsar or again after he had become emperor, but all the
+rest who had never had any dealings with him. If anybody even so much as
+wrote the name of Geta, or spoke it, that was the end of him then and
+there. Hence the poets no longer used it even in comedies. [Footnote:
+Geta was a common name for slaves in Latin comedy. It came into Rome
+through Greek channels and was originally merely the national adjective
+applied to a tribe of northern barbarians.] The property, too, of all
+those in whose wills the name was found written was confiscated.
+
+[Many of his acts were committed with a view to getting money. And he
+exhibited his hatred for his dead brother by abolishing the honor paid
+to his birthday, by getting angry at the stones which had supported his
+images, and by melting up the coinage that displayed his features. Not
+even this sufficed him, but more than ever from this time he began his
+practice of unholy rites and often forced others to share his pollution
+by making a kind of annual offering to his brother's Manes.]
+
+  [Sidenote: A.D. 213 (_a.u._ 966)] [Sidenote:--13--] Though
+  holding such views and behaving in such a way with regard to the
+  latter's murder he took delight in the dissension of the
+  barbarian brothers, on the ground that the Parthians would suffer
+  some great injury as a result of it.
+
+[The Celtic nations, however, afforded him neither pleasure nor any
+pretence of cleverness or courage but proved him to be nothing more nor
+less than a cheat, a simpleton, and an arrant coward. Antoninus made a
+campaign among the Alamanni and wherever he saw a spot suitable for
+habitation he would order: "There let a fort be erected: there let a
+city be built." To those spots he applied names relating to himself, yet
+the local designations did not get changed; for some of the people were
+unaware of the new appellations and others thought he was joking.
+Consequently he came to entertain a contempt for them and would not keep
+his hands off this tribe even; but, whereas he had been saying that he
+had come as an ally, he accorded them treatment to be expected of a most
+implacable foe. He called a meeting of their men of military age under
+promise that they were to receive pay, and then at a given signal,--his
+raising aloft his own shield,--he had them surrounded and cut down; he
+also sent cavalry around and arrested all others not present.
+
+¶Antoninus commended in the senate by means of a letter Pandion, a
+fellow who had previously been an understudy of charioteers but in the
+war against the Alamanni drove his chariot for him and in this capacity
+was his comrade and fellow soldier. And he asserted that he had been
+saved by this man from a portentous danger and was not ashamed to evince
+greater gratitude to him than to the soldiers, whom in their turn he
+regarded as our superiors.[Footnote: There is a gap of a word or two
+here (Dindorf text), filled by reading [Greek: hêlen hechôn] (with
+Boissevain).]
+
+¶Some of the most distinguished men whom Antoninus slew he ordered to be
+cast out unburied.
+
+¶He made a search for the tomb of Sulla and repaired it, and reared a
+cenotaph to Mesomedes, who had written a compilation of citharoedic
+modes. He honored the latter because he was himself learning to sing to
+the zither and the former because he was emulating his cruelty.]
+
+Still, in cases of necessity and urgent campaigns, he was simple and
+frugal, toiling with painstaking care in menial offices as much as the
+rest. He trudged beside the soldiers and ran beside them, not taking a
+bath nor changing his clothing, but helping them in every labor and
+choosing absolutely the same food as they had. Often he would send to
+distinguished champions on the enemy's side and challenge them to single
+combat. The details of generalship in which he certainly ought to have
+been most versed he managed least well, as if he thought that victory
+lay in the performance of those services mentioned and not in this
+science of commanding.
+
+[Sidenote:--14--] He conducted war also against a certain Celtic tribe
+of Cenni. These warriors are said to have assailed the Romans with the
+utmost fierceness, using their mouths to pull from their flesh the
+missiles with which the Osrhoeni wounded them, that they might give
+their hands no respite in slaughtering the foe. Nevertheless even they,
+after selling the name of defeat at a high figure, made an agreement
+with him to go into Germany on condition of being spared. Their women
+[and those of the Alamanni] all who were captured [would not, in truth,
+await a servile doom, but] when Antoninus asked them whether they
+desired to be sold or slain, chose the latter alternative. Afterward, as
+they were offered for sale, they all killed themselves and some of their
+children as well. [Many also of the people dwelling close to the ocean
+itself, near the mouth of the Albis, sent envoys to him and asked his
+friendship, when their real concern was to get money. For after he had
+done as they desired, they would frequently attack him, threatening to
+begin a war; and with all such he came to terms. Even though his offer
+was contrary to their principles, yet when they saw the gold pieces they
+were captivated. To them he gave true gold pieces, but the silver and
+gold money with which he provided the Romans was alloyed.] He
+manufactured the one of lead with a silver plating and the other of
+bronze with a gold plating.
+
+[Sidenote:--15--] [The same ruler published some of his devices
+directly, pretending that they were excellent and worthy of
+commendation, however base their actual character. Other intentions he
+rather unwillingly made known through the very precautions which he took
+to conceal them, as, for example, in the case of the money. He plundered
+the whole land and the whole sea and left nothing whatever unharmed. The
+chants of the enemy made Antoninus frenzied and beside himself, hearing
+which some of the Alamanni asserted that they had used charms to put him
+out of his mind.] He was sick in body, partly with ordinary and partly
+with private diseases, and was sick also in mind, suffering from
+distressing visions; and often he thought he was being pursued by his
+father and his brother, armed with swords. Therefore he called up
+spirits to find some remedy against them, among others the spirit of his
+father and of Commodus. But not one would speak a word to him except
+Commodus. [Geta, so they say, attended Severus, though unsummoned. Yet
+not even he offered any suggestion to relieve the emperor, but on the
+contrary terrified him the more.] This is what he said:
+
+  "Draw nearer judgment, which the gods demand of thee [Footnote:
+  Emended (by Fabricius and Reiske) from a corruption in the MS.]
+  for Severus,"
+
+then something else, and finally--
+
+  "having in secret places a disease hard to heal."
+
+[For letting these facts become public many suffered unseemly outrage.
+But to Antoninus not one of the gods gave any response pertaining to the
+healing of either his body or his mind, although he showered attention
+upon all the most distinguished shrines. This showed in the clearest
+light that they regarded not his offerings, nor his sacrifices, but only
+his purposes and his deeds. He got no aid from Apollo Grannus [Footnote:
+Grannus was really a Celtic god, merely identified with Apollo. He was
+honored most in Germany and Dacia (also known in Rhætia, Noricum), and,
+inasmuch as many inscriptions bearing his name have been found near the
+Danube, it may probably be conjectured that he had a temple of some
+importance in that vicinity. For further details see Pauly, II, p. 46;
+Roscher, I, col. 1738.] nor Asclepius nor Serapis, in spite of his many
+supplications and his unwearying persistence. Even when abroad he sent
+to them prayers and sacrifices and votive offerings and many runners
+traveled to them daily, carrying things of the sort. He also went
+himself, hoping to prevail by appearing in person, and he performed all
+the usual practices of devotees, but he obtained nothing that would
+contribute to health.
+
+[Sidenote:--16--] While declaring that he was the most scrupulous of all
+mankind, he ran to an excess of blood-guiltiness,] killing four of the
+vestal virgins, one of whom--so far as he was able--he had forcibly
+outraged. For latterly all his sexual power had disappeared, as a result
+of which it was reported that he satisfied his vileness in a different
+way; and associated with him were others of similar inclinations, who
+not only admitted that they were given to such practices but maintained
+that they did so for the sake of their ruler's welfare.
+
+A young knight carried a coin with his image into a brothel and people
+informed against him.[Footnote: Conjecture, on the basis of Reiske and
+Bekker.] For this he was at the time imprisoned to await execution, but
+later was released, as the emperor died before he did.] This maiden of
+whom I speak was named Clodia Læta. She, crying out loudly, "Antoninus
+himself knows that I am a virgin, [he himself knows that I am pure,]"
+was buried alive. [Three others shared her sentence. Two of them,
+Aurelia Severa and Pomponia Rufina, met a similar death, but Cannutia
+Crescentina threw herself from the top of the house.
+
+And in the case of adulterers he did the same. For though he showed
+himself the most adulterous of men (so far, at least, as he was
+physically able) he both detested others who bore the same charge and
+killed them contrary to established laws.--Though displeased at all good
+men, he affected to honor some few of them after their death.--
+
+¶Antoninus censured and rebuked them all because they asked nothing of
+him. And he said, in the presence of all: "It is evident from the fact
+that you ask nothing of me that you lack confidence in me. And if you
+lack confidence, you are suspicious of me; and if you are suspicious of
+me, you fear me; and if you fear me, you hate me." He made this an
+excuse for severe measures.
+
+¶Antoninus being about to cause Cornificia to take leave of earth bade
+her (as a token of honor) choose what death she wished to die. She,
+after many lamentations, inspired by the memory of her father, Marcus,
+her grandfather, Antoninus, and her brother, Commodus, ended with this
+speech: "Pining, unhappy soul of mine, shut in a vile body, make forth,
+be free, show them that you are Marcus's daughter, whether they will or
+no!" Then she laid aside all the adornment in which she was arrayed,
+and having composed her limbs in seemly fashion severed her veins and
+died.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 214 (_a.u._ 967)] Next, Antoninus arrived in Thrace,
+paying no further heed to Dacia. Having crossed the Hellespont, not
+without danger, he did honor to Achilles with sacrifices and races, in
+armor, about the tomb, in which he as well as the soldiers participated.
+For this he gave them money, assuring them that they had won a great
+success and had in very truth captured that famous Ilium of old, and he
+set up a bronze statue of Achilles himself.] ¶Antoninus by arriving at
+Pergamum, while there was some dispute about it, [Footnote: The sense of
+these words is not clear. Boissevain conjectures that there may have
+been some who doubted whether an emperor so diseased would ever live to
+reach Mysia.] seemed to bring to fulfillment the following verse,
+according to some oracle:
+
+  "O'er the Telephian land shall prowl the Ausonian beast."
+
+He took a lasting delight and pride in the fact that he was called
+"beast," and his victims fell in heaps. The man who had composed the
+verse used to laugh and say that he was in very truth himself the
+verse-maker (thereby indicating that no one may die contrary to the will
+of fate, but that the common saying is true, which declares that liars
+and deceivers are never believed, even if they tell the truth).
+
+[Sidenote:--17--] He held court but little or not at all. Most of his
+leisure he devoted to meddlesomeness as much as anything. People from
+all quarters brought him word of all the most insignificant occurrences.
+For this reason he gave orders that the soldiers who kept their eyes and
+ears wide open for these details should be liable to punishment by no
+one save himself. This enactment, too, produced no good result, but we
+had a new set of tyrants in them. But the thing that was especially
+unseemly and most unworthy, both of the senate and of the Roman
+people,--we had a eunuch to domineer over us. He was a native of Spain,
+by name Sempronius Rufus, and his occupation that of a sorcerer and
+juggler (for which he had been confined on an island by Severus). This
+fellow was destined to pay the penalty for his conduct, as were also the
+rest who laid information against others. As for Antoninus, he would
+send word that he should hold court or transact any other public
+business directly after dawn; but he kept putting us off till noon and
+often till evening, and would not even admit us to the ante-chamber, so
+that we had to stand about outside somewhere. Usually at a late hour he
+decided that he would not even exchange greetings with us that day.
+Meanwhile he was largely engaged in gratifying his inquisitiveness, as I
+said, or was driving chariots, killing beasts, fighting as a gladiator,
+drinking, enjoying the consequent big head, mixing great bowls (beside
+their other food) for the soldiers that kept guard over him within, and
+sending round cups of wine (this last before our very face and eyes). At
+the conclusion of all this, once in a while he would hold court.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 214-215] [Sidenote:--18--] That was his behavior while
+in winter-quarters at Nicomedea. He also trained the Macedonian phalanx.
+He constructed two very large engines for the Armenian and for the
+Parthian war, so that he could take them to pieces and carry them over
+on boats into Syria. For the rest, he was staining himself with more
+blood and transgressing laws and using up money. Neither in these
+matters nor in any others did he heed his mother, who gave him much
+excellent advice. This in spite of the fact that he entrusted to her the
+management of the books and letters both, save the very important ones,
+and that he inscribed her name with many praises in his letters to the
+senate, mentioning it in the same connection as his own and that of his
+armies, i.e., with a statement that she was _safe_. Need it be mentioned
+that she greeted publicly all the foremost men, just as her son did? But
+she continued more and more her study of philosophy with these persons.
+He kept declaring that he needed nothing beyond necessities, and gave
+himself airs over the fact that he could get along with the cheapest
+kind of living. Yet there was nothing on earth or in the sea or in the
+air that we did not keep furnishing him privately and publicly. [Of
+these articles he used extremely few for the benefit of the friends with
+him (for he no longer cared to dine with us), but the most of them he
+consumed with his freedmen. Such was his delight in magicians and
+jugglers that he commended and honored Apollonius [Footnote: The famous
+Apollonius of Tyana.] of Cappadocia, who had flourished in Domitian's
+reign and was a thoroughgoing juggler and magician; and he erected a
+heroum to his memory.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 215 (_a.u._ 968)] [Sidenote:--19--] The pretext for his
+campaign against the Parthians was that Vologæsus had not acceded to his
+request for the extradition of Tiridates and a certain Antiochus with
+him. Antiochus was a Cilician and pretended at first to be a philosopher
+of the cynic school. In this way he was of very great assistance to the
+soldiers in warfare. He strengthened them against the despair caused by
+the excessive cold, for he threw himself into the snow and rolled in it;
+and as a result he obtained money and honors from Severus himself and
+from Antoninus. Elated at this, he attached himself to Tiridates and in
+his company deserted to the Parthian prince.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] [Antoninus surely maligned himself in asserting that
+he had overcome by slyness the audacity, rapacity and faithlessness of
+the Celtæ, against which arms were of no avail. The same man commended
+Fabricius Luscinus because he had refused to let Pyrrhus be
+treacherously murdered by his friend.--He took pride in having put
+enmity between the Vandili and Marcomani, who were friends, and in
+having executed Gaiobomarus, the accused king of the Quadi. And since
+one of the latter's associates, under accusation at the same time with
+him, hanged himself before execution, Antoninus delivered his corpse to
+the barbarians to be wounded, that the man might be regarded as having
+been killed in pursuance of a sentence instead of dying voluntarily
+(which was deemed a creditable act among them).
+
+He killed Cæcilius Æmilianus, governor of Bætica, on suspicion that he
+had asked an oracular reply from Hercules at Gades.]
+
+[Sidenote:--19--] Before leaving Nicomedea the emperor held a
+gladiatorial contest there in honor of his birthday, for not even on
+that day did he refrain from slaughter. Here it is said that a
+combatant, being defeated, begged for his life, whereupon Antoninus
+said: "Go and ask your adversary. I am not empowered to spare you."
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 216 (_a.u._ 969)] And so the wretch, who would probably
+have been allowed by his antagonist to go, if the above words had not
+been spoken, lost his life. The victor did not dare release him for fear
+of appearing more humane than the emperor.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] For all that, while so engaged and steeped in the
+luxury of Antioch even to the point of keeping his chin wholly bare, he
+gave utterance to laments, as if he were in the midst of great toils and
+dangers. And he reproved the senate, saying for one thing that they were
+slothful, did not understand readily, and did not give their votes
+separately. Finally he wrote: "I know that my behavior doesn't please
+you. But the reason for my having arms and soldiers alike is to enable
+me to disregard anything that is said about me."
+
+[Sidenote:--21--] When the Parthian monarch in fear surrendered both
+Tiridates and Antiochus, he disbanded the expedition at once. But he
+despatched Theocritus with an army into Armenian territory and suffered
+defeat amounting to a severe reverse at the hands of the inhabitants.
+Theocritus was of servile origin and had been brought up in the
+orchestra; [he was the man who had taught Antoninus dancing and had been
+a favorite of Saoterus, and through the influence thus acquired he had
+been introduced to the theatre at Rome. But, as he was disliked there,
+he was driven out of Rome and went to Lugdunum, where he delighted the
+people, who were rather provincial. And, from a slave and dancer, he
+came to be an army leader and prefect.] He advanced to such power in the
+household of Antoninus that both the prefects were as nothing compared
+to him. Likewise Epagathus, himself also a Cæsarian, had equal influence
+with him and committed equal transgressions. Thus Theocritus, who kept
+traveling back and forth in the interest of securing provisions and
+selling them at retail, proved the death of many persons because of his
+authority and for other reasons. One victim was Titianus Flavius. The
+latter, while procurator in Alexandria, offended him in some way,
+whereupon Theocritus, leaping from his seat, drew his sword. At that
+Titianus remarked: "This, too, you have done like a dancer." Hence the
+other in a rage ordered him to be killed.
+
+[Sidenote:--22--] Now Antoninus, in spite of his declaration that he
+cherished an overwhelming love for Alexander, all but destroyed utterly
+the whole population of Alexander's city. Hearing that he was spoken
+against and ridiculed by them for various reasons, and not least of all
+for murdering his brother, he set out for Alexandria, concealing his
+wrath and pretending to long to see them. But when he reached the
+suburbs whither the leading citizens had come with certain mystic and
+sacred symbols, he greeted them as if he intended to entertain them at a
+banquet and then put them to death. After this he arrayed his whole
+force in armor and marched into the city; he had sent previous notice to
+all the people there to remain at home and had occupied all the streets
+and in addition all the roofs in advance. And, to pass over the details
+of the calamities that then befell the wretched city, he slaughtered so
+many individuals that he dared not even speak about the number of them,
+but wrote the senate that it was of no interest how many of them or who
+had died, for they all deserved to suffer this fate. Of the property,
+part was plundered and part destroyed.
+
+[Sidenote:--23--] With the people perished also many foreigners, and
+not a few who had accompanied Antoninus were destroyed for want of
+identification. As the city was large and persons were being murdered
+all over it by night and by day, it was impossible to distinguish
+anybody, no matter how much one might wish it. They simply expired as
+chance directed and their bodies were straightway cast into deep
+trenches to keep the rest from being aware of the extent of the
+disaster.--That was the fate of the natives. The foreigners were all
+driven out except the merchants, and even they had all their wares
+plundered. Also some shrines were despoiled. In the midst of most of
+these atrocities Antoninus was present and looked on and personally took
+a hand, but sometimes he issued orders to others from the temple of
+Serapis. He lived in this god's precinct even during the nights and days
+that witnessed the shedding of Egyptian blood. [And he sent word to the
+senate that he was observing purity during the days when he was in
+reality sacrificing there domestic beasts and human beings at the same
+time to the god.] Yet why should I have spoken of this, when he actually
+dared to devote to the god the sword with which he had killed his
+brother?
+
+Next he abolished the spectacles and the public messes of the
+Alexandrians and ordered Alexandria to be broken up [Footnote: The
+reading is [Greek: dioikisthaenai].] into villages, with a wall fully
+garrisoned bisecting the city, that the inhabitants might no longer
+visit one another with security. Such was the treatment accorded unhappy
+Alexandria by the _Ausonian Beast_, as the tag of the oracle about him
+called him; and he said he liked the title and was glad to be
+distinguished by the honorific appellation of "Beast." Never mind how
+many persons he murdered on the pretext that they had fulfilled the
+oracle.
+
+[Sidenote:--24--] [The same man gave prizes to the soldiers for their
+campaign, allowing those stationed in the pretorian guard to get some
+six thousand two hundred and fifty [Footnote: The common reading is
+"twelve hundred and fifty," but since it seems incredible that the
+Pretorians should have obtained less, instead of more, than the ordinary
+soldiers, Lange with much reason proposed the change carried out
+above,--a change which requires the insertion (or restitution) of but
+one Greek numeral-letter that might easily have been overlooked by some
+copyist.] and the rest five thousand [lacuna]
+
+[That model of temperance (as he was wont to put it), the rebuker of
+licentiousness in others, at the consummation of a most vile and at the
+same time most dangerous outrage, appeared, in truth, to be indignant;
+but by not giving that indignation sufficient free play and further by
+allowing the youths to do what no one had ever yet dared to propose, he
+greatly corrupted the latter, who had imitated the habits of women of
+the demi-monde and of professional male buffoons.]
+
+[On the occasion of the Culenian [Footnote: Nobody knows what the
+Culenian games were; Valois guesses that they may have been an
+Alexandrian festival. The text of this whole chapter is in a very ragged
+condition, and should not be held too strictly accountable in the matter
+of sense or cohesion.] spectacle severe censure was passed, not only
+upon those who there carried on their accustomed pursuits, but also upon
+the spectators.]
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+78
+
+
+Antoninus's treacherous campaign against Artabanus, the Parthian
+(chapters 1-3).
+
+Antoninus's death (chapters 4-6). Foreshadowings of his death, and
+the abuse heaped upon him dead (chapters 7-10).
+
+About Macrinus Augustus, and his excellencies and faults (chapters
+11-15).
+
+His letters and commands to the senate, and other official acts
+(chapters 16-22).
+
+Death of Julia Augusta (chapters 23, 24).
+
+Inauspicious signs: peace arranged with Artabanus after submitting to
+a defeat (chapters 25-27).
+
+Uprising of the soldiers: Pseudantoninus is proclaimed as emperor by
+the soldiers (chapters 28-31).
+
+How Macrinus, conquered in battle, took to flight and was cut down
+after the capture of his son (chapters 32-41).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+C. Attius Sabinus (II), Cornelius Annullinus (A.D. 216 = a.u. 969 =
+Sixth of Antoninus.)
+
+C. Bruttius Præsens, T. Messius Extricatus (II). (A.D. 217 = a.u.
+970 = Seventh of Antoninus, from Feb. 4th to April 8th.)
+
+M. Opellius Macrinus Aug., Q.M. Coclatinus Adventus. (A.D. 218 = a.u.
+971. The first year of Macrinus ends April 11th and his second year
+is abruptly terminated June 8th.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 79, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 216 (_a.u._ 969)] [Sidenote:--1--] The next thing was a
+campaign against the Parthians and the pretext that was used was that
+Artabanus had refused to view favorably his wooing and give him his
+daughter in marriage. (But he knew well enough that, while pretending to
+want to marry her, he in fact was anxious to detach the Parthian
+kingdom.) So he damaged a large section of the country around Media by
+means of a sudden incursion, sacked many citadels, won over Arbela, dug
+open the royal tombs of the Parthians, and flung the bones about. The
+Parthians would not engage him at close quarters, and therefore I have
+had nothing of especial interest to record concerning the doings of that
+expedition except, perhaps, one anecdote. Two soldiers who had seized a
+skin of wine came to him, each claiming the booty as entirely his own.
+Being bidden by him to divide the wine equally they drew their swords
+and cut the wine skin in two, apparently expecting each to get a half
+with the wine in it. They so dreaded their emperor that they troubled
+him even with such details and showed such scrupulousness as to lose
+both wineskin and wine.
+
+Now the barbarians took refuge in the mountains and across the Tigris in
+order to perfect their preparations. But Antoninus suppressed this fact
+and, assuming that he had utterly vanquished a foe whom he had not even
+seen, he displayed becoming pride; and, as he himself wrote, he was
+particularly gratified because a lion ran down from the mountains and
+fought on his side.
+
+[Sidenote:--2--] Not only in other ways did he live unnaturally and
+transgress laws, but in his very campaigns [[lacuna] but truth; [Footnote:
+Here begins the parchment codex, Vaticanus 1288. See Volume I, page 8.]
+for I have run across the book written by him about it. He understood so
+well how he stood with all the senators that, in spite of many protests,
+their slaves and freedmen and intimate friends were arrested by him and
+were asked under torture whether "so-and-so loves me" or "so-and-so
+hates me." For the charts of the stars under which any of his foremost
+courtiers had been born gave evidence, he said, as to who was friendly
+to him and who was hostile. And on this basis he honored many persons
+and destroyed many others.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 217 (_a.u._ 970)] [Sidenote:--3--] When the Parthians and
+the Medes, greatly enraged at the treatment they had received, equipped
+a large body of troops, he fell into an ecstasy of terror. He was very
+bold in threats and very reckless in daring, but very cowardly in
+following a slow course involving danger, and very weak in hard labor.
+He could no longer bear either great heat or armor, and consequently
+wore sleeved tunics made in such a shape as more or less to resemble
+breastplates. Thus having the appearance of armor without its weight he
+could be safe from plots and also arouse admiration. He often used these
+garments when not in battle. He wore also a cavalry cloak, now all
+purple, now purple with white threads, and again of white with purple
+threads, and also red. In Syria and in Mesopotamia he used Celtic
+clothing and shoes. He furthermore invented a costume of his own by
+cutting out cloth and stitching it up, barbaric fashion, into a kind of
+cloak. He himself wore it very constantly, so that it led to his being
+called Caracalla, [Footnote: A word of Celtic origin, signifying a long,
+ulster-like tunic plus a hood. This was a Gallic dress.] and he
+prescribed it by preference as the dress for the soldiers. The
+barbarians saw what sort of person he was and also heard that his men
+were enervated through their previous luxury; for, to give an instance
+of their behavior, the Romans passed the winter in houses, making use of
+everything belonging to their entertainers as if it were their own.
+[They further perceived that their opponents had become so physically
+worn and so dejected in spirit by their toils and by the hardships which
+they were now undergoing that they no longer heeded the presents which
+they kept receiving from their commander.] Elated, therefore, to think
+that they should find them rather helpers than foes, they made ready to
+attack. [Footnote: The last five words are a conjecture of Bekker's.]
+
+[Sidenote:--4--] Antoninus made preparations in his turn, but it did not
+fall to his lot to enter upon the war: he was struck down in the midst
+of his soldiers, whom he most honored and in whom he reposed vast
+confidence. A seer in Africa had declared (in such a way that it became
+noised abroad) that both Macrinus the prefect and his son Diadumenianus
+[Footnote: His full name was M. Opellius Diadumenianus.] must reign.
+Macrinus, sent to Rome, had revealed this to Flavius Maternianus, who at
+the time commanded the soldiers in the city, and he had at once sent
+word to Antoninus. It happened that this letter was diverted to Antioch
+and came to [his mother] Julia, since she had been given orders to read
+over everything that arrived and thus prevent a mass of unimportant
+letters being sent to him while in a hostile country. Another letter
+written by Ulpius Julianus, who then had charge of appraisements, went
+by other carriers straight to Macrinus and informed him of the state of
+the case. It was in this way that the letter to the emperor suffered a
+delay and the despatch to his rival came to the attention of the latter
+in good season. Now Macrinus, becoming afraid that he might be put to
+death by Antoninus on account of all this, especially since a certain
+Egyptian Serapio had told the prince to his face that Macrinus should
+succeed him, did not find it well to delay.--Serapio had first been
+thrown to a lion for his pains, but when he merely held out his hand, as
+is reported, and the animal did not touch him, he was slain. He might
+have escaped even this fate (or so he declared) by calling upon certain
+spirits, if he had lived one day longer.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] Macrinus came to no harm but hastened his preparations,
+having a presentiment that otherwise he should perish, especially since
+Antoninus had suddenly, one day before [Footnote: "One day before" is a
+conjecture of Bekker's. (The birthday of Antoninus seems to have been on
+the sixth of April.)] his birthday, removed those of Macrinus's
+companions that were in the latter's company, alleging one reason in one
+case and another in another with the general pretext of doing them
+honor. Not but [lacuna] expecting that it was fated for him to get it
+he had also made a name which owed its origin to this fact. Accordingly,
+he suborned two tribunes stationed in the pretorian guard, Nemesianus
+and Apollinarius, brothers belonging to the Aurelian gens, and Julius
+Martialius, who was enrolled among the evocati and had a private grudge
+against Antoninus for not giving him the post of centurion on request.
+Thus he made his plot, and it was carried out as follows. On the eighth
+of April, when the emperor had set out from Edessa to Carrhæ and had
+dismounted from his horse to go and ease himself, Martialius approached
+as if he wanted to say something to him and struck him smartly with a
+small knife. The assassin at once fled and would have escaped detection,
+had he thrown away the sword. The weapon led to his being recognized by
+one of the Scythians on the staff of Antoninus, and he was brought down
+with a javelin. As for Martialius [lacuna] the military tribunes pretending
+to come to the rescue slew [lacuna]
+
+[This Scythian attended him, not merely to be an ally of his, but as
+keeping guard over him to a certain extent. [Sidenote:--6--] For he
+maintained Scythians and Celtæ about him, free and slaves alike, whom he
+had taken away from children and wives and had equipped with arms; and
+he affected to place more dependence upon them than upon the soldiers.
+To illustrate, he kept honoring them with posts as centurions, and he
+called them "lions." Moreover, he would often converse with emissaries
+sent from the very provinces, and in the presence of no one else but the
+interpreters would urge them, in case any catastrophe befell him, to
+invade Italy and march upon Rome, assuring them that it was very easy to
+capture. And to prevent any inkling of his talk spreading to our ears he
+would immediately put to death the interpreters. For all that, we did
+ascertain it later from the barbarians themselves: and the matter of the
+poisons we learned from Macrinus.] It seemed that he partly sent for and
+partly bought quantities of all kinds of poisons from the inhabitants of
+Upper Asia, spending altogether seven hundred and fifty myriads upon
+them, in order that he might secretly kill in different ways great
+numbers of men,--in fine, whomsoever he would. They were subsequently
+discovered in the royal apartments and were all consumed by fire. [At
+this time the soldiers, both for this reason and, beyond other
+considerations, because they were vexed at having the barbarians
+preferred to themselves, were not altogether so enthusiastic over their
+leader as of yore and did not aid him when he became the victim of a
+plot.] Such was the end that he met after a life of twenty-nine years
+[and four days (for he had been born on the fourth of April)], and after
+a reign of six years, two months, and two days.
+
+[Sidenote:--7--] There are many things at this point, too, in the story
+that occur to excite my surprise. When he was about to start from
+Antioch on his last journey, his father confronted him in a vision, girt
+with a sword and saying: "As you killed your brother, so will I smite
+you unto death;" and the soothsayers told him to beware of that day,
+using so direct a form of speech as this: "The gates of the victim's
+liver are shut." After this he went out through some door, paying no
+heed to the fact that the lion, which he was wont to call "Rapier," and
+had for a table companion and bedfellow, knocked him down as he went
+out, and, moreover, tore some of his clothing. He kept many other lions
+besides and always had some of them around him, but this one he would
+often caress even publicly. It was thus that these events occurred.
+
+And a little before his death, as I have heard, a great fire suddenly
+fastened upon the entire interior of the temple of Serapis in
+Alexandria, and did no other harm whatever save only to destroy that
+sword with which he had slain his brother. [Later, when it stopped, many
+stars shone out.] In Rome, too, [a spirit wearing the likeness of a man
+led an ass up the Capitol and later up the Palatine, seeking, as he
+said, its master and stating that Antoninus was dead and Jupiter
+reigned. Arrested for his behavior, he was sent by Maternianus to
+Antoninus, and he declared: "I depart, as you bid, but I shall face not
+this emperor but another." Afterwards on coming to Capua he vanished.
+
+[Sidenote:--8--] This took place while the prince was still alive.] At
+the horse-race [held in memory of Severus's reign] the statue of Mars,
+while being carried in procession, fell down. This perhaps would not
+arouse such great wonder, but listen to the greatest marvel of all. The
+Green faction had been defeated, whereupon, catching sight of a jackdaw,
+which was screeching very loud on the tip of a javelin, they all gazed
+at him and all of a sudden, as if by previous arrangement, cried out:
+"Hail Martialius, Martialius hail, long it is since we beheld thee!" It
+was not that the jackdaw was ever so called, but through him they were
+greeting, apparently under some divine inspiration, Martialius, the
+assassin of Antoninus. To some, indeed, Antoninus seemed to have
+foretold his own end, inasmuch as in the last letter that he sent to the
+senate he had said: "Cease praying that I may reign a hundred years."
+The petition mentioned had always been uttered from the beginning of his
+sovereignty and this was the first and only time that he found fault
+with it. Thus, while his words were simply meant to chide them for
+offering a prayer impossible of accomplishment, he was really indicating
+that he should no longer rule for any length of time. And when certain
+persons had once called attention to this fact, it also came to my mind
+that when he was giving us a banquet in Nicomedea at the Saturnalia and
+had talked a good deal, as was usual at a symposium, then on our rising
+to go he had addressed me and said: "With great acumen and truth, Dio,
+has Euripides remarked that
+
+  "'Neath divers forms the spirit world is lurking,
+  Much passing hope the gods are ever working.
+  Oft disappointment strikes down sure ambition:
+  The unthought chance God brings to full fruition.
+  This story leaves things in just that condition.'"
+
+[Footnote: Lines that occur at the end of several of Euripides's
+dramas.]
+
+At the time this quotation seemed to have been mere nonsense, but when
+not long after he perished the fact that this was the last speech he
+uttered to me was thought to infuse into it a certain truly oracular
+significance with regard to what was to befall him. Similar importance
+was attached to the utterance of Jupiter called Belus, [Footnote: The
+same as Baal.] a god revered in Apamea [Footnote: This is the Apamea on
+the Orontes, built by Seleucus Nicator.] of Syria. He, years before,
+when Severus was still a private citizen, had spoken to him these
+verses:
+
+   "Touching eyes and head, like Zeus, whose delight is in thunder,
+  Like unto Ares in waist, and in chest resembling Poseidon."
+  [Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, II, verses 478-9.]
+
+And later, after his accession as emperor, the god had made this
+response to an enquiry: "Thy house shall perish utterly in blood."
+[Footnote: Adapted from Euripides, Phoenician Maidens, verse 20.]
+
+[Sidenote:--9--] [Accordingly the body of Antoninus was then burned, and
+his bones, brought secretly by night into Rome, were deposited in the
+mausoleum of the Antonines. All the senators and private individuals,
+men and women, without exception entertained so violent a hatred of him
+that all their words and actions relating to him were such as would
+befit the downfall of a most implacable foe. He was not officially
+disgraced, because the soldiers did not get from Macrinus the state of
+peace which they had hoped to secure by a change. Deprived of the
+profits which they were wont to receive from Antoninus, they began to
+long for him again. Indeed, their wishes subsequently prevailed to the
+extent of having him enrolled among the heroes: of course this was voted
+by the senate.]
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 217, _a.u._ 970] In general, abundant ill was
+consistently spoken of him by everybody. They would no longer term him
+Antoninus, but [some called him Bassianus, [Footnote: He was originally
+Septimius Bassianus, named after his maternal grandfather.] his old
+name, others] Caracalla, as I have mentioned, [Footnote: In chapter 3.]
+[others] also Tarautas, from the appellation of a gladiator who was [in
+appearance] very small and very ugly and [in spirit very audacious and]
+very bloodthirsty.
+
+[Sidenote:--10--] Now his affairs, however one may name him, were in
+this state. As for me, even before he came to the throne, it was
+foretold me in a way by his father that I should write this account.
+Just after his death methought I saw in a great plain the whole power of
+Rome arrayed in arms, and it seemed as if Severus were sitting [on a
+knoll there and] on a lofty tribunal conversing with them. And, seeing
+me standing by to hear what was said, he spoke out: "Come hither, Dio,
+to this spot; approach nearer, that you may both ascertain accurately
+and write a history of all that is said and done."--Such was the life
+and the overthrow of Tarautas. [After him there perished also those who
+had shared in the plot against him, some at once and others before a
+great while. His intimate companions and the Cæsarians likewise
+perished. He had been, as it were, coupled with a spirit of murder that
+operated equally against enemies and against friends.]
+
+[Sidenote:--11--] Macrinus, by race a Moor from Cæsarea, came from most
+obscure parents [so that with considerable justice he was likened to the
+ass that was led to the Palatine by the apparition]. For one thing his
+left ear had been bored, according to the custom [generally] in vogue
+among the Moors. His affability was even more striking. As to duties,
+his comprehension of them was not so accurate as his performance of them
+was faithful. [Thus it was, thanks to the advocacy of a friend's cause,
+that he became known to Plautianus, and at first he took the position of
+manager of the latter's property; subsequently he ran a risk of
+perishing together with his employer, but was unexpectedly saved by the
+intercession of Cilo and was given charge of the vehicles of Severus
+that passed back and forth along the Flaminian Way.] From Antoninus
+[after securing some titles of a short-lived procuratorship] he obtained
+an appointment as prefect and administered the affairs of this
+responsible position excellently and with entire justice, [so far as he
+was free to act independently. This, then, was his general character and
+these the steps of his advancement. Even during the life of Tarautas he
+was led, in the way that I have described, to harbor in his mind the
+hope of empire;] and at his death [he did not, to be sure, either that
+day or the two following days occupy the office, in order to avoid the
+imputation of having killed him with such intentions: but for that space
+of time the Roman state remained completely bereft of a ruler possessing
+authority, though without the people's knowing it. He communicated with
+the soldiers in every direction,--that is to say, the ones who were in
+Mesopotamia on account of the war but instead of being in one body were
+scattered all about; and he won their allegiance through the agency of
+his [Footnote: Reading [Greek: ohi] (Dindorf) instead of [Greek: hos].]
+friends], among his various offers being a suggestion that they might
+secure a respite from the war, which was an especial cause of
+dissatisfaction to them: and so on the fourth day [the anniversary of
+Severus's birthday] he was chosen emperor by them [after making a show
+of resistance].
+
+[Sidenote:--12--] [He delivered an address full of good points and held
+out hopes of many advantages to the rest of mankind as well. Those who
+had been doomed to some life punishment for an act of impiety, of the
+kind that is so named with reference to attitude toward emperors, were
+absolved from their sentence; and complaints of that nature which were
+pending were dismissed. He rescinded the measures enacted by Caracalla
+relating to inheritances and emancipations and, by asseverating that it
+was a sacrilege to kill a senator, he succeeded in his appeal for the
+pardon of Aurelianus, whose surrender was demanded by the soldiers
+because he had proved most obnoxious to them in many previous campaigns.
+Not for long, however, was it in his power to behave as an honest man
+[lacuna] and Aurelianus [lacuna] soldiers [lacuna] this man [lacuna] by
+him [lacuna] absolute power [lacuna] wrath [lacuna] and two hundred and
+fifty denarii [lacuna] there had been public notice of giving more
+[lacuna] fearing that [lacuna] Aurelianus, the only one then present not
+only of ex-consuls but of those who were senators at all [lacuna] by aid
+of money [lacuna] upon him [lacuna] glad to divert the blame for
+Caracalla's death [lacuna] and about the [lacuna] them [lacuna] the
+[lacuna] the [lacuna] great masses both of furniture and of property of
+the emperors. But as not even this on account of the soldiers sufficed
+for the [lacuna] of senators [lacuna] kill [lacuna] no one, but putting
+some under guard [lacuna] of the knights and the freedmen and the
+Cæsarians and [lacuna] causing those who erred in even the slightest
+respect to be punished, so that to all [lacuna] of them [lacuna] the
+procuratorships and the excessive expenditures and the majority of the
+burdens recently laid upon them by Tarautas [lacuna] of the games
+[lacuna] multitude [lacuna], gathering the presents which had
+unnecessarily been bestowed upon any persons, and he forbade any silver
+image of him being made over five pounds in weight, or any golden image
+of over three. Greatest of all, the hire of those serving in the
+pretorian guard [lacuna] to that appointed [lacuna] by Severus [lacuna]
+
+[Sidenote:--13--] Though in truth he was praised by some for this (and
+not without reason), still he incurred (on the part of the sensible) a
+censure that quite counterbalanced it. The adverse sentiment in question
+was due to the fact that he enrolled certain persons in the ranks of
+ex-consuls and immediately assigned them to governorships of provinces.
+Yet he refused the following year to have the reputation of being consul
+twice because he had the honors of ex-consul: this was a practice begun
+during the reign of Severus and followed also by the latter's son. This
+procedure, however, both in his own case and in that of Adventus was
+lawful enough, but he showed great folly in sending Marcius Agrippa
+first into Pannonia and later into Dacia to govern. The previous
+officials of the districts mentioned,--Sabinus and Castinus,--he
+summoned at once to his side, pretending that he wanted their company,
+but really because he feared their surpassing spirit and their
+friendship for Caracalla. It was in this way that he came to despatch
+Agrippa to Dacia and Deccius Triccianus [Footnote: _Ælius Deccius
+Triccianus_.] to Pannonia. The former had been a slave acting as master
+of wardrobe for some woman and for this cause [Footnote: It is hard to
+see why, unless in the age of Severus slaves were forbidden to have
+charge of women's attire.] had been tried by Severus, although at the
+time he was attached to the fiscus; he had then been driven out to an
+island for betraying some interest, was subsequently restored, together
+with the rest, by Tarautas, had taken charge of his decisions and
+letters, and finally had been degraded to the position of senator, with
+ex-consular rank, because he had admitted overgrown lads into the army.
+Triccianus served in the rank and file of the Pannonian contingent, had
+once been porter to the governor of that country, and was at this time
+commanding the Alban legion.
+
+[Sidenote:--14--] These were some of the grounds that led many persons
+to find fault with him. Another was his elevation of Adventus. Adventus
+had drawn pay as one of the spies and detectives, had left his position
+there and served among the letter-carriers, had later been appointed
+cubicularius, and still later was advanced to a position as procurator.
+Now although old age prevented him from seeing, lack of education from
+reading, and want of experience from being able to accomplish anything,
+the emperor made him senator, fellow-consul, and prefect of the city.
+This upstart had dared to say to the soldiers after the death of
+Caracalla: "The sovereignty properly belongs to me, since I am elder
+than Macrinus: but inasmuch as I am extremely old, I make way for him."
+His behavior was regarded as nonsensical, as was also that of Macrinus,
+in granting the greatest dignity of the senate to such a man, who could
+not when consul carry on a plain conversation with anybody in the
+senate, and consequently on the day of elections pretended to be sick.
+Hence, before long Macrinus assigned the direction of the city to Marius
+Maximus in his stead. It looked as if he had made him præfectus urbi
+with the sole purpose of polluting the senate-house. And this pollution
+took place not only in virtue of the fact that he had served in the
+mercenary force and had performed the duties belonging to executioners,
+scouts, and centurions, but in that he had secured control of the city
+prior to fulfilling the demands of the consulship. In other words, he
+became city prefect before senator. Macrinus connived at his promotion
+with the definite intention of blinding the public in regard to his own
+record, which would have shown that he had seized the imperial office
+while yet a knight.
+
+[Sidenote:--15--] Besides these not unmerited censures that some passed
+upon him, he also attracted adverse criticism for designating as
+prefects Ulpius Julianus and Julianus Nestor, who possessed no
+particular excellence and had not been tested in many undertakings, but
+had become quite notorious for rascality in Caracalla's reign; for,
+being at the head of the late prince's messengers [Footnote: Mommsen
+thinks that by this expression Dio probably means the position of
+_princeps peregrinorum_.] they had been of great assistance to him in
+his unholy meddling. However, only a few citizens took account of these
+details, which did not tend wholly to encourage them. The majority of
+individuals, in view of their having recently got rid of Tarautas, which
+was more than they could have hoped, and comparing the new ruler in the
+few indications afforded with the old, and in view of all the other
+considerations and expectations, did not deem it fitting to condemn him
+so soon. And for this reason they mourned him exceedingly when he was
+killed, though they would certainly have felt hatred for him had he
+lived longer.]
+
+For he began to live rather more luxuriously and he took official notice
+of those who reproved him. His putting Maternianus and Datus out of the
+way was not reasonable,--for what wrong had they done in being attentive
+to their emperor?--but it was not unlike human nature, since he had been
+involved in great danger. But he made a mistake in venting his wrath
+upon the rest, who were suspected of disliking his low birth and his
+unexpected attempt upon the sovereign power. He ought to have done
+precisely the opposite; realizing what he had been at the outset and
+what his position then was, he should not have been supercilious, but
+should have behaved moderately, cultivated the genius of his household,
+and encouraged men by good deeds and a display of excellence unchanged
+by circumstances.
+
+[Sidenote:--16--] These things [lacuna] in regard to him [lacuna] have
+been said by me [lacuna] in detail [lacuna] of any [lacuna] just as
+[lacuna] nominally throughout his entire reign [lacuna] of all [lacuna]
+of it [lacuna] that he said in conversation with the soldiers [lacuna]
+it was proved [lacuna] and he dared to utter not a few laudations of
+himself and to send still more of them in letters, saying among other
+things: "I have been quite sure that you also would agree with the
+legions, since I enjoy the consciousness of having conferred many
+benefits upon the commonwealth." He subscribed himself in the letter as
+Cæsar and emperor and Severus, adding to the name of Macrinus the titles
+of Pious, and Fortunate, and Augustus, and Proconsul, of course without
+awaiting any vote on our part. He sent the letter without being ignorant
+that he was, on his own responsibility, assuming so many and great
+designations nor [lacuna] name [lacuna] of Pretorians as formerly some
+[lacuna] not but what [lacuna] so wrote [lacuna] in the beginning
+[lacuna] war chiefly [lacuna] of barbarians [lacuna] near [lacuna] in
+the letter he used simply the same terms as the emperors before
+Caracalla, and this he did the whole year through [lacuna] memoranda
+found among the soldiers. Thus [lacuna] of things accustomed to be said
+with a view to flattery and not inspired by truthfulness they became so
+suspicious as to ask that they be made public, and he sent them to us,
+and the quæstor read them aloud, as he did other similar documents in
+their turn. And a certain prætor, as the senate was then in session and
+none of the quæstors was present, also read an epistle once composed by
+Macrinus himself.
+
+[Sidenote:--17--] The first letter having been read, appropriate
+measures were passed with reference to both Macrinus and his son. He was
+designated Patrician, and Princeps Iuventutis, and Cæsar. He accepted
+everything save the horse-race voted in honor of the beginning of his
+reign; from this he begged to be excused, saying that the event had been
+sufficiently honored by the spectacle on the birthday of Severus. Of
+Tarautas he made no mention at this time, in the way of either honor or
+dishonor, save only that he called him Emperor. He ventured to term him
+neither Hero nor Foe, and, as I conjecture, it was because the deeds of
+his predecessor and the hatred of much of mankind made him shrink from
+the former epithet, and the thought of the soldiers restrained him from
+the latter. Some suspected that it was because he wanted the disgracing
+to be the act of the senate and the people rather than his own,
+especially since he was in the midst of the legions. He did say that
+Tarautas by his wrongdoing had been chiefly responsible for the war and
+had terribly burdened the public treasury by increasing the money given
+to the barbarians, inasmuch as it was of equal amount with the pay of
+the soldiers under arms. No one dared, however, to give utterance
+publicly to any such statement against him and vote that he was an
+enemy, for fear of immediate annihilation at the hands of the soldiers
+in the City. Still, they abused him in their own fashion and heaped
+insults upon him as much as they could, going over the list of his
+bloody deeds, with the name of each victim, and ranging him alongside
+all the evil tyrants that had ever held sway over them.
+
+[Sidenote:--18--] At the same time the public demanded that the
+horse-race given on his birthday be abolished, that absolutely all the
+statues, both gold and silver, erected [Footnote: Supplying, with Reiske,
+[Greek: hidruthentas].] in his honor be melted down, and that those who
+had served with him in any capacity as informers be made known and
+punished with the utmost speed. For great numbers, not only slaves and
+freedmen and soldiers and Cæsarians, but likewise knights and senators
+and numerous very distinguished women, were believed to have given
+secret hints during his reign and to have blackmailed various persons.
+And although they did not attach to Antoninus the name of Enemy, they
+did keep vociferating that Martialius (on account of the similarity of
+his name to that of Mars, as they pretended,) ought to be honored with
+enconiums and with statues for worship. They also showed for the moment
+no indication of annoyance at Macrinus], the reason being that they were
+so overwhelmed by joy on account of the death of Tarautas as not to have
+leisure to think anything about his humble origin, and they were glad to
+accept him as emperor. They were less concerned about whose slaves they
+should be next than about whose yoke they had shaken off, and were
+impressed with the idea that any chance comer who might present himself
+would be preferable to their former master. [All the unusual
+expenditures were rehearsed that had been made, not only by the Roman
+Treasury but privately for any persons and on the part of any foreign
+nations as a result of the former sovereign's direction: and thus the
+overthrow of those charged with carrying out the enactments made by him
+and the hope that in the future nothing similar would be done inclined
+people to be satisfied with the existing arrangement.
+
+[Sidenote:--19--] However, they soon learned that Aurelianus was dead
+and that Diadumenianus, son of Macrinus, had been appointed Cæsar. This
+last was nominally the act of the soldiers, through whose ranks he
+passed when summoned from Antioch to meet his father, but really it was
+accomplished by Macrinus. People further learned that their ruler had
+assumed the name of Antoninus. (He had done this to win the favor of the
+soldiers, partly to avoid seeming to dishonor his predecessor's memory
+entirely, especially in view of the fact that he had secretly thrown
+down some of the statues offered to him in Rome by Alexander and set on
+pedestals by Antoninus himself: and again he wanted to get an excuse for
+promising them seven hundred and fifty denarii more.) So persons began
+to think differently and reflected that previously they had held him in
+no esteem. Taking account, furthermore, of all the additional ignoble
+manifestations on his part that they suspected and thought likely, they
+began to be ashamed and did not [lacuna] Caracalla any more than
+[lacuna] things pertaining to him differently [lacuna] by deprecating
+the [lacuna] of Severus [lacuna] of Antoninus [lacuna] they displayed
+[lacuna] and hero and what befitted his reign, not to be sure [lacuna]
+and wholly the judgments of all men in Rome [lacuna] underwent a change
+[lacuna] senate [lacuna] to him [lacuna] me [lacuna] however, when all
+were questioned man by man regarding his honors, both others answered
+ambiguously and [lacuna] Saturninus [lacuna] in a way attributing
+[lacuna] prætors [lacuna] that it was not permissible for him to put any
+vote about anything, in order that they might avoid the consul's
+jealousy. This procedure was contrary to precedent, for it was not
+lawful that there should take place in the senate-chamber an inquiry
+into any matter, except at the command of the emperor.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] The crowd, because they could obscure their identity
+at the contest and by their numbers, gained the greater boldness, raised
+a loud cry at the horse-race on the birthday of Diadumenianus, which
+fell on the fourteenth of September: they uttered many lamentations,
+asserting that they alone of all mankind were destitute of a leader,
+destitute of a king; and they invoked the name of Jupiter, declaring
+that he alone should be their leader and uttering aloud these words: "As
+a master thou wert angry, as a father take pity on us." Nor would they
+pay any heed at first to either the equestrian or the senatorial order
+[lacuna] and commending the emperor and the Cæsar to the extent of
+[lacuna] in Greek saying: "Ah, what a glorious day is to-day! What noble
+kings!" and desiring that the others also should share their opinion.
+But they stretched out their arms toward the sky and exclaimed:
+"[lacuna]. this is the Roman Augustus: having him we have all!" So true
+it is that among mankind respect is a distinct characteristic of the
+better element and contempt a characteristic of the worse. For these two
+now regarded Macrinus and Diadumenianus as henceforth absolutely
+non-existent and trampled upon their claims as though they were already
+dead. This was one great reason why his soldiers despised him, and paid
+no heed to what was done to win their favor. Another still more
+important cause lay in the frequent and extraordinary insolence shown
+toward him by the Pergamenians, who were deprived of what they had
+formerly received from Tarautas; and for this conduct he imposed upon
+them public sentence of loss of citizenship. [Sidenote:--21--] The
+attitude of the soldiers is straightway to be described. At this time
+Macrinus neither sent to the senate, as they were demanding, nor
+published otherwise any document of the informers, saying either truly
+or falsely (to avoid a great disturbance) that none such had been found
+in the royal residence. For Tarautas had either destroyed the majority
+of those containing any accusation or had returned them to the senders
+themselves, as I have stated, [Footnote: The passage to which Dio refers
+is lost.] to the end that no proof of his baseness should be left. But
+he did reveal the names of three senators whom, from what he had himself
+discovered, he deemed to be especially deserving of hatred. These were
+Manilius and Julius, and moreover Sulpicius Arrhenianus, who had
+blackmailed, among others, Bassus, the son of Pomponius, whose
+lieutenant he had been when Bassus was governor of Moesia. These men
+were banished to islands, as the emperor expressly forbade their being
+put to death. "We would avoid,"--he wrote--these were his very
+words,--"ourselves appearing to do the things for which we censure
+them."--And Lucius Priscillianus [whose name was presented by the senate
+itself,] was as much renowned for his insulting behavior as he was for
+his killing of wild beasts. [He fought them at Tusculum every now and
+then, and contended with so many each time that he bore the scars of
+their bites.] Once he, unassisted, joined battle with a bear and
+panther, a lioness and lion at once, but far more numerous were the men,
+both knights and senators, whom he destroyed as a result of his
+slanders. [For both of these achievements] he was greatly honored by
+Caracalla [was enrolled among the ex-prætors and became (contrary to
+precedent) governor of Achæa. He incurred the violent hatred of the
+senate, was summoned for trial] and was confined upon an island. These
+men, then, came to their end as described.
+
+[Sidenote:--22--] And Flaccus was entrusted also with the dispensation
+of food stuffs,--an office which Manilius had formerly held,--for he had
+secured [Footnote: Reading [Greek: eilaephos] (Reimar).] it (with the
+added ratification of Macrinus) as a reward of his information against
+him; and he was subsequently made superintendent of the distribution of
+dole which took place at the games given by the major prætors, save
+those celebrated in honor of Flora [lacuna] moreover the iuridici
+possessing authority in Italy had to stop rendering decisions outside
+the traditional limits set by Marcus. [Footnote: The text of the early
+part of this chapter may be characterized as "jagged." The sentences
+lack clearness and the relation of the individual words is not always
+certain. The reader may be interested to see a translation of
+Hirschfeld's interpretation of the section, taken from his book entitled
+_Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der Roemischen Verwaltungsgeschichte_
+(pp. 117-120).
+
+a [Flaccus]--It is here a question of a high senatorial office, which
+can only be the _præfectura alimentorum_.
+
+b [The iuridici]--Perhaps the person entrusted with the execution of
+this ruling was C. Octavius Sabinus, who had the title of _electus ad
+corrigendum statum Italiæ_.
+
+c [The orphans]--Probably during the latter portion of Caracalla's
+reign, as also under Commodus, the funds for food had been available
+either not at all or at irregular intervals, and therefore the
+restitution of district prefects was determined upon.
+
+From these Food Prefects for a particular district those officials must
+be distinguished who bear the general title of _præfectus alimentorum_
+without any local limitation, and show a marked difference from the rest
+in that they are invariably of consular rank, whereas the position of
+district prefect, like that of curator of roads, was usually held by a
+candidate that had only passed the prætorship. The inscriptions of these
+_consular_ prefects begin not earlier than the end of the reign of
+Marcus Aurelius, perhaps not till Commodus, and extend to the time of
+Macrinus, while during this whole time (a period, that is, of about
+forty years) all trace of the district prefects vanishes. Under these
+circumstances the conclusion seems to me inevitable that towards the end
+of the second century (probably from the first years of Marcus Aurelius
+on) the district prefecture was abolished and the administration was
+centralized in Rome under a consular _præfectus alimentorum_, whose
+authority extended over the whole of Italy.
+
+Now very probably it was the introduction under Marcus Aurelius of the
+_iuridici_ which occasioned this change, even if not immediately, and
+that these duties of distribution, as well as other administrative
+functions, were placed in their hands; one thing that would seem to
+recommend this view particularly is that their position in general
+tended to make them official examiners of the affairs of the
+_municipia_. When, in addition, we have evidence that Macrinus in the
+year 217 reduced the authority of the _iundici_ to the limits originally
+imposed by Marcus Aurelius and that further the same emperor instituted
+certain rulings for the amelioration of food distribution; when,
+moreover, we consider in connection with this the coincidence of the
+disappearance of the _consular food prefects_ for Italy on the one hand
+and the reappearance of the _pretorial district prefects_ on the other,
+it will not appear overbold to suppose that Macrinus, in the course of
+the reform affecting the _iuridici_, also detached from them the right
+to supervise foods, restored it to the curators of roads (as in the
+original arrangement) and abolished the central bureau in Rome.]--A
+certain Domitius Florus had formerly had charge of the senate records
+and ought to have been next appointed ædile, but before entering upon
+office had been deprived of all hope on account of Plautianus; he now
+had recourse to sedulous office-seeking, recovered his lost standing and
+was appointed tribune. Anicius Faustus was sent into Asia to govern in
+place of Asper. The latter had at first obtained very great honor from
+Macrinus, who thought he could settle affairs in Asia: afterwards, when
+he was already _en route_ and was approaching the province (Macrinus had
+not accorded a favorable reception to the petition forwarded to
+Caracalla and delivered to him, in which the inhabitants begged that
+Asper be not sent them as proconsul), the emperor offered him a terrible
+affront in rejecting him. It was reported to the prince that Asper had
+made some improper remarks, and moreover he affected to think that old
+age and disease constituted a second reason for relieving him of his
+duties, and therefore he delivered Asia into the keeping of Faustus, a
+man who had been overlooked in the order of allotment by Severus. As the
+time for him to govern turned out to be short, Macrinus bade him hold
+the office for the following year in place of Aufidius Fronto. To the
+latter he would entrust neither Africa (which he had drawn by lot),
+because the Africans begged that he be not allowed to come, nor yet
+Asia, though he had first transferred him thither. As a fitting
+recognition, however, Macrinus proposed that twenty-five myriads be
+given him to stay at home. Fronto, however, would not accept that,
+saying that he wanted not money but a position of authority, and
+accordingly later he received the province from Sardanapalus.
+
+Besides these events aid was extended to the orphans, whose hopes of
+support were small, from the [lacuna] age of childhood to military
+years. [Footnote: See note 2c, page 58.]
+
+[Sidenote:--23--] Now Julia, the mother of Tarautas, chanced to be in
+Antioch, and at the first information of her son's death she was so
+affected that she struck herself violently and undertook to starve
+herself to death. The presence of this very same man, whom she hated
+alive, became the object of her longings now that he had ceased to
+exist; yet not because she desired him to live, but because she was
+furious at having to return to private life; and this led her to abuse
+Macrinus also long and bitterly. Subsequently, as no change was made in
+her royal suite or in the guard of Pretorians attending her, and the new
+emperor sent her a kind message (not having yet heard what she had
+said), she took courage, laid aside her longing for death, and, without
+writing him any response, held some negotiations with the soldiers she
+had about her, especially [lacuna] and as they were angry with Macrinus
+[lacuna] as they had a pleasanter remembrance of her son, how she might
+attain the imperial position, rendering herself the peer of Semiramis
+and Nitocris, since she came in a way from the same regions as
+they; [Footnote: Boissevain's conjecture for the succeeding sentences
+(valuable, of course, only as the guess of an expert) is the following:
+
+But when nobody would cooperate with her and letters came from Macrinus
+making certain announcements at which, in view of her circumstances, she
+felt herself depressed in spirits, she renounced her ambitions out of
+fear that she might be deprived of the title of Augusta and be forced to
+depart to her native land, and al [lacuna] drea [lacuna] wom [lacuna] ad
+[lacuna] eake [lacuna] and mos [lacuna] any one behol [lacuna] she
+decided to do just the reverse and submit lest she be forced eventually
+to return to Rome and be there compelled by Macrinus to remain at home
+for the future for appearing to be opposed to his policy. Afterwards,
+however, she was intending to take measures that would enable her to get
+away by ship, if possibility still offered, when he ordered her, etc.]
+as [lacuna] coöperated [lacuna] and letters [lacuna] of Macrinus
+[lacuna] some for which [lacuna] judgment [lacuna] fearing that she
+might be deprived of the title of Augusta and to [lacuna] native country
+be forced to return [lacuna] to fear [lacuna] go to Rome [lacuna]
+Macrinus [lacuna] seeming to do the opposite [lacuna] how [lacuna] might
+depart and he ordered her to depart from Antioch with all speed and go
+whithersoever she would. [And when she heard what was said in Rome about
+her son] she no longer cared to live. The cancer in her breast, which,
+for a very long time had remained stationary in its progress, had been
+made angry and inflamed by the blow which she struck her chest on
+hearing of her son's death; this helped to undermine her constitution
+and she made sure of her demise by voluntary starvation.
+
+[Sidenote:--24--][And so this queen, sprung from a family of common
+people and raised to a high station, who had lived during her husband's
+reign in great unhappiness on account of Plautianus, who had beheld her
+younger son butchered in her own lap and had borne ill-will to her elder
+son while he lived, finally receiving such tidings of his assassination,
+withdrew from power while in the full flush of life and thereafter did
+herself to death. Hence a person reviewing her career could not deem
+infallibly happy all those who attain great authority; indeed, in no
+case unless some true and undefiled pleasure in life belongs to them,
+and unswerving, permanent good fortune.--This, then, was the fate of
+Julia. Her body was taken to Rome and placed in the tomb of Gaius and
+Lucius. Later, however, both her bones and those of Geta were
+transferred by her sister Mæsa to the precinct of Antoninus.
+
+[Sidenote:--25--] Nor was Macrinus destined to survive for long,--a fact
+of which he doubtless had previous indications. A mule bore a mule in
+Rome and a sow had a little pig with four ears and two tongues and eight
+feet. A great earthquake occurred, blood flowed from a pipe, and bees
+formed honeycombs in the Forum Boarium. The hunting-theatre was smitten
+with thunderbolts on the very day of the Vulcanalia [Footnote: August
+twenty-third.] and such a blaze ensued that all its upper circumference
+and the whole circuit of construction and the ground-level were burned
+and thereupon the rest of it caught fire and fell in ruins. No human aid
+availed against the conflagration, though every possible stream of water
+was directed upon the blaze, nor could the downpour from the sky, which
+came in great amount and violence, accomplish anything. The force of
+both kinds of water was exhausted by the power of the thunderbolts, and
+to a certain extent, at least, the building only received additional
+injury; [Footnote: Reading [Greek: prosesineto](Bekker).] wherefore the
+gladiatorial spectacle was held in the stadium for many years.
+
+This naturally seemed to foreshow what was to be. There were other fires
+besides and imperial possessions were burned especially often during his
+reign,--a thing which in itself has always been regarded as of ill omen;
+but the fact that it seemed to have overthrown the horse-race of Vulcan
+had a direct bearing upon the emperor. This accordingly gave rise to a
+feeling that something out of the ordinary was in process of
+consummation, and the idea was strengthened by the behavior on that same
+day of the Tiber, which rose until it invaded the Forum and the roads
+leading to it with such impetus as to sweep away even human beings. And
+a woman, as I have heard, grim and gigantic, was seen by some persons
+and declared that these disasters were insignificant as compared with
+what was destined to befall them.
+
+[Sidenote:--26--] And so it proved, for the evil did not confine itself
+to the City alone, but took possession of the whole world under its
+dominion, with whose inhabitants the theatre was customarily filled. The
+Romans, defeated, gave up their war against the barbarians and likewise
+received great detriment from the greed and factional differences of the
+soldiers. The progress of both these evils I am now to describe.]
+Macrinus, seeing that Artabanus was exceedingly angry at the way he had
+been treated and had invaded Mesopotamia with a large force, at first of
+his own accord sent him the captives and used friendly language, urging
+him to accept peace and laying the blame for the past upon Tarautas. But
+the other would not entertain his proposition and furthermore bade him
+build up the forts and demolished cities, abandon Mesopotamia entirely
+and offer satisfaction in general, but particularly for the damage to
+the royal tombs. [For, trusting in the large force that he had gathered
+and despising Macrinus as an unworthy emperor, he gave reign to his
+wrath and expected that even without the Roman's consent he could
+accomplish whatever he wished.] Macrinus had no opportunity to think it
+over, but, meeting the enemy already on the way to Nisibis, was defeated
+in a battle begun by the soldiers about water, while encamped opposite
+each other. And he came very near losing the rampart itself, but some
+armor-bearers and baggage-carriers happened along and saved it. In their
+confidence, they had started out ahead and made a rush upon the
+barbarians; and the unexpectedness of their sally was of advantage to
+them, making them appear to be armed soldiers and not mere helpers. But
+the [lacuna] both was not present then and [lacuna] the night [lacuna]
+the camps [lacuna] and the Romans followed on. The enemy, perceiving the
+noise that they made in going out, suspected [lacuna] flight, but seeing
+them at a glance [lacuna] the Romans barbarians [lacuna] forced by their
+[lacuna] and the flight of Macrinus, they became dejected and were
+conquered. And as a result [lacuna] from Mesopotamia especially [lacuna]
+they overran Syria [lacuna] he abandoned.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 218 (_a.u._ 971)] This took place at the season under
+consideration: but in the autumn and winter, during which Macrinus and
+Adventus became consuls, they no longer came to blows with each other
+but kept up an interchange of envoys and heralds until they had reached
+an agreement.
+
+[Sidenote:--27--] For Macrinus, through native cowardice (being a Moor
+he was tremendously timorous) and by reason of the soldiers' lack of
+discipline, did not dare to begin a war. On the contrary] he expended
+for the sake of peace enormous amounts, in the shape of both gifts and
+money, to Artabanus himself and to his assistants in the government, so
+that the entire outlay came to five thousand myriads. [And the emperor
+was not unwilling to effect a reconciliation, both for the reasons
+mentioned and because his soldiers were extremely restive,--a condition
+due to their having been away from home an unusual length of time, as
+well as to the scarcity of food. No supplies were to be had from stores,
+since there were no stores ready, nor from the country itself, because
+part had been devastated and part was controlled by forts. Macrinus,
+however, did not forward an exact account of all their proceedings to
+the senate and consequently triumphal sacrifices were voted him and the
+name of Parthicus was bestowed. But this he would not accept, being
+apparently ashamed to adopt the appellation of an enemy by whom he had
+been defeated.
+
+Moreover, the war that had been waged in the regions of the Armenian
+king subsided. Tiridates received the diadem sent him by Macrinus, and
+got back his mother (whom Tarautas had confined in prison eleven
+months), together with the booty captured from Armenia and all the
+territory that his father possessed in Cappadocia, with hopes of
+obtaining the annual payment often furnished by the Romans. And the
+Dacians, after damaging parts of Dacia, held their hands in spite of a
+desire for further conflict, and got back the hostages that Caracalla,
+under the name of an alliance, had taken from them. This was the course
+of these events.
+
+[Sidenote:--28--] But a new war broke upon the heads of the Romans, and
+no longer a foreign but a civil strife. It was the soldiers who were
+responsible for the outbreak. They were somewhat irritated by their
+setbacks, but their behavior was owing still more to the fact that they
+would no longer endure any hard work if they could help it, but were
+thoroughly out of training in every respect and wanted to have no
+emperor that ruled with a firm hand but demanded that they get
+everything without stint, and chose to perform no task that was fitting
+for them. They were further angered by the cutting off of their pay and
+the deprivation of prizes and exemptions (these last among the
+privileges of the military), which they had gained from Tarautas, even
+though they personally were not destined to be affected by these
+measures. Their resolution was definitely strengthened by the delay
+which they had undergone in practically one and the same spot while
+wintering in Syria on account of the war. It should be stated that
+Macrinus seemed to have shown good generalship and to have acted
+sensibly in debarring the men in arms from no privilege, but preserving
+to them intact all the rights allowed by his predecessor, whereas he
+gave notice to such as intended to enlist anew that they would be
+enrolled only upon the old schedule published by Severus. He hoped that
+these recruits, entering the army a few at a time, would hold aloof from
+rebellion, at first through peaceful inclinations and fear and later
+through the influence of time and custom, and that by having no
+corrupting effect upon the rest they would quiet them.
+
+[Sidenote:--29--] If this had been done after the members of the army
+had retired to their individual fortresses and were consequently
+scattered, it would have been a correct move. Perhaps some of them would
+not have shown indignation, believing that they would really be put at
+no disadvantage because temporarily they suffered no loss: and even if
+they had been vexed, yet, each body being few in number and subservient
+to the commanders sent by the senate, they could have accomplished no
+great harm. But, united in Syria, they suspected that they should be
+liable to innovations if they separated;--for the time being they could
+well believe they were being pampered on account of the demands of war.
+And again [lacuna] So the others killed certain soldiers and ravaged
+portions of Mesopotamia, and these men butchered not a few of their own
+number and also overthrew their emperor; and, what is still worse, they
+set up another similar ruler, by whom nothing was done save what was
+evil and base. [Sidenote:--30--] It seems to me that this occurrence had
+been foreshadowed more clearly, perhaps, than any previous event. A
+very distinct eclipse of the sun [had taken place] about that time, [and
+the comet-star was seen for a considerable period. And another]
+luminary, whose tail extended from the west to the east, for several
+nights caused us terrible alarm, so that this verse of Homer's was ever
+on our lips:
+
+ "Rang the vast welkin with clarion calls, and Zeus heard the tumult."
+  [Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XXI, verse 388.]
+
+It was brought about in the following way:
+
+Mæsa, the sister of Julia Augusta, had two daughters, Soæmias and
+Mammæa, by her husband Julius, an ex-consul. She had also two male
+grandchildren. One was Avitus, the child of Soæmias and Varius
+Marcellus, a man of the same race,--he was from Apamea,--who had been
+occupied in procuratorships, had been enrolled in the senate, and soon
+after died. The other was Bassianus, the child of Mammæa and Gessius
+Marcianus, who was himself also a Syrian, from a city called Arca, and
+had been assigned to various positions as procurator. Now Mæsa at home
+in Emesa her life [lacuna] her sister Julia, with whom she had made her
+abode during the entire period of the latter's reign, having perished.
+For Avitus, after governing in Asia, sent by Caracalla from Mesopotamia
+into Cyprus, was seen to be limited to the position of adviser to some
+magistrate who suffered from old age and sickness; and again [lacuna]
+him, when [lacuna] he died, one Eutychianus, that had given satisfaction
+in games and exercises, and for that reason [lacuna] who [lacuna]
+[Sidenote:--31--] [lacuna] upon [lacuna] becoming aware of the strong
+dislike of the soldiers for Macrinus [lacuna] wall [lacuna] and partly
+persuaded by the Sun, whom they name Elagabalus and worship devotedly,
+and by some other prophecies, he undertook to overthrow Macrinus and put
+up Avitus, the grandson of Mæsa and a mere child, as emperor in his
+stead. And he accomplished both projects, although he had himself as yet
+not fully reached manhood and had as helpers only a few freedmen and
+soldiers [lacuna] and Emesenian senators [lacuna] pretending that he was
+a natural son of Tarautas and arraying him in clothing which the latter
+had worn when a child, Cæsar by the [lacunæ] introduced into the camp at
+night, without the knowledge of his mother or his grandmother, and at
+dawn on the sixteenth of May he persuaded the soldiers, who were eager
+to get some starting-point for an uprising, to revolt. Julianus, the
+prefect, learning this (for he happened to be not far distant), caused
+both a daughter and a son-in-law of Marcianus, together with some
+others, to be assassinated. Then, after collecting as many of the
+soldiers remaining as he could in the short time at his disposal, he
+made an attack upon what was, to all intents and purposes, a most
+hostile fortress. [Sidenote:--32--] He might have taken it that very
+day, for the Moors sent to Tarautas according to the terms of alliance
+fought most valiantly for Macrinus, who was a countryman of theirs, and
+even broke through some of the gates. But he refused the opportunity,
+either because he was afraid to rush in or because he expected that he
+could win the men inside to surrender voluntarily. As no propositions
+were made to him, and they furthermore built up all the gates during the
+night, so that they were now in a securer position, he again assaulted
+the place but effected nothing. For they carried Avitus (whom they were
+already saluting as "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus") all about upon the
+ramparts, and exhibited some likeness of Caracalla when a child as
+bearing some resemblance to their new ruler, declaring that the latter
+was truly Caracalla's child and his proper successor in the imperial
+office. "Why do you do this, fellow-soldiers?" they exclaimed. "Why do
+you thus fight against your benefactor's son?" By this means they
+corrupted all the soldiers with Julianus, especially as the troops were
+anxious to have a change, so that the attackers killed their commanders,
+save Julianus (for he effected his escape), and surrendered themselves
+to the False Antoninus. For when an attempt to restrain them was made by
+their centurions and the other subordinates, and they were, as a result,
+hesitating, Eutychianus sent Festus (thus--according to the cubicularius
+of Tarautas--was one of the Cæsarians named) [Footnote: The text is
+emended in accordance with a tentative suggestion of Boissevain.] and
+persuaded them to kill all such officers and offered as a prize to each
+soldier who should slay his man the victim's property and military rank.
+The boy also harangued them from the wall with fictitious statements,
+praising his "father" and [lacuna] Macrinus, as [lacuna]
+
+[Fourteen lines are lacking.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Sidenote:--33--] [lacuna] those left to be restored to their original
+property and status as citizens. But the most effective means by which
+he attached them to himself was his promise to give each and every one
+unlimited amounts of money, and to restore the exiles,--an act which
+would seem to make him out in truth a legitimate son of Tarautas
+[lacuna]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Fourteen lines are lacking.]
+
+[Sidenote:--34--] [lacuna] Marcianus [lacuna] Macrinus [lacuna] (for
+Marcellus was dead) he put this person to death; but, lacking courage to
+proceed further on his own responsibility without Macrinus, he sent for
+the latter. Macrinus came quickly to the Alban soldiers at Apamea and
+appointed his son emperor in spite of the lad's being but ten years old,
+in order that with this excuse he might mollify the soldiers by various
+means, chief among which should be the promise of five thousand denarii;
+he assigned them a thousand each on the spot and restored to the rest
+complete allowances of food and everything else of which they had been
+deprived: in this way he hoped to appease them. With this same end in
+view he bestowed upon the populace a dinner worth one hundred and fifty
+denarii a head before revealing to them anything about the uprising; for
+he wanted it to be thought that he was banqueting them not because of
+that event but to show honor to his son. And on that occasion first one
+of the revolted soldiers approached him carrying the head of Julianus
+(who had been found somewhere in hiding and slain), in many linen cloths
+and tied up very strongly indeed with ropes, pretending it was the head
+of the False Antoninus. He had sealed the package with the finger ring
+of Julianus. After doing that the soldier ran out when the head was
+uncovered. Macrinus, upon discovering what had been done, no longer
+dared either to stay where he was or to assault the fortification, but
+returned to Antioch with all speed. So the Alban legion and the rest who
+were wintering in that region likewise revolted. The opposing parties
+continued their preparations and both sides sent messengers and letters
+to the provinces and to the legions. As a result perturbation was caused
+in many places by the first communication of each side about the other
+and by the constant messages contradicting each other. In the course of
+the uncertainty numerous letter-carriers on both sides lost their lives,
+and numbers of those who had slain the followers of Antoninus, or had
+not immediately attached themselves to their cause, were censured. Some
+perished on this account and some merely incurred a small loss. Hence I
+will pass over most of this (it is all very much alike and permits of no
+considerable description in detail) and will give a summary of what took
+place in Egypt.
+
+[Sidenote:--35--] The governor of that country was Basilianus, whom
+Macrinus had also made prefect in place of Julianus. Some interests were
+managed also by Marius Secundus, although he had been created senator by
+Macrinus and was at the head of affairs in Phoenicia. In this way both
+of them were dependent upon Macrinus and for that reason put to death
+the runners of the False Antoninus. As long, therefore, as the outcome
+of the business was still in dispute, they and the soldiers and the
+individuals were in suspense, some wishing and praying and reporting one
+thing and others the opposite, as always in factional disturbances. When
+the news of the defeat of Macrinus arrived, a riot of some magnitude
+followed, in which many of the populace and not a few of the soldiers
+were destroyed. Secundus found himself in a dilemma; and Basilianus,
+fearing that he should lose his life instanter, effected his escape
+from Egypt. After coming to the vicinity of Brundusium in Italy he was
+discovered, having been betrayed by a friend in Rome to whom he had sent
+a secret message asking for food. So he was later taken back to
+Nicomedea and executed.
+
+[Sidenote:--36--] Macrinus wrote also to the senate about the False
+Antoninus [as he did also to the governors everywhere], calling him
+"boy" and saying that he was mad. He wrote also to Maximus, the
+præfectus urbi, giving him such information as one might expect, and
+further stating that the soldiers recently enlisted insisted upon
+receiving all that they were wont to have before, and that the rest, who
+had been deprived of nothing, made common cause with them in their anger
+at what was withheld. And to omit a recital, he said, of all the many
+means devised by Severus and his son for the ruin of rigid discipline,
+it was impossible for the troops to be given their entire pay in
+addition to the donatives which they were receiving; for the increase in
+their pay granted by Tarautas amounted to seven thousand myriads
+annually, and could not be given, partly because the soldiers and again
+because [lacuna] righteous [lacuna] but the recognized expenditures
+[lacuna] and the [lacuna] could he himself and the child as [lacuna]
+himself [lacuna] and he commiserated himself upon having a son, but said
+that he found it a solace in his disaster to think that he had outlived
+the fratricide who attempted to destroy the whole world. He also added
+to the missive something like the following: "I know that there are
+many who are more anxious to have emperors killed than to have them
+live, but this is one thing I can not say in respect to myself, that any
+one could either desire or pray that I should perish." At which Fulvius
+Diogenianus exclaimed: "We have all prayed for it!"
+
+[Sidenote:--37--] The speaker was one of the ex-consuls, but not of very
+sound mind, and consequently he caused himself as much exasperation as
+he did other people. He also [lacuna] the subscription [lacuna] of
+letter [lacuna] and to the [lacuna] leather it had been entrusted to
+read [lacuna] and those [lacuna] and [lacuna] others and also [lacuna]
+be sent [lacuna] directly as [lacuna] hesitating [lacuna] ordering
+[lacuna] by the [lacuna] and both to others [lacuna] of foremost to the
+[lacuna] any care for the common preserver [lacuna] over [lacuna] that
+the False Antoninus finding in the chests of Macrinus not yet [lacuna]
+he himself voluntarily [lacuna] published [lacuna] calumny [lacuna]
+making with reference to the soldiers. And he marched so quickly against
+him that Macrinus could with difficulty encounter him in a village of
+the Antiochians one hundred and fifty stades distant from the city.
+There, so far as the zeal of the Pretorians went, he had him conquered
+(he had taken from them their breastplates scales and their grooved
+shields and had thus rendered them lighter for the battle): but he was
+beaten by his own cowardice, as Heaven had foreshown to him. For on that
+day when his first letter about the imperial office was read to us a
+pigeon had lighted upon an image of Severus (whose name he had applied
+to himself) that stood in the senate-chamber. [And subsequently, when
+the communication about his son was sent, we had convened, not at the
+bidding of the consuls or the prætors (for they did not happen to be
+present) but of the tribunes,--a practice which by this time had fallen
+more or less into disuse. And he had not written even his name in the
+preface of the letter, though he termed him Cæsar and emperor and
+indicated that the contents emanated from them both. Also, in the
+rehearsal of events, he mentioned the name Diadumenianus, but left out
+that of Antoninus, though he had this title too. Such was the state of
+these [Sidenote:--38--] affairs; and, by Jupiter, when he sent word
+about the uprising of the False Antoninus, the consuls uttered certain
+formulæ against him, as is regularly done under such circumstances, and
+one of the prætors and another of the tribunes did the same. War was
+declared and solemnly proclaimed against the usurper and his cousin and
+their mothers and their grandmother, and immunity was granted to those
+that had taken part in the uprising, in case they should submit,
+according as Macrinus had promised them. For the conversation he had had
+with the soldiers was read aloud.] As a result of this, we all condemned
+still more strongly his abasement and folly. [For one thing] he was most
+constantly calling himself "father" and Diadumenianus his "son," and he
+kept holding up to reproach the age of the False Antoninus, though he
+had designated as emperor his son, who was much younger. [Now in the
+battle Gannys hurriedly took possession of the narrow place in front of
+the village and disposed his soldiers in good order for warfare,
+regardless of the fact that he was most inexperienced in military
+matters. Of such surpassing importance is good fortune in comparison
+with other qualifications, that it actually bestows understanding upon
+the ignorant.] But his army made a very weak fight and the men would not
+have stood their ground, had not Mæsa and Soæmias [for they were already
+in the boy's retinue] leaped down from their vehicles and, rushing among
+the fugitives, by their lamentations restrained them from flight, and
+had not the lad himself been seen by them (by some divine disposition of
+affairs) with drawn sword on horseback charging the enemy. Even so they
+would have turned their backs again, had not Macrinus fled at sight of
+their resistance.
+
+[Sidenote:--39--] The latter, having been thus defeated on the eighth of
+June, sent his son in charge of Epagathus and some other attendants, to
+Artabanus, king of the Parthians. He himself went to Antioch, giving out
+that victory was his, to the end that he might be offered shelter there.
+Then, when the news of his defeat became noised abroad, in the midst of
+many consequent slaughters both along the roads and in the city,
+springing from somebody's favoring the one side or the other, he made
+his escape. From Antioch he proceeded by night, on horseback, with his
+head and whole chin shaved, and attired in a dark garment worn over his
+purple robe in order that he might, so far as possible, resemble an
+ordinary citizen. In this way, with a few companions, he reached Ægæ in
+Cilicia, and there, by pretending to be one of the soldiers that carried
+messages, he got a wagon, on which he drove through Cappadocia and
+Galatia and Bithynia as far as the shipyard of Eribolus, which is
+opposite the city of Nicomedea. It was his intention to make his way
+back to Rome, expecting that there he could gain some assistance from
+the senate and from the people. And, if he had escaped thither, he would
+certainly have accomplished something. For their disposition was
+decidedly more favorable to him, in view of the hardihood of the
+Syrians, the age of the False Antoninus, and the uncontrolledness of
+Gannys and Comazon, so that even the soldiers would either
+voluntarily [Footnote: Reading [Greek: 'hechhontast'] instead of
+[Greek: thnhêschontast].] have changed their attitude or, refusing to do
+so, would have been overpowered. As it turned out, however, if any one
+recognized him in the course of his journey so far described, at least
+no one ventured to lay hands on him: but he came to grief on his voyage
+from Eribolus to Chalcedon. He did not dare to enter Nicomedea [through
+fear of the governor of Bithynia, Cæcilius Aristo], and so he sent to
+one of the procurators asking for money, and in this way he became
+known. He was overtaken [while still] in Chalcedon and, on the arrival
+of those sent by the False Antoninus in order that [lacuna] now if ever
+[lacuna] he was arrested [by Aurelius Celsus, a centurion,] and taken to
+Cappadocia [like a man held in no honor]. Ascertaining there that his
+son had also been captured [(Claudius Pollio, the centurion of the
+legion, had arrested him while driving through Zeugma, where, in the
+course of a previous journey, he had been designated Cæsar)], he threw
+himself from the conveyance (for he had not been bound) and at the time
+suffered a fracture of his shoulder; but subsequently (though not a
+great deal later) being sentenced to die before entering Antioch, he was
+slain by Marcianus Taurus, a centurion, and his body remained unburied
+until the False Antoninus could come from Syria into Bithynia and gloat
+over it.
+
+[Sidenote:--40--] So Macrinus, when an old man,--for he was fifty-four
+years of age [lacking three or five days],--and eminent in experience of
+affairs, displaying some degree of excellence and commanding so many
+legions, was overthrown by a mere child of whose very name he had
+previously been ignorant,--even as the oracle had foretold to him;
+[[lacuna]] for upon his applying [to Zeus Belus] it had answered him:
+
+  "Old man, verily warriors young harass and exhaust thee:
+  Utterly spent is thy strength, and a grievious eld comes upon thee!"
+  [Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, VIII, verses 102-103.]
+
+And fleeing [lacuna] or [lacuna], having played part of runaway slave
+through the provinces which he had ruled, arrested like some robber by
+common officers, beholding himself with villains most dishonored
+[lacuna] guarded before whom often many senators had been brought; and
+_his_ death was ordered who had the authority to punish or to release
+any Roman whomsoever, and he was arrested and beheaded by centurions,
+when he had authority to put to death both them and others, inferior and
+superior. And his son likewise perished.
+
+[Sidenote:--41--] This proves that no one, even of those whose
+foundations seem unshakable, is sure of his position, but the exceeding
+prosperous, equally with the rest, are poised in the balance.
+
+And this man would have been lauded beyond all mankind, if he had not
+himself desired to become emperor, but had chosen some person enrolled
+in the senate to stand at the head of the Roman empire and had
+appointed him emperor; and only in this way could he have avoided blame
+for the plot against Caracalla, for by such action he would have
+demonstrated that he resorted to it to secure his own safety and not on
+account of a desire for supremacy. Whereas, instead, he got himself into
+disrepute and ruined his career, becoming subject to reproach, and
+finally falling a victim to a disaster that he richly deserved. And
+having grasped at sole sovereignty before he had even the title of
+senator, he lost it very quickly and in the most disappointing way. He
+had ruled only a year and two months, lacking three days (a result
+obtained by reckoning to the date of the battle).
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+79
+
+
+Dio's Roman History 79:--
+
+About Avitus, called also Pseudantoninus, and the slaughter that he
+wrought (chapters 1-7).
+
+About his transgression of law and how he married the Vestal (chapters
+8-10).
+
+About Eleogabalus [Footnote: It will be noted that the spelling of this
+word in the Greek "arguments" of the MSS. differs from that in the
+Greek text of the same.] and how he summoned Urania to Rome and united
+her in bonds of wedlock with Eleogabalus (chapters 11-12).
+
+About his licentiousness (chapters 13-16).
+
+How he adopted his cousin and also renamed him Alexander (chapters 17,
+18).
+
+How he was overthrown and slain (chapters 19-21).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+The remainder of the consulship of Macrinus and Adventus, together with
+four additional years, in which there were the following magistrates,
+here enumerated. Pseudantoninus (II) and Q. Tineius Sacerdos. (A.D. 219
+= a.u. 972 = Second of Eleogabalus, from June 8th.)
+
+Pseudantoninus (III) and M. Valerius Comazon. (A.D. 220 = a.u. 973 =
+Third of Elagabalus.)
+
+C. Vettius Gratus Sabinianus and M. Flavius Vitellius Seleucus. (A.D.
+221 = a.u. 974 = Fourth of Elagabalus.)
+
+Pseudantoninus (IV) and M. Amelius Severus Alexander. (A.D. 222 = a.u.
+975 = Fifth of Elagabalus to March 11th.)
+
+
+(BOOK 80, BOISSEVAIN.)
+
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 218 (_a.u._ 971)] [Sidenote:--1--] Now Avitus, alias
+False Antoninus, alias Assyrian or again Sardanapalus and also Tiberinus
+(he secured the last appellation after he had been slain and his body
+thrown into the Tiber) [on the very next day after the victory entered
+Antioch, first promising the soldiers attending him five hundred denarii
+apiece on condition that they should not sack the town,--a thing which
+they were very anxious to do. This amount he levied upon the people. And
+he sent to Rome such a despatch as might have been expected, speaking
+much evil of Macrinus, especially with reference to his low birth and
+his plot against Antoninus. Here is a sample of what he said: "He who
+was not permitted to enter even the senate-house after the proclamation
+debarring everybody other than senators from doing so, this man, I say,
+dared treacherously to murder the emperor whom he had been trusted to
+guard, dared to appropriate his office and to become emperor before he
+was senator." About himself he made many promises, not only to the
+soldiers but also to the senate and the people. He asserted that he
+should do everything without exception to emulate Augustus (to whose
+youth he likened his own) and also Marcus Antoninus. Yes, and he wrote
+also the following, alluding to the derogatory remarks made about him
+by Macrinus: "He undertook to censure my age, when he himself appointed
+a five-year old son."
+
+[Sidenote:--2--] Besides forwarding this communication to the senate, he
+sent to the senate the records discovered among the soldiers and the
+letters of Macrinus written, to Maximus, and sent them likewise to the
+legions, hoping that these would cause them to hold the preceding
+emperor's memory in greater detestation, and to feel greater affection
+for him. In both the despatch to the senate and the letter to the people
+he subscribed himself as emperor and Cæsar, son of Antoninus, grandson
+of Severus, Pius, Felix, Augustus, proconsul, and holder of the
+tribunician power, assuming these titles before they were voted,[lacuna]
+the [lacuna] not the [lacuna] but the [lacuna] of [lacuna]
+used [Footnote: Illegible MS.--Boissevain conjectures: "And he used not
+the name of Avitus, but that of his father."] [lacuna] the records of
+the soldiers [lacuna] for of Macrinus [lacuna] Cæsar [lacuna] Pretorians
+and Alban legionaries who were in Italy [lacuna] and as consul should
+proclaim [Footnote: "He sent another letter to the Pretorians and to the
+Alban legionaries who were in Italy, in which he stated incidentally
+that he was consul and high-priest." (Boissevain's conjecture.)]
+[lacuna] and the [lacuna] Marius Censorinus [lacuna] superintendence
+[lacuna] accepted [lacuna] Macrinus [lacuna] himself since not
+sufficiently by his own voice [lacuna] public [lacuna] read [lacuna] the
+letters of Sardanapalus [lacuna] registered among the ex-consuls and
+gave him injunctions that if any one should resist him he should use the
+band of soldiers. As a consequence, though against its will, it read
+everything to those [lacuna] [Footnote: "Most of it Marius Censorinus,
+who was their commandant, read aloud, but the news about Macrinus he
+suppressed, because he thought that his single voice could not give it
+sufficient publicity; at the same time, however, he took it upon himself
+to have the letter of Sardanapalus read to the senate through the medium
+of Claudius Pollio, who had been enrolled among the ex-consuls; thus, if
+any opposition should develop, he would be in a position to use the band
+of soldiers. As a consequence the senate, though against its will, read
+everything to those enlisted." (Boissevain's conjecture.)]
+
+For, by reason of the necessity thrust upon them, they were not able to
+do anything that they should or had better have done [lacuna] but were
+panic-stricken by fear [lacuna] and Macrinus, whom they had often
+commended, they voted should be regarded as a public enemy and they
+abused him, together with his son; and Tarautas, whom they had often
+wished to declare an enemy, they now exalted and of course prayed that
+his son might be like him.
+
+[Sidenote:--3--] This was in Rome. And Avitus assigned [lacuna] Pollio
+to govern [lacuna] Germany [lacuna] since the latter had very rapidly
+reduced Bithynia to subjection. He himself, after sojourning some months
+in Antioch until he had established his authority there in every
+direction, went into Bithynia, coadjutor [lacuna] often [lacuna] making
+Gannys, as had been his custom in the case of Antioch.
+
+Having passed the winter here he proceeded into Italy through Thrace and
+Moesia and both the Pannonias, and there he abode to the end of his
+life. One action of his was worthy of a thoroughly good emperor: for,
+whereas many individuals and communities alike,
+
+  including the Romans themselves,
+  both knights and senators,
+
+had privately and publicly, by word and deed, heaped insults upon [both
+Caracalla and] himself as a result of the letters of Macrinus, he
+[neither threatened to make reprisals] in the case of a single person,
+nor did he make reprisals. But on the other hand he drifted into all the
+most obscene and lawless and bloodthirsty practices. [Some of them never
+before known in Rome, took root and grew like ancestral institutions.
+Others, taken up tentatively from one time [Footnote: Reading [Greek:
+allote] (Bekker, Dindorf) in place of [Greek: alla te].] to another by
+various individuals] flourished for the three years and nine months and
+four days during which he ruled (to compute from the battle in which he
+gained supreme control). [In Syria, he caused the assassination of
+Nestor and Fabius Agrippinus, the governor of the country, as well as of
+the foremost knights belonging to the party of Macrinus; but he
+inflicted a similar fate upon men in Rome who were on most friendly
+terms with him. In Arabia, he executed Pica Cæsianus, [Footnote: _P.
+Numicius Pica Cæsianus_.] entrusted with the administration, because he
+had not immediately declared his allegiance; and, in Cyprus, Claudius
+Attalus, because he had fallen out with Comazon. Attalus had once been
+governor of Thrace, had been expelled from the senate by Severus in the
+war with Niger, but was restored to it by Tarautas, and had at this time
+been assigned to Cyprus, as the lot directed. He had incurred Comazon's
+ill-will by having formerly reduced him to the position of rower in a
+trireme as a punishment for some villany which the latter committed
+while serving in Thrace.]
+
+[Sidenote:--4--] This incident sheds some light on the character of
+Comazon, who got this name from mimes and buffoonery. [Footnote: This
+statement is an error on the part of Xiphilinus, who thought that
+"Comazon" (in Greek=The Reveler) was a nickname for a certain
+Eutychianus. Investigations, however, show that there was a M. Valerius
+Comazon prominent at this time and that the word should be taken as a
+proper and not as a vulgar noun.] He commanded the Pretorians and,
+though holding no position of management or superintendence whatever,
+except over the camp, [he obtained the consular honors] and subsequently
+actually became consul. [Also he became city prefect] not merely once,
+but twice and thrice, as could be recorded in no other case. Wherefore
+this, too, must be enumerated among the most illegal proceedings. [It
+was on his account, then, that Attalus was put to death.
+
+Triccianus came to his end on account of the Alban legion, which he
+commanded with good discipline during Macrinus's reign, and Castinus
+[Footnote: _C. Iulius Septimius Castinus_.] because he was energetic and
+was known to many soldiers in consequence of the commands he had held
+and his association with Antoninus. He had accordingly been sent out in
+advance by Macrinus without reference to other events and was living in
+Bithynia. The emperor put him to death in spite of having written
+concerning him to the senate that Triccianus had been banished from
+Rome, like Julius Asper, by Macrinus, and that he had restored him. He
+took similar vengeance on Sulla, who had been governing Cappadocia but
+had relinquished it, because Sulla both meddled in some matters that did
+not concern him and when summoned to Rome by Elagabalus had managed to
+meet the Celtic soldiers returning home after their winter in Bithynia,
+a period during which they had raised some little disturbance. These men
+perished for the reasons specified and no statements about them were
+communicated to the senate. Seius Carus, the descendant of Fuscianus,
+who had been city prefect, was killed because he was rich, great, and
+sensible, on the pretext that he was forming a league of some of the
+soldiers belonging to the Alban legion; and, on the basis of some
+charges preferred by the emperor alone, he was accused in the palace,
+where he was also slain.] Valerianus Pætus lost his life because he had
+stamped some likeness of himself upon gold pieces to serve as ornaments
+for his mistresses. [This led to the accusation that he intended to
+remove to Cappadocia, a country bordering on his own (he was a Gaul),
+for the purpose of starting a revolution, and that this was why he made
+gold pieces bearing his own figure.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] On these charges] Silius Messala and Pomponius Bassus
+[also were condemned to death by the senate: they] incurred blame
+because they were not pleased with what he was doing. He did not
+hesitate to write this statement about them to the senate, and called
+them investigators of his habits of life and censors of proceedings in
+the palace. ["The proofs of their plot I have not sent you," he said,
+"because it would be useless to read them, in view of the fact that the
+men are already dead."] There was another cause of dislike underlying
+[the case against Messala,--the point, namely, that he sturdily made
+public many facts in the senate. This was what led the emperor at the
+outset to send for him to come to Syria, pretending to have very great
+need of him, whereas his real fear was that Messala might bring about a
+change of attitude on the part of the senators.
+
+
+The cause in] the case of Bassus was that he had a wife both fair to
+look upon and of noble rank; she was a descendant of Claudius Severus
+and of Marcus Antoninus. Indeed, the prince married her, not allowing
+her even to mourn the catastrophe. Now of his marriages, in which he
+both married and was bestowed in marriage, an account will be given
+presently. He appeared both as man and as woman, and performed the
+functions of both in the most licentious fashion [lacuna] about [lacuna]
+and [lacuna] by whom [lacuna] own [lacuna] Sergius [lacuna] and [lacuna]
+out of [lacuna] any [lacuna] making [lacuna] him [lacuna] blame for
+[lacuna] slaughter the [Sidenote:--6--] [lacuna] and of knights [lacuna]
+Cæsarians [lacuna] [lacuna] were destroyed [lacuna] nothing [lacuna] but
+by killing in Nicomedea at the very start of his reign Gannys, who had
+arranged the uprising, who had introduced him into the camp and had
+likewise caused [the soldiers to revolt, who had presented him with the
+victory over Macrinus, one who had reared and managed him,--by this act
+he came to be regarded as the most impious of men. To be sure, Gannys
+was living rather luxuriously and was fond of accepting bribes, but for
+all that he brought no injury upon anybody and bestowed many benefits
+upon many people. Most of all, he always showed a deep respect for the
+emperor, and he was thoroughly satisfactory to Mæsa and Soæmias, suiting
+the former because she had brought him up and the latter because he
+practically lived with her. But these were not the reasons why the
+emperor put him out of the way, seeing that he was willing to give him a
+marriage contract and appoint him Cæsar. It was rather that Gannys
+compelled him to live temperately and prudently. And his own hand was
+the first to give his minister a mortal blow, since no one of the
+soldiers had the hardihood to take the initiative in his murder.--These
+events, then, took place in this way.
+
+[Sidenote:--7--] [lacuna] Another pair executed were Verus, who had
+likewise mustered courage to make an attempt upon the sovereignty while
+in the midst of the third (Gallic) legion, which he was commanding; and
+Gellius Maximus, on the same sort of charge, though he was lieutenant in
+Syria proper and at the head of the fourth (Scythian) legion. For to
+such an extent had everything got upside down, that these men, too, one
+of whom had been enrolled in the senate from the ranks of the centurions
+and the other of whom was the son of a physician, took it into their
+heads to aim at the imperial office. I have mentioned them alone by
+name, not so much because they were the only ones who appeared entirely
+insane as because they belonged to the senate; for other attempts were
+made. A certain centurion's son undertook to throw into disorder the
+same Gallic legion, and another, a worker in wool, tampered with the
+Fourth, and a third, a private citizen, with the fleet in harbor at
+Cyzicus when the False Antoninus was wintering at Nicomedea. And there
+were many others elsewhere, so that it became a very ordinary thing for
+those who so wished to hazard the chance of fomenting rebellion and
+becoming emperor. They were encouraged partly by the fact that many
+persons had entered upon the supreme office without expecting or
+deserving it. Let no one be incredulous of my statements, for the facts
+about the private citizens I ascertained from men who are worthy of
+confidence, and of what I have written about the fleet I gained an exact
+knowledge in Pergamum, close at hand, the affairs of which, as also of
+Smyrna, I managed, having been assigned to duty there by Macrinus. And
+in view of this attempt none of the others seemed at all incredible to
+me.
+
+[Sidenote:--8--] This is what he did in the way of murders. His acts
+which varied from our ancestral precedents, however, were of simple
+character and inflicted no great harm upon us. Some noteworthy
+innovations were his applying to himself certain titles connected with
+his sovereignty before they had been voted, as I have already described,
+[Footnote: See Chapter 2.] and again his enrolling himself in the
+consulship in place of Macrinus when he had not been elected to it and
+did not enter upon any of its duties (the time expiring too soon): yet
+at first, in three letters, he had referred to the year by the name of
+Adventus, as if assuming that the latter had been sole consul. Other
+points were that he undertook to be consul a second time, without having
+secured any office previously or the privileges of any office, and that
+while consul in Nicomedea he did not employ the triumphal costume on the
+Day of Vows. [Footnote: Translated by Sturz "_votivorum ludorum die_."
+What festival is meant is uncertain, but it is probably _not_ the
+Compitalia (III. Non. Ian.). [Sidenote:--11--] With his infractions of
+law is connected also the matter of Elagabalus. The offence consisted,
+not in his introducing a foreign god into Rome, or in his exalting him
+in very strange ways, but in his placing him before even Jupiter and
+having himself voted his priest, in his circumcising his foreskin and
+abstaining from swine's flesh [on the ground that his devotion would be
+purer by this means. He had thought of cutting off his genitals
+altogether, but that was an idea prompted by salaciousness; the
+circumcision which he actually accomplished was a part of the priestly
+requirements of Elagabalus. Hence he mutilated in like manner numerous
+of his associates.] A further offence was his being frequently seen in
+public clad in the barbaric dress which the Syrian priests employ, a
+circumstance which had more to do than anything else with his getting
+the name of "The Assyrian."
+
+[Sidenote:--12--] ¶ A golden statue of False Antoninus was erected,
+distinguished by its great and varied adornment.
+
+¶ Macrinus, though he found considerable money in the treasury,
+squandered it all, and incomes did not suffice for expenditures.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 219 (_a.u._ 972)] [Sidenote:--9--] As to his marriage.
+He espoused Cornelia Paula in order that he might sooner (these are his
+words) become a father,--he, who could not even be a man. On the
+occasion of his marriage not only the senate and the equestrian order
+but also the wives of the senators received some distribution of
+presents. The people were given a banquet at the per capita rate of one
+hundred and fifty denarii, and the soldiers had one that cost a hundred
+more. There were contests of gladiators at which the prince wore a
+purple-bordered toga, the same as he had done at the ludi votivi.
+Various beasts were slain, among them an elephant and fifty-one tigers,
+a greater number than had ever yet been despatched at one time.
+Afterwards he dismissed Paula on the pretext that she had some blemish
+on her person and cohabited with Aqulia Severa,--a most flagrant breach
+of law. She was consecrated to Vesta and yet he most sinfully ravished
+her and actually dared to say: "I did it in order that godlike children
+may spring from me, the high-priest, and from her, the high-priestess."
+He felicitated himself on an act which was destined to lead to his being
+maltreated in the Forum and thrown into prison and subsequently put to
+death. However, he did not keep even this woman for long, but married a
+second, and then a third, and still another; after that he went back to
+Severa.
+
+[Sidenote:--10--] Portents had been taking place in Rome, one of them on
+the statue of Isis, which is borne upon a dog above the pediment of her
+temple: it consisted in her turning her face towards the
+interior.--Sardanapalus was conducting games and numerous spectacles,
+in which Helix, the athlete, won renown. How far he surpassed his
+adversaries is shown by his wishing to contend in both wrestling and
+pancratium at Olympia, and by his winning victories in both at the
+Capitolina. The Eleans, being jealous of him, and through fear that he
+might prove the eighth from Hercules (as the saying is), [Footnote:
+The history and significance of this proverb are not known.] would not
+call any wrestler into the stadium, in spite of their having inscribed
+this contest on the bulletin-board. But in Rome he won each of the two
+games,--a feat that no one else had accomplished.
+
+[Sidenote:--11--] And here I must omit mention of the barbaric chants
+which Sardanapalus chanted to Elagabalus, and his mother and
+grandmother, all three, as also of the secret sacrifices that he offered
+to him: at these he slaughtered boys, and used charms, besides shutting
+up in the god's temple a live lion and monkey and snake, throwing in
+among them human genitals, and practicing other unholy rites, while he
+wore invariably innumerable amulets. [Sidenote:--12--] But to run
+briefly over these matters, he actually (most ridiculous of all) courted
+a wife for Elagabalus, on the assumption that the god wanted marriage
+and children. Such a wife might be neither poor nor low-born, and so he
+chose the Carthaginian Urania, summoned her to come thence, and
+established her in the palace. He gathered wedding gifts for her from
+all his subjects, as he might have done in the case of his own wives.
+All these presents that were given during his lifetime were exacted
+later, but in the way of dowry he declared that nothing should be
+brought save the gold lions, which were melted down.
+
+[Sidenote:--13--] But this Sardanapalus, who thought it right to make
+the gods cohabit under the form of marriage, himself lived from first to
+last most licentiously. [He married many women] and had liaisons with
+many more [without any lawful title], yet it was not that he cared about
+them; he simply wanted to imitate their actions when he should lie with
+his lovers [and get accomplices in his excesses by returning to them
+indiscriminately]. He used his body for doing and allowing many unheard
+of things which no one would endure telling or hearing, but his most
+conspicuous acts, which it would be impossible to conceal, were the
+following. He would go by night, wearing a wig of long hair, into the
+taverns and ply the trade of a female huckster. He frequented the
+notorious brothels, drove out the prostitutes, and prostituted himself.
+Finally, he set aside a room in the palace and there committed his
+indecencies, standing all the time naked at the door of it, as the
+harlots do, and shaking the curtain, which was fastened by gold rings,
+the while in a soft and melting voice he solicited the passers-by.
+Certain persons had been given special orders to let themselves be
+attracted to his abode. For, as in other matters, so in this business,
+too, he had numerous detectives through whom he sought out the persons
+who could please him most by their foulness. He would collect money from
+his Patrons and put on airs over his gains: he would also dispute with
+his associates in this shameful occupation, saying that he had more
+lovers than they and took in more money. [Sidenote:--14--] This is the
+way he behaved to all alike that enjoyed his services. But he had,
+besides, one chosen man whom he accordingly desired to appoint Cæsar.
+
+Also, arrayed in the Green uniform, he drove a chariot privately and at
+home,--if one can call that place home where contests were conducted by
+the foremost of his suite [and knights and Cæsarians], the very
+prefects, his grandmother, his mother, his women, and likewise several
+members of the senate, including Leo, the præfectus urbi, and where they
+watched him playing charioteer and begging gold coin like any vagabond,
+and bowing down before the managers of the games and the members of the
+factions.
+
+[Now in trying anybody in court he really did have the appearance of a
+man, but everywhere else his actions and the quality of his voice showed
+the wantonness of youth. For instance, he used to dance not only in the
+orchestra but more or less also while walking, performing sacrifice,
+greeting friends or making speeches.
+
+And finally (to go back now to the story which I began) he was bestowed
+in marriage and was termed wife, mistress, queen. He worked in wool,
+sometimes wore a hair-net, painted his eyes [daubing them with white
+lead and alkanet], and once he shaved his chin and celebrated a festival
+to mark the event. After that he went with smooth face, because it would
+help him appear like a woman, and he often reclined while greeting the
+senators. [Sidenote:--15--] "Her" husband was Hierocles, a Carian slave
+[once the favorite of Gordius], from whom he had learned
+chariot-driving. It was in this connection, also, that by a most
+unexpected chance he won the imperial approbation. At a horse-race
+Heirocles fell out of his chariot just opposite the seat of
+Sardanapalus, losing his helmet in his fall. Being still beardless and
+adorned with a crown of yellow hair, he attracted the attention of the
+prince and was at once carried hastily to the palace; and by his
+nocturnal feats he captivated Sardanapalus more than ever and rose to
+still greater power. Consequently his influence became even greater than
+his patron's and it was thought a small thing that his mother, while
+still a slave, should be brought to Rome by soldiers and be numbered
+among the wives of ex-consuls. Certain other persons, too, were not
+seldom honored by the emperor and became powerful, some because they had
+joined in his uprising and others because they committed adultery with
+him. For he was anxious to have the reputation of committing adultery,
+that in this respect, too, he might imitate the most lascivious women;
+and he would often get caught voluntarily and in the very act. Then, for
+his conduct, he would be brutally abused by his husband and would be
+beaten, so that he had black eyes. His affection for this "husband" was
+no light inclination, but a serious matter and a firmly fixed passion,
+so much so that he did not become vexed at any such harsh treatment, but
+on the contrary loved him the more for it and actually wished to appoint
+him Cæsar;--he threatened his grandmother when she interfered, and
+chiefly on this man's account he became at odds with the soldiers. It
+was this that was destined to lead his destruction.
+
+[Sidenote:--16--] As for Aurelius Zoticus, a native of Smyrna, whom they
+also called "Cook" (from his father's trade), he incurred the
+sovereign's thorough love and thorough hatred, and consequently his life
+was saved. This Aurelius had a body that was beautiful all over, as if
+ready for a gymnastic contest, and he surpassed everybody in the size of
+his private parts. The fact was reported to the emperor by those who
+were on the lookout for such features and the man was suddenly snatched
+away from the games and taken to Rome, accompanied by an immense
+procession, larger than Abgarus had in the reign of Severus or Tiridates
+in that of Nero. He was appointed cubicularius before he had been even
+seen by the emperor, [was honored by the name of his grandfather,
+Avitus, was adorned with garlands as at a festival,] and entered the
+palace the center of a great glare of lights. Sardanapalus, on seeing
+him, rose with modesty; the newcomer addressed him, as was usual, "My
+Lord Emperor, hail!" whereupon the other, bending his neck so as to
+assume a ravishing feminine pose, and turning his eyes wide open upon
+him, answered without hesitation: "Call me Not Lord, for I am a Lady."
+Then Sardanapalus immediately took a bath with him, and, finding his
+guest when stripped to correspond to the report of him, burned with even
+greater lust, reposed upon his breast, and took dinner, like some loved
+mistress, in his bosom. Hierocles began to fear that Zoticus would bring
+the emperor into a greater state of subjection than he himself was able
+to effect, and that he might suffer some terrible fate at his hands, as
+often happens in the case of rival lovers. Therefore he had the
+wine-bearers, who were well-disposed to him, administer some drug that
+abated the visitor's ferocity. And so Zoticus after a whole night of
+embarrassment, being unable to secure an erection, was deprived of all
+that he had obtained, and was driven out of the palace, out of Rome, and
+later out of the remainder of Italy; and this saved his life. [However,
+the emperor drove himself to such a frenzy of lewdness that he asked the
+physicians to contrive a woman's vagina in his person by means of an
+incision, and held out to them the hope of great pay for this
+achievement.]
+
+[Sidenote:--17--] Sardanapalus himself was destined not much later to
+receive his well-deserved pay for his own defilement. For his acting in
+this way and for making himself the object of these actions he became
+hated by the populace and by the soldiers to whom he was most attached,
+and at last he was slain by them in the very camp.
+
+¶The False Antoninus was despised and put out of the way by the
+soldiers. When any persons, particularly if armed, have accustomed
+themselves to feel contempt for their rulers, they set no limits on
+their right to do what they please but keep their arms ready to use even
+against the very man who gave them whatever rights they possess.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 221 (_a.u._ 974)] This is how it happened. He introduced
+his cousin Bassianus before the senate, and, having stationed Mæsa and
+Soæmias on either hand, adopted him as his child. Then did he
+congratulate himself on being suddenly the father of so large a child
+(as if he surpassed him in age) and declared that he needed no other
+offspring to keep his house free from despondency.
+
+Elagabalus, he said, had ordered him to do this and further to call his
+son's name Alexander. And I for my part am persuaded that it came about
+in very truth by some divine intention, and I base my inference not upon
+what he said but upon what was said to him by some one, viz., that an
+Alexander would come from Emesa to succeed him, and again on what took
+place in upper Moesia and in Thrace. [Sidenote:--18--] A little before
+this a spirit, declaring that he was the famous Alexander of Macedon,
+wearing his appearance and all his apparatus, started from the regions
+near the Ister, appearing there in I know not what way. It traversed
+Thrace and Asia, reveling in company with four hundred male attendants,
+who were equipped with thyrsi and fawn-skins and did no harm. The fact
+was admitted by all those who lived in Thrace at that time that lodgings
+and all the provisions for It were provided at public expense. And no
+one dared to oppose It either by word or by deed,--no governor, no
+soldier, no procurator, no heads of provinces,--but It proceeded, as if
+in a daylight procession prescribed by proclamation, to the confines of
+Bithynia. Leaving that point, it approached the Chalcedonian land and
+there, after performing some sacred rite by night and burying a wooden
+horse, it vanished. These facts I ascertained while still in Asia, as I
+stated, and before anything at all had been done about Bassianus in
+Rome.
+
+   ¶One day the same man said this: "I have no need of titles
+  derived, from war and blood. It suffices me to have you call me
+  'Pious' and 'Fortunate'."
+
+   ¶The False Antoninus on receiving praise from the senate one
+  day remarked: "Yes, you love me and, by Jupiter, so does the
+  populace and likewise the foreign legions. But I do not satisfy
+  the Pretorians, to whom I keep giving so much."
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 222 (_a.u._ 975)] [Sidenote:--19--] So long as
+Sardanapalus continued to love his cousin, he was safe. But, since he
+was suspicious of all men, and learned that their favor was turning
+solely and absolutely to the boy, he dared to change his mind and worked
+in every way to effect his overthrow.
+
+  ¶Some persons were conversing with the False Antoninus and
+  remarked how fortunate he was to be consul along with his son. He
+  rejoined: "I shall be more fortunate next year, for then I'm
+  going to be consul with my truly-begotten son."
+
+The moment, though, that he tried to destroy him, he not only
+accomplished nothing but ran the risk of being killed himself.
+Alexander was sedulously guarded by his mother and his grandmother and
+the soldiers, and the Pretorians, on becoming aware of the attempt of
+Sardanapalus, raised a terrible tumult. They would not cease their
+rebellious attitude until Sardanapalus, with Alexander, visited the
+camp; and he poured out his supplications and under compulsion gave up
+such of his companions in lewdness as the soldiers demanded. In behalf
+of Hierocles he pled piteously and lamented him with tears, foretelling
+his own death, and adding: "Grant me this one man, whatever you are
+pleased to suspect about him, or else kill me!" and thus with difficulty
+he succeeded in appeasing them. On this occasion, then, he was saved,
+though with difficulty. His grandmother hated him for his practices
+(which seemed to show that he was not the son of Antoninus) and was
+coming to favor Alexander, as being really sprung from him.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] Later he again made a plot against Alexander and, as
+the Pretorians raised an outcry at this, entered the camp with him.
+Then, he became aware that he was under guard and awaiting execution,
+for the mothers of the two, being more openly at variance with each
+other than before, were stirring up the soldiers to action. He then made
+an attempt to flee, and intended to escape to some point by being placed
+in a box, but was discovered and slain, having reached eighteen years of
+age. His mother, who embraced and clung tightly to him, perished with
+him; their heads were cut off and their bodies, after being stripped
+naked, were first dragged all over the city, and then the woman's trunk
+was cast off in some corner, while his was thrown into the river.
+
+[Sidenote:--21--] With him perished Hierocles, and others, and the
+prefects; and Aurelius Eubulus, who was an Emesenian by race [and had
+gone so far in lewdness and defilement that his surrender had earlier
+been demanded by the populace]. He had been entrusted with the general
+accounts [Footnote: One of the _rationales summarum_.] and there was
+nothing that escaped his confiscations. So now he was torn to pieces by
+the populace and the soldiers, and Fulvius, the city prefect, with him.
+Comazon succeeded the latter, as he had succeeded Fulvius's predecessor.
+Just as a mask used to be carried into the theatres to occupy the stage
+during the intervals in the acting, when it was left vacant by the
+comedians, so was Comazon put in the vacant place of the men who had
+been prefects in his day over the city of Rome.--As for
+Elagabalus, [Footnote: Elagabalus, the god.] he was banished from Rome
+altogether.
+
+Such was the story of Tiberinus: and none of those even who helped him
+arrange the uprising and attained great power in return, save perhaps a
+single individual, [Footnote: This probably refers to Comazon.] survived.
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+80
+
+
+Why Dio was not able to relate in detail the history of the reign of
+Alexander (chapter 1).
+
+About Ulpian, Pretorian Prefect, and his death (chapter 2).
+
+Undertakings of Artaxerxes the Persian against the Parthians and Romans
+(chapters 3, 4).
+
+Dio's second consulship, his return to his own country, and conclusion
+of the History (chapter 5).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+Duration of time eight years, in which the following are enumerated as
+consuls.
+
+Antoninus Elagabalus (IV), M. Aurelius Severus Alexander Coss. (A.D. 222
+= a.u. 975 = First of Alexander, from March 11th.)
+
+L. Marius Maximus (II), L. Roscius Ælianus. (A.D. 223 = a.u. 976 =
+Second of Alexander.)
+
+Iulianus (II), Crispinus. (A.D. 224 = a.u. 977 = Third of Alexander.)
+
+Fuscus (II), Dexter. (A.D. 225 = a.u. 978 = Fourth of Alexander.)
+
+Alexander Aug. (II), C. Marcellus Quintilianus (II). (A.D. 226 = a.u.
+979 = Fifth of Alexander.)
+
+Lucius Albinus, Max. Æmilius Æmilianus. (A.D. 227 = a.u. 980 = Sixth of
+Alexander.)
+
+T. Manilius Modestus, Ser. Calpurnius Probus. (A.D. 228 = a.u. 981 =
+Seventh of Alexander.)
+
+Alexander Aug. (III), Cassius Dio (II). (A.D. 229 = a.u. 982 = Eighth
+of Alexander.)
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 222-229 (_a.u._ 975-982)] [Sidenote:--1--] Alexander
+became emperor immediately after him [and at once proclaimed Augusta,
+his own mother, Mammæa, who had in hand the administration of affairs
+and gathered wise men about her son, that by their guidance he might be
+duly trained in morals; and she chose out of the senate the better class
+of counselors, to whom she communicated everything that had to be done].
+He entrusted to one Domitius Ulpianus the command of the Pretorians and
+the remaining business of the empire.--These matters I have set down in
+detail, so far as I was able, in each case, but of the rest I have not
+found it feasible to give a detailed account, for the reason that for a
+long time I did not sojourn in Rome. After going from Asia to Bithynia I
+fell sick, and from there I hurried to my duties as head of Africa. On
+returning to Italy I was almost immediately sent to govern in Dalmatia
+and from there into Upper Pannonia. After that I came back to Rome and
+on reaching Campania at once set out for home.
+
+[Sidenote:--2--] For these reasons, then, I have not been able to
+compile an account of what follows similar to that which precedes. I
+will narrate briefly, however, all the things that were done up to the
+time of my second consulship.
+
+Ulpianus corrected many of the irregular practices instituted by
+Sardanapalus; but, after putting to death Flavianus and Chrestus, that
+he might succeed them, he was himself before long slain by the
+Pretorians, who attacked him in the night; and it availed nothing that
+ran to the palace and took refuge with the emperor himself and the
+latter's mother.--Even during his lifetime a great dispute had arisen
+between the populace and the Pretorians, from some small cause, with the
+result that they fought each other for three days, and many were lost by
+both sides. The soldiers, on getting the worst of it, directed their
+efforts to firing the buildings, and so the populace, fearing that the
+whole city would be destroyed, reluctantly came to terms with them.
+Besides these occurrences, Epagathus, who was believed to have been
+chiefly [Footnote: Reading [Greek: to pleon] (Reimar, Bekker,
+Boissevain).] responsible for the death of Ulpianus, was sent into
+Egypt, supposedly to govern it, but really to prevent any disturbance
+taking place in Rome when he met with punishment. From there he was
+taken to Crete and executed. [Alexander's mother, being a slave to
+money, gathered funds from all sources. She also brought home for her
+son a spouse, whom she would not allow to be addressed as Augusta. After
+a time, however, she separated her from her son and drove her away to
+Libya, in spite of the woman's possessing his affections. Alexander,
+however, could not oppose his mother, for she ruled him absolutely.]
+
+[Sidenote:--3--] Many uprisings were made by many persons, some of which
+caused serious alarm, but they were all checked. But affairs in
+Mesopotamia were still more terrifying, and provoked in the hearts of
+all, not merely the men of Rome but the rest of mankind, a fear that had
+a truer foundation. Artaxerxes, a Persian, having conquered the
+Parthians in three battles and killed their king, Artabanus, [made a
+campaign against Hatra, which he endeavored to take as a base for
+attacking the Romans. He did make a breach in the wall but, as he lost a
+number of soldiers through an ambuscade, he transferred his position
+into Media. Of this district, as also of Parthia, he acquired no small
+portion, partly by force and partly by intimidation, and then] marched
+against Armenia. Here he suffered a reverse at the hands of the natives,
+some Medes, and the children of Artabanus, and either fled (as some say)
+or (as others assert) retired to prepare a larger expedition.
+[Sidenote:--4--] He accordingly became a source of fear to us; for he
+was encamped with a large army over against not Mesopotamia only but
+Syria also and boasted that he would win back everything that the
+ancient Persians had once held, as far as the Grecian Sea. It was, he
+said, his rightful inheritance from his forefathers. He was of no
+particular account himself, but our military affairs are in such a
+condition that some joined his cause and others refused to defend
+themselves. The troops are so distinguished by wantonness, and
+arrogance, and freedom from reproof, that those in Mesopotamia dared to
+kill their commander, Flavius Heracleo, and the Pretorians found fault
+with me before Ulpianus because I ruled the soldiers in Pannonia with a
+strong hand; and they demanded my surrender, through fear that some one
+might compel them to submit to a régime similar to that of the Pannonian
+troops.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] Alexander, however, paid no attention to them, but
+promoted me in various ways, appointing me to be consul for the second
+time, as his colleague, and taking upon himself personally the
+responsibility of meeting the expenditures of my office. As the
+malcontents evinced displeasure at this, he became afraid that they
+might kill me if they saw me in the insignia of my office, and he bade
+me spend the period of my consulship in Italy, somewhere outside of
+Rome. Later, accordingly, I came both to Rome and to Campania to visit
+him. After spending a few days in his company, during which the soldiers
+saw me without offering to do me any harm, I started for home, being
+released on account of the trouble with my feet. Consequently, I expect
+to spend all the remainder of my life in my own country, as the Divine
+Presence revealed to me most clearly at the time I was in Bithynia.
+Once, in a dream there, I thought I saw myself commanded by it to write
+at the close of my work the following verses:
+
+  "Hector was led of Zeus far out of the range of the missiles,
+  Out of the dust and the slaying of men, out of blood and of uproar."
+
+[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XI, verses 163-4.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+PRESERVED FROM BOOKS
+PRECEDING No. 36.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+(The "Fragments" of Dio.)
+
+[Frag. I]
+
+
+1. Dio says: "I am anxious to write a history of all (that is worth
+remembering) done by the Romans both at peace and in war, so as to have
+nothing essential lacking, either of those matters or of others.
+(Valesius, p. 569.)
+
+2[lacuna] everything about them, so to speak, that has been written
+by any persons, and I have put in my history not everything but what I
+have selected. However, let no one entertain any suspicions (as has
+happened in the case of some other writers), regarding the truth of it
+merely because I have used elaborate diction to whatever extent the
+subject matter permitted; for I have been anxious to be equally perfect
+in both respects so far as was possible. I will begin at the point where
+I have obtained the clearest accounts of what is reported to have taken
+place in this land which we inhabit.
+
+This territory in which the city of Rome has been built" [Lacuna]
+(Mai, p. 135.)
+
+[Frag. II]
+
+1. Ausonia, as Dio Cocceianus writes, is properly the land of the
+Aurunci only, lying between the Campanians and Volsci along the
+sea-coast. Many persons, however, thought that Ausonia extended even as
+far as Latium, so that all of Italy was called from it Ausonia. (Isaac
+Tzetzes on Lycophron, 44. and 615, 702.)
+
+2. Where now Chone is there was formerly a district called Oenotria, in
+which Philoctetes settled after the sack of Troy as Dionysius and Dio
+Cocceianus and all those who write the story of Rome relate. (Idem, v.
+912.)
+
+3. ¶ About the Etruscans Dio says: "These facts about them required to
+be written at this point in the narrative, and elsewhere something else
+and later some still different fact will be told as occasion demands, in
+whatever way the course of the history may chance to prepare the point
+temporarily under discussion. Let this same explanation be sufficient
+[Footnote: The MS. here has [Greek: ekontes] = "being (plural)
+sufficient." I have adopted the reading [Greek: eketo], suggested by
+Melber.] to cover also the remaining matters of importance. For I shall
+recount to the best of my ability all the exploits of the Romans, but as
+to the rest only what has a bearing on the Romans will be written."
+(Mai, p. 136.)
+
+[Frag. III]
+
+1. Dio and Dionysius give the story of Cacus (Tzetzes, History, 5,
+21).
+
+2. In this way the country was called Italy. Picus was the first king of
+it, and after him his son Faunus, when Heracles came there with the rest
+of the kine of Geryon. And he begat Latinus by the wife of Faunus, who
+was king of the people there, and from him all were called Latins. In
+the fifty-fifth year after Heracles this Æneas, subsequent to the
+capture of Troy, came, as we have remarked, to Italy and the Latins. He
+landed near Laurentum, called also Troy, near the River Numicius along
+with his own son by Creusa, Ascanius or Ilus. There his followers ate
+their tables, which were of parsley or of the harder portions of bread
+loaves (they had no real tables), and likewise a white sow leaped from
+his boat and running to the Alban mount, named from her, gave birth to a
+litter of thirty, by which she indicated that in the thirtieth year his
+children should get fuller possession of both land and sovereignty. As
+he had heard of this beforehand from an oracle he ceased his
+wanderings, sacrificed the sow, and prepared to found a city. Latinus
+would not put up with him, but being defeated in war gave Æneas his
+daughter Lavinia in marriage. Æneas then founded a city and called it
+Lavinium. When Latinus and Thurnus, king of the Rutuli, perished in war
+each at the other's hands, Æneas became king. After Æneas had been
+killed in war at Laurentum by the same Rutuli and Mezentius the
+Etruscan, and Lavinia the wife of Æneas was pregnant (of Silvius
+[Footnote: Reimar thinks this word a later interpolation.]), Ascanius
+the child of Creusa was king. He finally conquered Mezentius, who had
+opposed him in war and had refused to receive his embassies but sought
+to command all the dependents of Latinus for an annual tribute. When the
+Latins had grown strong because of the arrival of the thirtieth year,
+they scorned Lavinium and founded a second city named from the sow Alba
+Longa, i. e. "long white,"--and likewise called the mountain there
+Albanus. Only, the images from Troy turned back a second time to
+Lavinium.
+
+After the death of Ascanius it was not Ascanius's son Iulus who became
+king, but Æneas's son by Lavinia, Silvius,--or, according to some
+Ascanius's son Silvius. Silvius again begat another Æneas, and he
+Latinus, and he Capys. Capys had a child Tiberinus, whose son was
+Amulius, whose son was Aventinus.
+
+So far regarding Alba and Albanians. The story of Rome follows.
+Aventinus begat Numitor and Amulius. Numitor while king was driven out
+by Amulius, who killed Numitor's son Ægestes in a hunting party and
+made the sister of Ægestes, daughter of the aforesaid Numitor, Silvia
+or Rhea Ilia, a priestess of Vesta, so that she might remain a virgin.
+He stood in terror of an oracle which foretold his death at the hands
+of the children of Numitor. For this reason he had killed Ægestes and
+made the other a priestess of Vesta, that she might continue a virgin
+and childless. But she while drawing water in Mars's grove conceived,
+and bore Romulus and Remus. The daughter of Amulius by supplication
+rescued her from being put to death, but the babes she gave to
+Faustulus, a shepherd, husband of Laurentia, to expose in the vicinity
+of the river Tiber. These the shepherd's wife took and reared up; for
+it happened that she had about that time brought forth a still-born
+infant.
+
+When Romulus and Remus were grown they kept flocks in the fields of
+Amulius, but as they killed some of the shepherds of their grandfather
+Numitor a watch was set for them. Remus being arrested, Romulus ran
+and told Faustulus, and he ran to narrate everything to Numitor.
+Finally Numitor recognized them to be his own daughter's children.
+They with the assistance of many persons killed Amulius, and after
+bestowing the kingdom of Alba on their grandfather Numitor themselves
+made a beginning of founding Rome in the eighteenth year of Romulus's
+life. Prior to this great Rome, which Romulus founded on the Palatine
+mount about the dwelling of Faustulus, another Rome in the form of a
+square had been founded by a Romulus and Remus older than these.
+
+(Is. Tzetzes on Lycophron, 1232. Consequently Dio must have written
+what is found in Zonaras 7, 3 [vol. II, p. 91, 7-10:])  "Romulus has
+been described as eighteen years old when he joined in settling Rome.
+He founded it around the dwelling of Faustulus. The place had been
+named Palatium."
+
+3. I have related previously at some length the story how Æneas
+founded Lavinium, though these ignorant persons say Rome. See how
+_they_ tell the story. Æneas received an oracle to found the city on
+the spot where his companions should devour their own tables. Now when
+they came to Italy and were in want of tables they used loaves instead
+of tables. Finally they ate also the tables--or the loaves. Æneas,
+consequently, understanding the oracle founded there the Lavinian
+city, even if the ignorant do say Rome. (Is. Tzetz. on Lycophr. 1250.)
+(Cp. Frag. III, 4.)
+
+4. ¶Rome is part of the Latin country and the Latins have the same
+name as Latinus, who is said to be the son of Odysseus and Circe, and
+the Tiber, once called Albulus, received its change of name from the
+fact that King Tiberius lost his life in it; this is proclaimed by
+Dio's history among others. The Tiberius here meant by the history is
+not the one subsequent to Augustus, but another who came earlier. He,
+they say, died in battle and was carried away by the stream, and so
+left his own name to the river. (Eustathius on Dionysius, 350.)
+
+5. Arceisius--Lærtes was a son of Arceisius who was so called either
+from [Greek: arkeo arkeso] [Footnote: These are the first two principal
+parts of a Greek verb meaning "to be sufficient."] as if he were able
+merely to be sufficient ([Greek: eparkeo]), whence comes the epithet
+[Greek: podarkaes] (sufficient with the feet) or else because an _arkos_
+or _arktos_ (bear) suckled him, just as some one else was suckled by a
+horse or goat, and still others by a wolf, among whom were also the
+Roman chiefs (according to Dio),--Remus, that is to say, and Romulus,
+whom a wolf (lykaina) suckled, called by the Italians _lupa_; this name
+has been aptly used metaphorically as a title for the _demi-monde_.
+(Eustathius on the Odyssey, p. 1961, 13-16.)
+
+[Frag. IV]
+
+1. [Lacuna] [lacuna] (for it is not possible that one who is a mortal
+should either foresee everything, or find a way to turn aside what is
+destined to occur) children to punish his wrongdoing were born
+[infinitive] of that maiden. [Footnote: I.e., Rhea Sylvia.] (Mai, p.
+136.)
+
+2. ¶Romulus and Remus, by their quarrel together, made it plain that
+some can bear dangers straight through life altogether more easily
+than good fortune. (Mai, p. 136.)
+
+3. On Romulus and Remus Dionysius of Halicarnassus makes remarks in
+his History, and so do Dio and Diodorus. (Scholia of Io. Tzetzes in
+Exeg. Hom. II. p. 141, 20.)
+
+4. After they had set about the building of the city a dispute arose
+between the brothers regarding the sovereignty and regarding the city,
+and they got into a conflict in which Remus was killed. (Zonaras, 7,
+3, vol. II, p-90, 7 sqq.) (Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+5. Whence also the custom arose that he who dared to cross the trench
+of the camp otherwise than by the usual paths should be put to death.
+(Zonaras, ib., p. 90, 16-18.)
+
+ 6. They themselves [Footnote: The Cæninenses, Crustumini, and
+Antemnates are meant (Bekker).--Compare Livy, I, 10, 11.] learned well
+and taught others the lesson that those who take vengeance on others are
+not certainly right merely because the others have previously done
+wrong, and that those who make demands on stronger men do not
+necessarily get them, but often lose the rest besides. (Mai, p. 136.)
+
+7. ¶Hersilia and the rest of the women of her kin on discovering them
+one day drawn up in opposing ranks ran down from the Palatine with
+their little children (children had already been born), and rushing
+suddenly into the space between the armies aroused much pity by their
+words and their actions. Looking now at the one side and now at the
+other they cried: "Why, fathers, do you do this? Why, husbands, do you
+do it? When will you stop fighting? When will you stop hating each
+other? Make peace with your sons-in-law! Make peace with your
+fathers-in-law! For Pan's sake spare your children, for Quirinus's
+sake your grandchildren! Pity your daughters, pity your wives! For if
+you refuse to make peace and some bolt of madness has fallen upon your
+heads to drive you to frenzy, then kill at once us, the causes of
+your contention, and slay at once the little children whom you hate,
+that with no longer any name or bond of kinship between you you may
+gain the greatest of evils--to slay the grandsires of your children
+and the fathers of your grandchildren." As they said this they tore
+open their garments and exposed their breasts and abdomens, while some
+pressed themselves against the swords and others threw their children
+against them. Moved by such sounds and sights the men began to weep,
+so that they desisted from battle and came together for a conference
+there, just as they were, in the _comitium_, which received its name
+from this very event. (Mai, p. 137.)
+
+8. Tribous Trittys; or a third part. Romulus's heavy-armed men, three
+thousand in number (as Dio tells us in the first book of his History),
+were divided into three sections called _tribous_, i. e. trittyes,
+which the Greeks also termed "tribes." Each trittys was separated into
+ten _Curiæ_ or "thinking bodies"--_cura_ meaning thoughtfulness--and
+the men who were appointed to each particular _curia_ came together
+and thought out the business in hand.
+
+Among the Greeks the _curiae_ are called _phratriae_ and
+_phatriae_--in other words _associations, brotherhoods unions,
+guilds_--from the fact that men of the same _phratry phrased_ or
+revealed to one another their own intentions without scruple or fear.
+Hence fathers or kinsmen or teachers are _phrators_,--those who share
+in the same _phratry_. But possibly it was derived from the Roman word
+_frater_, which signifies "brother." (--Glossar. Nom. Labbaei.)
+
+9. (And he named the people _populus_.) Hence in the Law Books the
+popular assembly has the name _popularia_. (Zonaras 7, 3 (vol. 11, p.
+91, 17 and 18.) Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+10. She [i. e. Tarpeia] having come down for water was seized and
+brought to Tatius, and was induced to betray the fathers. (Zonaras,
+ib., p. 93, 15-17.)
+
+11. It is far better for them [senate-houses?] to be established anew
+than having existed previously to be named over. (Mai, p. 137.)
+
+12. ¶Romulus assumed a rather harsh attitude toward the senate and
+behaved toward it rather like a tyrant, and the hostages of the Veientes
+he returned [Footnote: Mai supplies the missing verb.] on his own
+responsibility and not by common consent, as was usually done. When he
+perceived them vexed at this he made a number of unpleasant remarks,
+and finally said: "I have chosen you, Fathers, not for the purpose of
+your ruling me, but that I might give directions to you." (Mai, p. 138.)
+
+[What is said of Romulus in John of Antioch, Frag. 32 (Mueller) to
+have been drawn from the extant books of Dio. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_
+XIV.]
+
+13. Dio I: "Thus by nature, doubtless, mankind will not endure to be
+ruled by what is similar and ordinary partly through jealousy, partly
+through contempt of it." [Footnote: This is probably a remark in regard
+to the quarrels of the Roman elders over the kingdom after the death of
+Romulus.--Compare Livy. I, 17.] (--Bekker, Anecd. p. 164, 15.)
+
+14. Dio in I: "What time he threw both body and soul into the balance,
+encountering danger in your behalf." [Footnote: Perhaps a reference to
+the father of Horatius defending his son, or even to Romulus.] (Ib. p.
+165, 27.)
+
+[Frag. V]  1. Romulus had a crown and a sceptre with an eagle on the
+top and a white cloak reaching to the feet striped with purple
+embroideries from the shoulders to the feet: the name of the cloak was
+toga, i. e. "covering," from _tegere_ the corresponding verb (this is
+the word the Romans use for "cover") and a purple shoe which was
+called _cothurnus_, as Cocceius says. (Io. Laur. Lydus, De Magis.
+Reip. Rom. 1, pp. 20-22.)
+
+Therefore the words of Zonaras II, p. 96, 5, may be attributed to Dio:
+"(Romulus) also used red sandals."
+
+2. "Shedding ashes from the hearth over the earth, they skillfully
+traced the prophesies with this wand, as they gazed at the sun and
+foretold the future. This wand Plutarch terms _lituos_, but _lituoi_
+is what Cocceianus Cassius Dio says." (Io. Tzetzes, Alleg. Iliadis 1,
+28.)
+
+3. Numa dwelt on a hill called Quirinal, because he was a Sabine, but
+he had his official residence in the Sacred Way and used to spend his
+time near the temple of Vesta and sometimes even remained on the spot.
+(Valesius, p. 569.)
+
+4. For since he understood well that the majority of mankind hold in
+contempt what is of like nature and consorts with them through a
+feeling that it is no better than themselves, but cultivate what is
+obscure and foreign as being superior, because they believe it divine,
+he dedicated a certain lot of land to the Muses [lacuna] (Mai, p. 138.)
+
+5. ¶The gods, as guardians of peace and justice, must be pure of
+murder; and not listen to or look at anything pertaining to divinity
+in a cursory or neglectful manner, but must exist enjoying leisure
+from other affairs and fixing their attention on the practice of piety
+as the most important act.--Zonaras, 7, 5 (vol. II, p. 100).
+
+6. Dio, Book I: "This, then, is what Numa thought" (Bekker, Anecd. p.
+158, 23.)
+
+7. Furthermore, also, that they became composed at that time through
+their own efforts, and took the sacred oath; after which they
+themselves continued at peace both with one another and with the
+outside tribes throughout the entire reign of Numa, and they seemed to
+have lighted upon him by divine guidance no less than in the case of
+Romulus. Men who know Sabine history best declare that he was born on
+the same day that Rome was founded. In this way, because of both them
+the city quickly became strong and well adorned: for the one gave it
+practice in warfare,--of necessity, since it was but newly
+founded,--and the other taught it besides the art of peace, so that it
+was equally distinguished in each of these two particulars. (Valesius,
+p. 569.)
+
+8. Dio the Roman says that Janus, an ancient hero, because of his
+entertainment of Saturn, received the knowledge of the future and of
+the past, and that on this account he was represented with two faces
+by the Romans. From him the month of January was named, and the
+beginning of the year comes in the same month. (Cedrenus, Vol. 1, p.
+295, 10, Bekker.)
+
+9. Book 1, Dio:--"For in some beginnings, when grasping at ends, the
+costs that we endure are not unwelcome." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 161, 3.)
+
+10. (Numa) having lived for a period of three more than eighty years,
+and having been king forty and three years.--Zonaras, 7, 5. (Cp.
+Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+[Frag. VI]
+
+1. Dio, Book 2: "that their [Footnote: Probably refers to the people of
+Alba.] reputation would stand in the way of their growth." (Bekker,
+Anecd., p. 139, 12.)
+
+2. ¶Neither of the two [Tullus or Mettius] sanctioned the removal, but
+both championed their own pretensions. For Tullus in view of the report
+about Romulus and the power they possessed was elated and so was
+Fufetius in view of the age of Alba and because it was the mother city
+not only of the Romans themselves but of many others; and both felt no
+little pride. For these reasons they withdrew from that dispute but
+plunged into a new quarrel about the sovereignty: for they saw that it
+was impossible [Footnote: Refers to the Romans.] to keep them free from
+party feeling, dwelling with them in safety on fair terms; and this was
+due to the inherent disposition of men to quarrel with their equals, and
+to desire to rule others. Many claims also regarding this they preferred
+against each other, to see if by any means the one party would
+voluntarily concede either of the two favors to the other. They
+accomplished nothing, but formed a compact to struggle in her behalf.
+
+(Mai, p. 139.)
+
+3. Dio, Book 2.--"and attacking them who expected no further danger."
+(Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 15.)
+
+4. ¶Tullus was deemed most able against the enemy, but absolutely
+despised and neglected religion until, during the recurrence of a
+plague, he himself fell sick. Then, indeed, he paid the strictest
+regard to all the gods, and furthermore established the Salii Collini.
+(Valesius, p. 569.)
+
+[Frag. VII]
+
+¶Marcius, comprehending how it is not sufficient for men who wish to
+remain at peace to refrain from wrongdoing, and that refusing to
+molest others, without active measures, is not a means of safety, but
+the more one longs for it the more vulnerable does one become to the
+mass of mankind, changed his course. He saw that a desire for quiet
+was not a power for protection unless accompanied by equipment for
+war: he perceived also that delight in freedom from foreign broils
+very quickly and very easily ruined men who were unduly enthusiastic
+over it. For this reason he thought that war was nobler and safer,
+both as a preparation and as forethought, than was peace, and so
+whatever he was unable to obtain from the Latins with their consent,
+and without harming them, he took away against their will by means of
+a military expedition. (Mai, p. 139.)
+
+[Frag. VIII]
+
+¶Tarquinius, by using wealth, knowledge, and great wit opportunely
+everywhere, put Marcius in such a frame of mind than he was enrolled
+by the latter among the patricians and among the senators, was often
+appointed general and was entrusted with the guardianship of his
+children and of the kingdom. He was no less agreeable to the rest, and
+consequently ruled them with their consent. The reason was that while
+he took all measures from which he might derive strength he did not
+lose his head, but though among the foremost humbled himself. Any
+laborious tasks he was willing to undertake openly in the place of
+others, but in pleasure he willingly made way for others while he
+himself obtained either nothing or but little, and that unnoticed. The
+responsibility for what went well he laid upon any one sooner than
+upon himself and placed the resulting advantages within the reach of
+the public for whoever desired them, but more unsatisfactory issues he
+never laid to the charge of any one else, nor attempted to divide the
+blame. Besides, he favored all the friends of Marcius individually
+both by deeds and by words. Money he spent without stint and was ready
+to offer his services if any one wanted anything of him. He neither
+said nor did anything mean against any one, and did not fall into
+enmity with any one if he could help it. Furthermore, whatever
+benefits he received from any persons he always exaggerated, but
+unpleasant treatment he either did not notice at all or minimized it
+and regarded it is of very slight importance: not only did he refuse
+to take offensive measures in return, but he conferred kindnesses
+until he won the man over entirely. This gained him a certain
+reputation for cleverness, because he had mastered Marcius and all the
+latter's followers, but through subsequent events he caused the
+majority of men to be distrusted, either as being deceitful by nature
+or as changing their views according to their own influence and
+fortunes. (Valesius, p. 570.)
+
+[Frag. IX]
+
+Second Book of Dio: "As there was nothing in which they did not yield
+him obedience." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 164, 19.)
+
+[Frag. X]  1. Dio, Book 2.--"Because his brother did not cooperate
+with him he secretly put him out of the way by poison through the
+agency of his wife." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 17. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 9.)
+
+2. ¶Tarquinius, when he had equipped himself sufficiently to reign over
+them even if they were unwilling, first arrested the most powerful
+members of the senate and next some of the rest, and put to death many
+publicly, when he could bring some real charge against them, and many
+besides secretly, while some he banished. Not merely because some of
+them loved Tullius more than him, nor because they had family, wealth,
+intelligence, and displayed conspicuous bravery and distinguished wisdom
+did he destroy them, out of jealousy and out of a suspicion likewise
+that their dissimilarity of character must force them to hate him, the
+while he defended himself against some and anticipated the attack of
+others; no, he slew all his bosom friends who had exerted themselves to
+help him get the kingship no less than the rest; for he thought that
+impelled by the audacity and fondness for revolution through which they
+had obtained dominion for him they might equally well give it to some
+one else. So he made away with the best part of the senate and of the
+knights and did not appoint to those orders any one at all in place of
+the men who had been destroyed: he understood that he was hated by the
+entire populace and was anxious to render the classes mentioned
+extremely weak through paucity of men. Yes, he even undertook to abolish
+the senate altogether, since he believed that every gathering of men and
+especially of chosen persons who had some pretence of prestige from
+antiquity, was most hostile to a tyrant. But as he was afraid that the
+multitude or else his body-guards themselves, in their capacity as
+citizens, might by reason of vexation at the change in government
+revolt, he refrained from doing this openly, but effected it in a
+conveniently outrageous way. He failed to introduce any new member into
+the senate to make up the loss, and to those who were left he
+communicated nothing of importance. He called the senators together not
+to help him in the administration of any important business; no, this
+very act was to give them a proof of their littleness, and thereby to
+enable him to humiliate and show scorn for them. Most of his business he
+carried on by himself or with the aid of his sons, in the first place to
+the end that no one else should have any power, and secondly because he
+shrank from publishing matters involving his own wrongdoing. He was
+difficult of access and hard to accost, and showed such great
+haughtiness and brutality toward all alike that he received the nickname
+among them of "Proud." Among other decidedly tyrannical deeds of himself
+and his children might be mentioned the fact that he once had some
+citizens bound naked to some crosses in the Forum and before the
+eyes of the citizens, and had them shamefully beaten to death with rods.
+This punishment, invented by him at that time, has often been
+inflicted. (Valesius, p. 573.)
+
+3. Dio in 2nd Book: "Publicly and by arrangement reviling his father
+in many unusual ways on the ground that he was a tyrant and was
+forsworn." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 155, 1.)
+
+4. The Sibyl about whom Lycophron is now speaking was the Cumæan, who
+died in the time of Tarquin the Proud and left behind three or nine of
+her prophetic books. Of these the Romans bought either one or three,
+after the Sibyl's servant had destroyed the rest by fire because they
+would not give her as much gold as she wanted. This they did later and
+bought up either one that was left over or else three, and gave them to
+Marcus Acilius to keep. Him they cast alive into the skin of an ox and
+put to death because he had given them to be copied: but for the book or
+books they dug a hole in the Forum and buried them along with a chest.
+(Ioannes Tzetzes, scholia on Lycophr. 1279.)
+
+5. ¶Lucius Junius, a son of Tarquinius's sister, in terror after the
+king had killed his father and had moreover taken his property away
+from him feigned madness, to the end that he might possibly survive.
+For he well understood that every person possessed of sense,
+especially when he is of a distinguished family, becomes an object of
+suspicion to tyrants. And when once he had started on this plan he
+acted it out with great precision, and for that reason was called
+Brutus. This is the name that the Latins gave to idiots. Sent along
+with Titus and Arruns as if he were a kind of plaything he carried a
+staff as a votive offering, he said, to the gods, though it had no
+great value so far as anyone could see. (Mai, p. 139.)
+
+6. Dio in Book 2: "After that he was found in the Pythian god's
+temple." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 21.)
+
+7. ¶They made sport of the gift [i. e. the staff] of Brutus, and when to
+the enquiry of the ambassadors as to who should succeed to the kingdom
+of their father the oracle replied that the first to kiss his mother
+should hold dominion over the Romans, he kissed the earth, pretending to
+have fallen down by accident, for he regarded her as the mother of all
+mankind. (Mai, p. 140.)
+
+8. ¶Brutus overthrew the Tarquins for the following reason. During the
+siege of Ardea the children of Tarquin were one day dining with Brutus
+and Collatinus, since these two were of their own age and relatives;
+and they fell into a discussion and finally into a dispute about the
+virtue of their wives,--each one giving the preference to his own
+spouse. And, as all the women happened to be absent from the camp,
+they decided straightaway that night, before they could be announced,
+to take horse and ride away to all of them simultaneously. This they
+did, and found all engaged in a carousal except Lucretia, wife of
+Collatinus, whom they discovered at work on wool. This fact about her
+becoming noised abroad led Sextus to desire to outrage her. Perchance
+he even felt some love for her, since she was of surpassing beauty;
+still it was rather her reputation than her body that he desired to
+ruin. He watched for an opportunity when Collatinus was among the
+Rutuli, hurried to Collatia, and coming by night to her house as that
+of a kinswoman obtained both food and lodging. At first he tried to
+persuade her to grant her favors to him, but as he could not succeed
+he attempted force. When he found he could make no progress by this
+means either, he devised a plan by which in the most unexpected way he
+compelled her to submit voluntarily to be debauched. To his
+declaration that he would cut her throat she paid no attention, and
+his statement that he would make away with one of the servants she
+listened to in contempt. When, however, he threatened to lay the body
+of the servant beside her and spread the report that he had found them
+sleeping together and killed them he was no longer to be resisted: and
+she, fearing it might be believed that this had so happened, chose to
+yield to him and die after giving an account of the affair rather than
+lose her good name in perishing at once. For this reason she did not
+refuse to commit adultery, but afterward she made ready a dagger
+beneath the pillow and sent for her husband and her father. As soon as
+they had come she shed many tears, then spoke with a sigh: "Father, I
+utter your name because I have disgraced it less than my husband's.
+It is no honorable deed I have done this last night, but Sextus forced
+me, threatening to kill me and a slave together and pretend he had
+found me sleeping with the man. This threat compelled me to sin, to
+prevent you from believing that such a thing had taken place. And I,
+because I am a woman, will treat my case as becomes me: but do you, if
+you are men and care for your wives and for your children, avenge me,
+free yourselves, and show the tyrants what manner of creatures you are
+and what manner of woman they have outraged." Having spoken to this
+effect she did not wait for any reply but immediately drawing the
+dagger from its hiding place stabbed herself. (Valesius, p. 574.)
+
+9. Dio, Second Book: "And he [Footnote: Van Herweiden's reading is the
+one adopted in this doubtful passage.] went outside of Roman territory
+making frequent trials of neighboring peoples." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 164,
+25.)
+
+1. ¶All crowds of people judge measures according to the men who
+direct them, and of whatever sort they ascertain the men to be, they
+believe that the measures are of the same sort. (Mai, p. 140.)
+
+[Frag. XI]
+
+2. Every one prefers the untried to the well known, attaching great
+hope to the uncertain in comparison with what has already gained his
+hatred. (Ib.)
+
+3. All changes are very dangerous, and especially do those in
+governments work the greatest and most numerous evils to both
+individuals and state. Sensible men, therefore, decide to remain under
+the same forms continually, even if they be not very good, rather than
+by changing to have now one, now another, and be continually
+wandering. (Ib.)
+
+4. Dio, 2nd Book: "When he had learned this he accordingly both came
+to them the following day [lacuna]" (Bekker, Anecd., p. 178, 20.)
+
+5. In 3rd Book of Dio: "Whose father also ruled you blamelessly."
+(Ib., p. 120, 24.)
+
+6. Dio's 3rd Book: "Of the fact that he loves you, you could get no
+greater proof than his eagerness to live in your midst and his action
+in having his possessions long since brought here." (Ib., p. 139, 26,
+and p. 164, 28.)
+
+7. Dio's 3rd Book: "How would it pay any one to do this?" (Ib, p.
+155,14.)
+
+8. Dio's 3rd Book: "As Romulus also enjoined upon us." (Ib., p. 139,
+29.)
+
+9. ¶Every person comes to possess wishes and desires according to his
+fortune and whatever his circumstances be, of like nature are also the
+opinions he acquires. (Mai, p. 141.)
+
+10. ¶The business of kingship, more than any other, demands not merely
+virtue, but also great understanding and intelligence, and it is not
+possible without these qualities for the man who takes hold of it to
+show moderation. Many, for example, as if raised unexpectedly to some
+great height, have not endured their elevation, but startled from
+their senses have fallen and made failures of themselves and have
+shattered all the interests of their subjects. (Mai, ib.)
+
+11. With regard to the future form a judgment from what they have
+done, but do not be deceived by what they as suppliants falsely
+pretend. Unholy deeds proceed in every case from a man's real purpose,
+but any one may concoct creditable phrases. Hence judge from what a
+man has done, not from what he says he will do. (Mai, ib.)
+
+12. 3rd Book of Dio: "It is done not merely by the actual men who rule
+them, but also by those who share the power with those rulers."
+(Bekker, Anecd. p.130, 23, and p.164, 32.)
+
+In the preceding fragment we have, apparently, some comment of Dio
+himself on the change in the Roman government (from monarchy to
+republic) together with scraps of two speeches,--namely, that of the
+envoys of Tarquinius to the Roman people, and that of Brutus in reply.
+
+[Frag. XII]
+
+1. ¶Valerius, the colleague of Brutus, although he had proved himself
+the most democratic of men came near being murdered in short order by
+the multitude: they suspected him, in fact, of being eager to become
+sole sovereign. They would have slain him, indeed, had he not quickly
+anticipated their action by courting their favor. He entered the
+assembly and bent the rods which he had formerly used straight, and
+took away the surrounding axes that were bound in with them. After he
+had in this way assumed an attitude of humility, he kept a sad
+countenance for some time and shed tears: and when he at last managed
+to utter a sound, he spoke in a low fearful voice with a suggestion of
+a quaver. [The general subject is speechmaking.] (Mai, p. 141.)
+
+2. On account of whom (plur.) also [Collatinus] was enraged.
+Consequently Brutus so incited the populace against him that they came
+near slaying him on the spot. They did not quite do this, however, but
+compelled him to resign without delay. They chose as colleague to the
+consul in his place Publius Valerius, who had the additional title of
+Poplicola. This appellation translated into Greek signifies "friend of
+the people" or "most democratic." (Zonaras, 7, 12. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_
+XIV.)
+
+[Frag. XIII]
+
+¶The temple of Jupiter was dedicated by Horatius, as determined by
+lot, although Valerius made the declaration that his son was dead, and
+arranged to have this news brought to him during the very performance
+of his sacred office, with the purpose that Horatius under the blow of
+the misfortune and because in general it was impious for any one in
+grief to fulfill the duties of priest, should yield to him the
+dedication of the structure. The other did not refuse credence to the
+report--for it was noised abroad by many trustworthy persons--yet he
+did not surrender his ministry: on the contrary, after bidding some
+men to leave unburied the body of his son, as if it were a stranger's,
+in order that he might seem unconcerned regarding the rites due to it,
+he then performed all the necessary ceremonies. (Valesius, p.577.)
+
+[Frag. XIV]
+
+1. (Tarquinius continued to supplicate Klara Porsina.) (Zonaras, 7,
+12. Cp. Tzetz. Hist. 6, 201. Plutarch, Poplic. 16, has "Lara
+Porsina.")
+
+2. Dio in 4th Book: "But they overran the Roman territory and harried
+everything up to the wall." (Bekker, Anecd. p.152, 3 and 1.)  3.
+Larta Porsenna, an Etruscan, or, perhaps, Klara Porsenna, was
+proceeding against Rome with a great army. But Mucius, a noble Roman
+soldier, after equipping himself in arms and dress of Etruscans then
+started to spy upon them, wishing to kill Porsenna. Beside the latter
+at that time was sitting his secretary, who in the Etruscan tongue was
+called Clusinus; and Mucius, doubtful which might be the king, killed
+Clusinus instead of the king. The man was arrested, and when Porsenna
+asked him: "Why in the world did you do this thing? What injury had
+you received from him?" the other cried out: "I happen to be not
+Etruscan but Roman; and three hundred others of like mind with me who
+are now hunting thee to slay thee." This he had spoken falsely; and,
+with his right hand thrust into the fire, he gazed on Porsenna as
+though another were suffering: and when the prince enquired: "Why do
+you look fixedly upon us?" he said: "Reflecting how I erred in failing
+to slay thee and in thy stead killed one whom I thought Porsenna." And
+when Porsenna exclaimed: "You shall now become my friend!" Mucius
+rejoined: "If thou becom'st a Roman." Porsenna admiring the man for
+his uprightness becomes a friend to the Romans and checks the tide of
+battle. (Tzetzes, Chiliades, VI, 201-223.)
+
+(Cp. Scholia on John Tzetzes's Letters in Cramer's Anecd. Oxon., vol.
+III, p.360, 30: "Clusinus was the name of Porsenna's secretary,
+according to what Dio says"; and Zonaras, 7, 12: "Drawing his sword he
+killed his secretary, who was sitting beside him and was similarly
+arrayed.")
+
+4. Dio's 4th Book: "And he [Footnote: Porsenna.] presented to the maiden
+[Footnote: Clælia] both arms (or so some say) and a horse." (Bekker,
+Anecd. p.133, 8.)
+
+5. After this the Tarquins endeavored on several occasions, by forming
+alliances with tribes bordering on Roman dominions, to recover the
+kingdom; but they were all destroyed in the battles save the sire,
+who, moreover, was called Superbus (or, as a Greek would say, Proud).
+Subsequently he found his way to Cyme of Opicia and there died. Thus
+the careers of the Tarquins reached a conclusion. And after their
+expulsion from the kingdom consuls, as has been stated, were chosen by
+the Romans. One of these was Publius Valerius, who became consul four
+times,--the one to whom also the name Poplicola was applied. (Zonaras
+7, 12 sq. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+6. And the management of the funds they assigned to others in order
+that the men holding the consular office might not possess the great
+influence that would spring from their having the revenues in their
+power. Now for the first time "stewards" began to be created and they
+called them _quæstors_. These in the first place tried capital cases,
+from which fact they have obtained this title,--on account of their
+_questionings_ and on account of their search for truth as the result
+of _questionings_. But later they acquired also management of the
+public funds and received the additional name of Stewards ([Greek:
+tamiai]). After a time the courts were delivered over to different
+persons, while these officials were managers of the funds. (Zonaras 7,
+13. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_, XIV.)
+
+7. Dio's 4th Book: "And they provided them [Footnote: Probably a
+reference to the quæstors.] with separate titles besides in general
+making very different provision for them in the different cases."
+(Bekker, Anecd. p.133, 16.)
+
+8. Dio in 5th Book: "The lords filling them with hope on certain
+points." (Ib. p.140, 10.)
+
+9. Dio in 5th Book: "With this accordingly he honored him." (Ib.
+p.175, 19.)
+
+[Frag. XV]
+
+¶To a large extent success consists in planning secretly, acting at the
+opportune moment, following one's own counsel somewhat, and in having no
+chance to fall back upon any one else, but being obliged to take upon
+one's self the responsibility for the issue, however it turns out.
+[Footnote: Fragment XV may perhaps be a comment on dictatorships.]
+(Mai, p.142.)
+
+[Frag. XVI]
+
+1. They had recourse to civil strife. And the reason is plain. Those
+whose money gave them influence desired to surpass their inferiors in
+all respects as though they were their sovereigns, and the weaker
+citizens, sure of their own equal rights, were unwilling to obey them
+even in some small point. The one class, insatiate of freedom, sought
+to enjoy the property of the other; and this other, uncontrolled in
+its pride of place, to enjoy the fruits of the former's labors. So it
+was that they sundered their former relations, wherein they were wont
+harmoniously to assist each other with mutual profit, and no longer
+made distinctions between foreign and native races. Indeed, both
+disdained moderation, and the one class set its heart upon an extreme
+of dominion, the other upon an extreme of resistance to voluntary
+servitude; consequently they missed the results accomplished by their
+previous allied efforts and inflicted many striking injuries, partly
+in defence against each other's movements and partly by way of
+anticipating them. More than all the rest of mankind they were at
+variance save in the midst of particularly threatening dangers that
+they incurred in the course of successive wars,--wars due chiefly to
+their own dissensions; and for the sake of the respite many prominent
+men on several occasions brought on these conflicts purposely. This,
+then, was the beginning of their suffering more harm from each other
+than from outside nations. And the complexion of their difficulties
+inspires me to pronounce that it was impossible that they should be
+deprived of either their power or their sway, unless they should lose
+it through their own contentions. (Mai, ib.)
+
+2. They were especially irritated that the senators were not of the
+same mind after obtaining something from them as they were while
+requesting it, but after making them numbers of great promises while
+in the midst of danger failed to perform the slightest one of them
+when safety had been secured. (Mai, p.143.)
+
+3. So to the end that they might not fight in a compact mass, but each
+division struggle separately for its own position and so become easier
+to handle, they divided the army. [Footnote: Cp. Livy, II, 30.] (Ib.)
+
+4. ¶The populace, as soon as Valerius the dictator became a private
+citizen, began a most bitter contest, going so far even as to overturn
+the government. The well-to-do classes insisted, in the case of debts,
+upon the very letter of the agreement, refusing to abate one iota of
+it, and so they both failed to secure its fulfillment and came to be
+deprived of many other advantages; they had failed to recognize the
+fact that an extreme of poverty is the heaviest of curses and that the
+desperation which results from it is, especially if shared by a large
+number of persons, very difficult to combat. This is why not a few
+politicians voluntarily choose the course which is expedient in
+preference to that which is absolutely just. Justice is often worsted
+in an encounter with human nature and sometimes suffers total
+extinction, whereas expediency, by parting with a mere fragment of
+justice, preserves the greater portion of it intact.
+
+Now the cause of most of the troubles that the Romans had lay in the
+unyielding attitude adopted by the more powerful class toward its
+inferiors. Many remedies were afforded them against delays in payment
+of debts, one of which was that in case it happened that several
+persons had been lending to anybody, they had authority to divide his
+body piecemeal according to the proportionate amounts that he was
+owing. Yet, however much this principle had been declared legal, still
+it had surely never been put into practice. For how could a nation
+have proceeded to such lengths of cruelty when it frequently granted
+to those convicted of some crime a refuge for their preservation and
+allowed such as were thrust from the cliffs of the Capitoline to live
+in case they should survive the experience? (Mai, p.143. Cp. Zonaras.
+7, 14.)
+
+5. ¶Those who were owing debts took possession of a certain hill and
+having placed one Gaius at their head proceeded to secure their food
+from the country as from hostile territory, thereby demonstrating that
+the laws were weaker than arms, and justice than their desperation.
+The senators being in terror both that this party might become more
+estranged and that the neighboring tribes in view of the crisis might
+join in an attack upon them proposed terms to the rebels offering
+everything that they hoped might please them. The seceders at first
+were for brazening it out, but were brought to reason in a remarkable
+way. When they kept up a series of disorderly shouts, Agrippa, one of
+the envoys, begged them to hearken to a fable and having obtained
+their consent spoke as follows. Once all the Members of Man began a
+contention against the Belly, saying that they worked and toiled
+without food or drink, being at the beck and call of the Belly in
+everything, whereas it endured no labor and alone got its fill of
+nourishment. And finally they voted that the Hands should no longer
+convey aught to the Mouth nor the latter receive anything, to the end
+that the Belly might so far as possible come to lack both food and
+drink and so perish. Now when this measure was determined and put into
+execution, at first the entire body began to wither away and next it
+collapsed and gave out. Accordingly, the members through their own
+evil state grew conscious that the Belly was the salvation of them and
+restored to it its nourishment.
+
+On hearing this the multitude comprehended that the abundance of the
+prosperous also supports the condition of the poor; therefore they
+showed greater mildness and accepted a reconciliation on being granted
+a release from their debts and from seizures therefor. This then, was
+voted by the senate. (Mai, p.144. Cp. Zonaras 7, 14.) The account of
+John of Antioch, frag. 46 (Müller, fr. hist gr. IV, p.556) regarding
+this secession of the plebs seems to have been taken from intact books
+of Dio. (Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV, p.44, note 1; also G. Sotiriadis,
+Zur Kritik des Johannes von Antiochia, Supplem. annal. philol. vol.
+XVI, p.50.)
+
+6. And it seemed to be most inconsistent with human conditions, and to
+many others also, some willingly, some unwillingly [lacuna]
+
+¶Whenever many men gathered in a compact body seek their own
+advantage by violence, for the time being they have some equitable
+agreement and display boldness, but later they become separated and
+are punished on various pretexts. (Mai, p.146. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 15.)
+
+7. Through the tendency, natural to most persons, to differ with their
+fellows in office (it is always difficult for a number of men to
+attain harmony, especially in a position of any influence)--through
+this natural tendency, then, all their power was dissipated and torn
+to shreds. None of their resolutions was valid in case even one of
+them opposed it. They had originally received their office for no
+other purpose than to resist such as were oppressing their
+fellow-citizens, and thus he who tried to prevent any measure from
+being carried into effect was sure to prove stronger than those who
+supported it. (Mai, ib. Cp. Zonaras 7, 15.)
+
+[Frag. XVII]
+
+1. For it is not easy for a man either to be strong at all points or
+to possess excellence in both departments,--war and peace,--at once.
+Those who are physically strong are, as a rule, weak-minded and
+success that has come in unstinted measure generally does not
+luxuriate equally well everywhere. This explains why after having
+first been exalted by the citizens to the foremost rank he was not
+much later exiled by them, and how it was that after making the city
+of the Volsci a slave to his country he with their aid brought his own
+land in turn into an extremity of danger. (Mai, p. 146. Cp. Zonaras
+7,16.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 491 (_a.u._ 263)] 2. ¶The same man wished to be made
+prætor, and upon failing to secure the office became angry at the
+populace; and in his displeasure at the great influence of the tribunes
+he employed greater frankness in speaking to that body than was
+attempted by others whose deeds entitled them to the same rank as
+himself. A severe famine occurring at the same time that a town Norba
+needed colonizing, the multitude censured the powerful classes on both
+these points, maintaining that they were being deprived of food and were
+being purposely delivered into the hands of enemies for manifest
+destruction. Whenever persons come to suspect each other, they take
+amiss everything even that is done in their behalf, and yield wholly to
+their belligerent instincts. Coriolanus had invariably evinced contempt
+for the people, and after grain had been brought in from many sources
+(most of it sent as a gift from princes in Sicily) he would not allow
+them to receive allotments of it as they were petitioning. Accordingly,
+the tribunes, whose functions he was especially eager to abolish,
+brought him to trial before the populace on a charge of aiming at
+tyranny and drove him into exile. It availed nothing that all his peers
+exclaimed and expressed their consternation at the fact that tribunes
+dared to pass such sentences upon _their_ order. So on being expelled he
+betook himself, raging at his treatment, to the Volsci, though they had
+been his bitterest foes. His valor, of which they had had a taste, and
+the wrath that he cherished toward his fellow-citizens gave him reason
+to expect that they would receive him gladly, since they might hope,
+thanks to him, to inflict upon the Romans injuries equal to what they
+had endured, or even greater. When one has suffered particular damage at
+the hands of any party, one is strongly inclined to believe in the
+possibility of benefit from the same party in case it is willing and
+also able to confer favors. (Mai, p.147. Cp. Zonaras 7, 16.) 3. For he
+was very angry that they, who were incurring danger for their own
+country would not even under these conditions withdraw from the
+possessions of others. When, accordingly, this news also was brought,
+the men did not cease any the more from factional strife. They were,
+indeed, so bitterly at variance that they could be reconciled not even
+by dangers. But the women, Volumnia the wife of Coriolanus and Veturia
+his mother, gathering a company of the other most eminent ladies visited
+him in camp and took his children with them; and they caused him to end
+the war not only without requiring the submission of the country, but
+without even demanding restoration from exile. For he admitted them at
+once as soon as he learned they were there, and granted them a
+conversation, the course of which was as follows. While the rest wept
+without speaking Veturia began: "Why are you surprised, my child? Why
+are you startled? We are not deserters, but the country has sent to you,
+if you should yield, your mother and wife and children, if otherwise,
+your spoil; hence, if even now you still are angry, kill us first. Why
+do you weep? Why turn away? Can you fail to know how we have just ceased
+lamenting the affairs of state, in order that we might see you? Be
+reconciled to us, then, and retain no longer your anger against your
+citizens, friends, temples, tombs; do not come rushing down into the
+city with hostile wrath nor take by storm your native land in which you
+were born, were reared, and became Coriolanus, bearer of this great
+name. Yield to me, my child, and send me not hence without result,
+unless you would see me dead by own hand."
+
+At the end of this speech she sighed aloud, and tearing open her
+clothing showed her breasts, and touching her abdomen exclaimed: "See,
+my child, this brought you forth, these reared you up." When she had
+said this, his wife and the children and the rest of the women joined
+in the lament, so that he too was cast into grief. Recovering himself
+at length with difficulty he embraced his mother and at the same time
+kissing her replied: "Mother, I yield to you. Yours is the victory,
+and let the other men, too, bestow their gratitude for this upon you.
+For I can not endure even to see them, who after receiving such great
+benefits at hands have treated me in such a way. Hence I never even
+enter the city. Do you keep the country instead of me, since you have
+so wished it, and I will take myself out of the way of you all."
+
+Having spoken thus he withdrew. For through fear of the multitude and
+shame before his peers, in that he had made an expedition against them
+at all he would not accept even the safe return offered him, but
+retired among the Volsci, and there, either as the result of a plot or
+from old age, died. (Mai, p.148. Zonaras, 7, 16. Cp. John Tzetzes,
+Letters, 6, p.9, 16.)
+
+4. Dio Cocceianus himself and numberless others who have set forth the
+deeds of the Romans, tell the story of this Marcus Coriolanus. This
+Marcus, as he was formerly called and later Gnæus, had along with
+these the name of Coriolanus. When the Romans were warring against the
+city of Coriolanus [_sic_], and had all turned to flight at full
+speed, the man himself turned toward the hostile city and finding it
+open alone set fire to it. As the flames rose brilliantly he mounted
+his horse and with great force fell upon the rear of the barbarians,
+who were bringing headlong flight upon the Romans. They wheeled about
+and when they saw the fire consuming the city, thinking it was sacked
+they fled in another direction. He, having saved the Romans and sacked
+the city, which we have already said was called Coriolanus, received,
+in addition to his former names Marcus and Gnæus, the title of
+Coriolanus, from the rout. But (the usual treatment that jealousy
+accords to benefactors) after a little in the course of reflections
+they fine the man. The man excessively afflicted with most just wrath
+leaves his wife, his mother, and his country, and goes to the Corioli,
+and they receive the man. Then after that they arrayed themselves
+against the Romans. And had not his spouse and mother at the breaking
+out of that war run and torn apart their tunics and stood about him
+naked,--Veturia and Volumnia were their names,--and checked him with
+difficulty from the battle against the Romans, Rome would have made a
+resolve to honor benefactors. But brought to a halt by the prayers of
+his mother and of his spouse he stopped the war against the Romans,
+and he himself leaving behind the Corioli and the Romans hurried to
+another land, smitten by sorrow. (Tzetzes, Hist. 6, 527-560. Cp.
+Haupt, _Hermes_, XIV.)
+
+5. I pass over mention of the noble Marcus Coriolanus, and with Marcus
+himself also Marcus Corvinus; of whom the one, having sacked unaided a
+city named Coriolanus and burned it down, although the entire army of
+the Romans had been routed, was called Coriolanus, though otherwise
+termed Marcus. (Tzetzes, Hist. 3, 856-861.)
+
+[Frag. XVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 486 (_a.u._ 268)] Cassius after benefiting the Romans
+was put to death by that very people. So that thereby it is made plain
+that there is no element deserving confidence in multitudes. On the
+contrary they destroy men who are altogether devoted to them no less
+than men guilty of the greatest wrongs. With respect to the interest of
+the moment on various occasions they deem those great who are the cause
+of benefits to them, but when they have profited to the full by such
+men's services they no longer regard them as having any nearer claims
+than bitterest foes. For Cassius, although he indulged them, they killed
+because of the very matters on which he prided himself: and it is
+manifest that he perished through envy and not as a result of some
+injustice committed. (Mai, p.150.)
+
+[Frag. XIX]
+
+1. For the men from time to time in power when they became unable to
+restrain them by any other method stirred up purposely wars after wars
+in order that they might be kept busy attending to those conflicts and
+not disturb themselves about the land. (Mai, ib. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+2. At any rate they were so inflamed with rage by each of the two as
+to promise with an oath victory to their generals: with regard to the
+immediate attack they thought themselves actually lords of fortune.
+(Mai, p.150.)
+
+3. ¶It is natural for the majority of the human race to quarrel with
+any opposing force even beyond what is to its own advantage and upon
+those who yield to bestow a benefit in turn even beyond its power.
+(Mai, p.151.)
+
+[Frag. XX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 477 (_a.u._ 277)] 1. ¶The Fabii, who on the basis of
+birth and wealth made pretensions equal with the noblest, very quickly
+indeed saw that they were dejected. For when persons involve themselves
+in many undertakings that are at the same time hard to manage, they can
+discover no device for confronting the multitude and array of dangers,
+and give up as hopeless quite easy projects: after which their sober
+judgments and, contrary to what one would expect, their very opinions
+cause them to lose heart and they voluntarily abandon matters in hand
+with the idea that their labor will be but vain; finally they surrender
+themselves to unforseen dispensations of Heaven and await whatever
+Chance may bring. (Mai, p.151. Zonaras 7,17.)
+
+2. ¶The Fabii, three hundred and six in number, were killed, by the
+Etruscans. Thus the arrogance which arises from confidence in valor is
+ofttimes ruined by its very boldness, and the boastfulness which comes
+from good fortune runs mad and suffers a complete reverse. (Mai, ib.
+Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+3. For whom (plur.) the Romans grieved, both in private and with
+public demonstrations, to a greater degree than the number of the lost
+would seem to warrant. That number was not small, especially since it
+was composed entirely of patricians, but they further felt, when they
+stopped to consider the reputation and the resolute spirit of these
+men that all their strength had perished. For this reason they
+inscribed among the accursed days that one on which they had been
+destroyed and put under the ban the gates through which they had
+marched out, so that no magistrate might pass through them. And they
+condemned Titus Menenius the prætor,--it was in his year that the
+disaster took place,--when he was later accused before the people of
+not having assisted the unfortunates and of having been subsequently
+defeated in battle. (Valesius, p.578.)
+
+[Frag. XXI]
+
+1. ¶The patricians openly took scarcely any retaliatory measures,
+except in a few cases, where they adjured some one of the gods, but
+secretly slaughtered a number of the boldest spirits. Nine tribunes on
+one occasion were delivered to the flames by the populace. This did
+not, however, restrain the rest: on the contrary, those who in turn
+held the tribuneship after that occurrence were rather filled with
+hope in the matter of their own quarrels than with fear as a result of
+the fate of their predecessors. Hence, so far from being calmed, they
+were even the more emboldened by those very proceedings. For they put
+forward the torture of the former tribunes as a justification of the
+vengeance they would take really in their own behalf; and they got
+great pleasure out of the idea that they might possibly, contrary to
+expectation, survive without harm. The consequence was that some of
+the patricians, being unable to accomplish anything in the other way,
+transferred themselves to the ranks of the populace: they thought its
+humble condition far preferable, considered in the light of their
+desire for the tribunician power, to the weakness of their own
+ornamental titles,--especially so because many held the office a
+second and third and even greater number of times in succession,
+although there was a prohibition against any one's taking the position
+twice. (Mai, p. 152. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+2. ¶ The populace was incited to this course by the patricians
+themselves. For the policy which the latter pursued with an eye to
+their own advantage, that of always having some wars in readiness for
+them, so that the people might be compelled by the dangers from
+without to practice moderation,--this policy, I say, only rendered the
+people bolder. By refusing to go on a campaign unless they obtained
+in each instance the objects of their striving and by contending
+listlessly whenever they did take the field, they accomplished all
+that they desired. Meanwhile, as a matter of fact, not a few of the
+neighboring tribes, relying on the dissension of their foes more than
+on their own power, kept revolting. (Mai, ib. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+[Frag. XXII]
+
+1. ¶The Æqui after capturing Tusculum and conquering Marcus [Footnote:
+Other accounts give his name as _Lucius_ or _Quintus_.] Minucius became
+so proud that, in the case of the Roman ambassadors whom the latter
+people sent to chide them regarding the seizure of the place, they made
+no answer at all to the censure but after designating by the mouth of
+their general, Cloelius Gracchus, a certain oak, bade them speak to it,
+if they desired aught. (Ursinus, p.373. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+2. That the Romans on learning that Minucius with some followers had
+been intercepted in a low-lying, bushy place elected as dictator
+against the enemy Lucius Quintius, in spite of the fact that he was a
+poor man and at the time was engaged in tilling with his own hands the
+little piece of ground which was his sole possession: for in general
+he was the peer in valor of the foremost and was distinguished by his
+wise moderation; though he did let his hair grow in curls, from which
+practice he received the nickname of Cincinnatus. (Valesius, p.578.
+Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (_a.u._ 305)] 2. ¶Affairs of state and camp alike
+were thrown into confusion. For the men under arms in their zealous
+eagerness that no success should attend those who held the power
+voluntarily surrendered both public and private interests. The other
+side, too, took no pleasure in the death of their own members at the
+hands of opponents, but themselves likewise destroyed in some convenient
+manner many of the most active persons who espoused the cause of the
+populace. As a result no small contention arose between them. (Mai,
+p.153. Zonaras, 7, 18.)
+
+3. For they [Footnote: This must mean the "military tribunes with
+consular powers."]reached such a pitch of emulation and next of jealous
+rivalry of one another that they no longer, as the custom had been, all
+held office as one body, but each of them individually in turn; and the
+consequence was by no means beneficial. Since each one of them had in
+view his own profit and not the public weal and was more willing that
+the State should be injured, if it so happened, than that his colleagues
+should obtain credit, many unfortunate occurrences took place. (Mai,
+ib.)
+
+4. ¶Democracy consists not in all winning absolutely the same prizes,
+but in every man's obtaining his deserts. [Footnote: Seemingly an excerpt
+from a speech of one of the optimates, though possibly a remark by Dio
+himself.] (Mai, p.154.)
+
+[Frag. XXIII]
+
+1[lacuna]. to have happened as the law of triumphs enjoins, about which
+Dio Cocceianus writes. And if it seems to you an irksome thing to delve
+into books of ancient writers, at all events I will explain cursorily,
+as best I may, the entertainments pertaining to the triumph. They cause
+the celebrator of the triumph to ascend a car, smear his face with earth
+of Sinope or cinnabar (representing blood) to screen his blushes, fasten
+armlets on his arms, and put a laurel wreath and a branch of laurel in
+his right hand. Upon his head they also place a crown of some kind of
+wood having inscribed upon it his exploits or his experiences. A public
+slave, standing in the back part of the chariot holds up the crown,
+saying in his ear: "See also what comes after." Bells and a whip dangle
+from the pole of the chariot. Next he runs thrice about the place in a
+circle, mounts the stairs on his knees and there lays aside the
+garlands. After that he departs home, accompanied by musicians. (Tzetzes
+Epist. 107, p. 86.)
+
+[Therefore the following words of Zonaras (7, 21) correspond nearly
+with those of Dio, concerning the popular anger against Camillus on
+account of his triumph (according to Plutarch's Camillus, Chap.
+7).--Editor]
+
+The celebration of the triumphal festivities, which they called
+_thriambos_, was of somewhat the following nature. When any great
+success, worthy of a triumph, had been gained, the general was
+immediately saluted as imperator by the soldiers, and he would bind
+twigs of laurel upon the rods and deliver them to the runners to
+carry, who announced the victory to the city. On arriving home he
+would assemble the senate and ask to have the triumph voted him. And
+if he obtained a vote from the senate and from the people, his title
+of imperator was confirmed. If he still held the office in the course
+of which he happened to be victorious, he continued to enjoy it while
+celebrating the festival; but if the term of his office had expired,
+he received some other name connected with it, since it was forbidden
+a private individual to hold a triumph. Arrayed in the triumphal dress
+he took armlets, and with a laurel crown upon his head and holding a
+branch in his right hand he called together the people. After praising
+his comrades of the campaign he presented some both publicly and
+privately with money: he honored them also with decorations, and upon
+some he bestowed armlets and spears without the iron; crowns, too, he
+gave to some of gold and to others of silver, bearing the name of each
+man and the representation of his particular feat. For example, either
+a man had been first to mount a wall and the crown bore the figure of
+a wall, or he had captured some point by storm, and a likeness of that
+particular place had been made. A man might have won a battle at sea
+and the crown had been adorned with ships, or one might have won a
+cavalry fight and some equestrian figure had been represented. He who
+had rescued a citizen from battle or other peril, or from a siege, had
+the greatest praise and would receive a crown fashioned of oak, which
+was esteemed as far more honorable than all, both the silver and the
+gold. And these rewards would be given not only to men singly, as each
+had shown his prowess, but were also bestowed upon cohorts and whole
+armies. Much of the spoils was likewise assigned to the sharers in the
+campaign. Some have been known to extend their distributions even to
+the entire populace and have gone to expense for the festival and
+obtained public appropriations: if anything was left over, they would
+spend it for temples, porticos or for some public work.
+
+After these ceremonies the triumphator ascended his chariot. Now the
+chariot did not resemble one used in games or in war, but had been
+made in the shape of a round tower. And he would not be alone in the
+chariot, but if he had children or relatives he would make the girls
+and the infant male children get up beside him in it and place those
+who were grown upon the horses, outriggers as well as the yoke-pair.
+If these were many, they would accompany the procession on chargers,
+riding along beside the triumphator. None of the rest rode, but all
+went on foot wearing laurel wreaths. A public servant, however, rode
+also upon the chariot itself holding over him the crown made of
+precious stones set in gold and kept saying to him "Look behind!", the
+"behind" meaning naturally "Look ahead at the ensuing years of life,
+and do not be elated or puffed up by your present fortune." Both a
+bell and a whip were fastened to the chariot, signifying that it was
+possible for him to meet misfortune as well, to the extent of being
+disgraced or condemned to death. It was customary for those who had
+been condemned to die for any offence to wear a bell, to the end that
+no one should approach them as they walked along and so be affected
+with pollution.
+
+Thus arrayed they entered the city, having at the head of the
+procession the spoils and trophies and in images the captured forts
+displayed, cities and mountains and rivers, lakes, seas,--everything
+that they had taken. If one day sufficed for the exhibition of these
+things in procession, well and good: otherwise, the celebration was
+held during a second and a third. When these adjuncts had gone on
+their way the triumphator reached the Roman Forum and after commanding
+that some of the captives be led to prison and put to death he rode up
+to the Capitol. There, when he had fulfilled certain rites and had
+brought offerings and had dined in the buildings on the hill, toward
+evening he departed homeward, accompanied by flutes and pipes.
+
+Such were the triumphs in old times. Factions and powerful cliques
+attempted very frequently revolutionary movements on those occasions.
+
+All the matters pertaining to the triumphal, the curule chair the
+letter contains. What need to write again? How after anointing with
+cinnabar or else Sinopian earth the man who held a triumph they put
+him on a chariot and placed upon his head a golden crown bearing
+plainly marked all he had accomplished: in the man's hand they lay a
+laurel sprig; armlets they clasp about his arms: they crown all who
+had gained distinction with crowns made out of silver material
+inscribed with the feats of daring; and how upon the chariot a public
+slave stands behind him holding up the crown and saying in his ear:
+"see also what comes after"--all things important the letter contains.
+(Tzetzes, Hist. 13, 41-54.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 395 (_a.u._ 359)] 2. ¶ The Romans after fighting many
+battles against the Falisci, [Footnote: Perhaps Dio wrote _Fidenates_ or
+_Veientes_ (Livy, IV, 32), and _Falisci_ is due to the copyist,
+although, to be sure, there were wars with the last named (Livy, IV,
+18). Whether the transference of Juno from Veii to Rome (Livy, V, 22) or
+the lectisternia just established about this time (Livy, V, 13)
+constitutes the topic discussed is a matter respecting which scholars
+differ.] and after many sufferings and achievements as well, despised
+their ancestral rites and took up with foreign ones in the idea that the
+latter would suffice them. Human nature is for some reason accustomed in
+trouble to scorn what is usual even though it be divine, and to admire
+the untried. Thinking, as men do, that they are not helped by it at the
+present, they expect no benefit in the future, but from what is strange
+they hope to accomplish whatever they may wish, by means of its novelty.
+(Mai, p. 153.)
+
+3. ¶ The Romans, who were besieging the city of the Falisci would have
+consumed much time encamped before it, had not an incident of the
+following nature occurred. A school teacher of the place who instructed
+a number of children of good family, either under the influence of anger
+or through hope of gain led them all outside the wall, supposedly for
+some different purpose from his real one. They had so great an abundance
+of courage that they followed him even then. And he took them to
+Camillus, saying that in their persons he surrendered to him the whole
+city: for the inhabitants would no longer resist them when those dearest
+to them were held prisoners. However, he [Sidenote: B.C. 393 (_a.u._
+361)] to accomplish aught; for Camillus, filled with a sense of the
+conduct proper for Romans and also of the liability to failure of human
+plans, would not agree to take them by treachery: instead, he bound the
+traitor's hands behind his back and delivered him to the children
+themselves to lead home again.
+
+After this episode the Falisci held out no longer, but in spite of the
+fact that they were securely entrenched and had ample resources to
+continue the war nevertheless came to terms voluntarily. They felt sure
+it would be no ordinary friendship that they would enjoy at the hands of
+one, whom, as an enemy even, they had found so just. (Valesius, p. 578.
+Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)
+
+4. Accordingly Camillus became on this account an object of even
+greater jealousy to the citizens, and he was indicted by the tribunes
+on the charge of not having benefited the public treasury with the
+plunder of the Veii; and before the trial he voluntarily withdrew.
+(Valesius, ib. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)
+
+5. In Dio's 7th Book: "When he had ended his term of office they
+indicted him and imposed a money fine, not bringing him into danger of
+his life." [Footnote: Boissevain believes that this fragment does not
+refer to Camillus, and that the number of the Book is possibly a
+corruption. He would locate it earlier.](Bekker, Anecd. p. 146, 21.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 393 (_a.u._ 361)]6. To such a degree did not only the
+populace nor all those who were somewhat jealous of his reputation
+merely, but his best friends and his relatives, too, feel envy toward
+him that they did not even attempt to hide it. When he asked some of
+them for support in his case, and others to deposit the money for his
+release, they refused to assist him in regard to the vote but simply
+promised, if he were convicted, to estimate the proper money value and
+to help him pay the amount of the fine. This led him to take an oath in
+anger that the city should have need of him; and he went over to the
+Rutuli before accusation was brought against him. [Footnote: Very likely
+the copyist erred here. The sense requires "before sentence was passed
+upon him."] (Mai, p. 154. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)
+
+[Frag. XXIV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 391 (_a.u._ 363)] 1. ¶ The cause of the Gallic
+expedition was this. The Clusini had endured hard treatment in the war
+from the Gauls and fled for refuge to the Romans, having considerable
+hope that they could obtain certainly some little help in that
+quarter, from the fact that they had not taken sides with the people
+of Veii, though of the same race. When the Romans failed to vote them
+aid, but sent ambassadors to the Gauls and negotiated peace for them,
+they came very near accepting it (it was offered them in return for a
+part of the land); however, they attacked the barbarians after the
+conference and took the Roman envoys into battle along with them. The
+Gauls, vexed at seeing them on the opposite side, at first sent men to
+Rome, preferring charges against the envoys. Since, however, no
+punishment was visited upon the latter, but they were all, on the
+contrary, appointed consular tribunes, they were filled with
+wrath--being naturally quick to anger--and, as they held the Clusini
+in contempt, started for Rome. (Ursinus, p.373. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 364 (_a.u._ 390)] 2. ¶ The Romans after withstanding
+the inroads of the Gauls had no time to recover breath, but went
+immediately from their march into battle, just as they were, and lost.
+Panic-stricken by the unexpectedness of the invaders' hostile
+expedition, by their numbers, their physical dimensions, and their
+voices uttering some foreign and terrifying sound they forgot their
+training in military science and after that lost possession of their
+valor. A good comprehension contributes very largely to bravery, because
+when present it confirms the strength of a man's resolution and when
+lacking destroys the same more thoroughly by far, than if such a thing
+had never existed at all. Many persons without experience often carry
+things through by the violence of their spirit, but those who fail of
+the discipline which they have learned lose also their strength of
+purpose. This caused the defeat of the Romans. (Mai, p.154. Cp. Zonaras,
+7, 23.)
+
+3. Coclius Horatius was by race a Roman. He, when on one occasion the
+army of the Romans had been routed, so that there was danger of their
+opponents occupying Rome, alone withstood them all at the wooden
+bridge, while Marcus cut it down behind Minucius. When it had been cut
+down, Coclius too crossed the Tiber, having saved himself and Rome by
+the cutting of the bridge. Yet, as he swam, he might have been struck
+by a spear of the enemy. To him the senate presents lands (as a reward
+for his excellent bravery) as much as he could mark out in a day with
+cattle fastened to a plow. He was called Coclius in the Roman tongue
+because he had lost one of his eyes before he fought. (Tzetzes, Hist.
+3, 818-830. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+[Sidenote: B. C 364 (_a.u._ 390)] 4. ¶ The Romans who were on the
+Capitol under siege had no hope of safety unless from heavenly powers.
+So scrupulously did they observe the mandates of religion, although in
+every extremity of evil, that when it was requisite for one of the
+sacred rites to be performed by the pontifices in another part of the
+city Cæso [Footnote: Very likely the copyist erred here. The sense
+requires "before sentence was passed upon him."] Fabius, who exercised
+the office of priest, descended for the purpose from the Capitol after
+receiving his charge, as he had been accustomed to do, and passing
+through the enemy performed the customary ceremony and returned the same
+day. I am led to admire the barbarians on the one hand because either on
+account of the gods or his bravery they spared him: and far more do I
+feel admiration for the man himself for two reasons, that he dared to
+descend alone among the enemy, and that when he might have withdrawn to
+some place of safety he refused and instead voluntarily returned up the
+Capitol again to a danger that he foresaw: he understood that they
+hesitated to abandon the spot which was the only part of their country
+they still held but saw at the same time that no matter how much they
+desired to escape it was impossible to do so by reason of the multitude
+of the besiegers. (Valesius, p.581.)
+
+5. ¶ Camillus, being urged to let the leadership be entrusted to him,
+would not allow it because he was an exile and could not take the
+position according to time-honored usage. He showed himself so
+law-abiding and exact a man that in so great a danger to his native
+land he made precedent a matter of earnest thought and did not think
+it right to hand down to posterity an example of lawlessness.
+(Valesius, p.582. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)
+
+6. When Rome had been sacked by the Gauls, Brennus being at the head
+of that expedition of theirs, as the Gauls were on the point of
+capturing the Capitol by ascending secretly to the Acropolis at night,
+a great outcry of geese arose in that quarter; and one Marcus Manlius
+roused from sleep saw the enemy creeping up, and by striking some with
+his oblong shield and slaying others with his sword he repulsed them
+all and saved the Romans. For this they gave him the title of
+Capitolinus, and in honor of the geese they have door-keepers as
+guards in the palace in remembrance of their watch at that time, just
+as earlier the Greeks in Athens called Pelargikon Geraneia (Crane-ry)
+from such creatures. (Tzetzes, His. 830-842. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)
+
+[Frag. XXV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 384 (_a.u._ 370)] 1. ¶ The populace passed sentence
+against Capitolinus, his house was razed to the ground, his money
+confiscated, and his name and even likeness, if such anywhere existed,
+were erased and destroyed. At the present day, too, all these
+punishments, except the razing to the ground, are visited upon those who
+conspire against the commonwealth. They gave judgment also that no
+patrician should dwell upon the height because Capitolinus happened to
+have had his house there. And his kinsmen among the Manlii prohibited
+any one of their number from being named Marcus, since that appellation
+had been his.
+
+Capitolinus at any rate underwent a great reversal, both in his
+character and in his fortune. Having made a specialty of warfare he
+did not understand how to remain at peace; the Capitol he had once
+saved he occupied for the purpose of establishing a tyranny; although
+a patrician he became the prey of a house-servant; and whereas he was
+deemed a warrior, he was arrested after the manner of a slave and
+hurled down the very rock from which he had repulsed the Gauls.
+(Valesius, p.582. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)
+
+2. ¶ Capitolinus was thrown headlong down the rock by the Romans. So
+true it is that nothing in the affairs of men,--generally
+speaking,--remains at it was; and success, in particular, leads many
+people on into catastrophes equally serious. It raises their hopes,
+makes them continually strive after like or greater results and, if
+they fail, casts them into just the opposite condition. (Mai, p. 155.
+Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)
+
+3. This Marcus Manlius, who was once termed also Capitolinus, and fell
+through seeking the tyranny, when about to be put to death by vote of
+all the jurors was saved by their looking just then at the Capitol,
+where he himself had performed famous deeds of valor,--until the one
+who spoke against him, perceiving the cause, transferred the assembly
+to another court-house from which the Capitol could not be seen at all
+and so a remembrance spring up of his trophies. Then they kill him.
+But on the other hand, even so, through the whole period the populace
+of Rome wore black, recompensing the graces of his valor and the
+inimitable manner of his distinguished behavior. (Tzetzes, Hist. 3,
+843-855. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)
+
+[Frag. XXVI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 381 (_a.u._ 373)] 1. ¶ Camillus made a campaign against
+the Tusculans, but thanks to the astonishing attitude that they adopted
+they suffered no harm. For just as if they themselves were guilty of no
+offence and the Romans entertained no anger toward them, but were either
+coming to them as friends to friends or else marching through their
+territory against some other tribes, they changed none of their
+accustomed habits and were not in the least disturbed: instead, all
+without exception remaining in their places, at their occupations and at
+their other work just as in time of peace, received the army within
+their borders, gave them hospitable gifts, and in other ways honored
+them like friends. Consequently the Romans so far from doing them harm
+enrolled them subsequently among the citizens. (Valesius, p.582.)
+
+[Frag. XXVII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 376 (_a.u._ 378)] 2. In Dio's 7th Book: "Tusculans did
+not raise their hands against him." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 123, 32.)
+
+1. ¶ The wife of Rufus, while he was military tribune and engaged in
+public service in the Forum was visited by her sister.[Footnote: Livy
+and Valerius Maximus give his name as _Gaius_.] When the husband arrived
+and the lichtor, according to some ancient custom, knocked at the door,
+the visitor was alarmed at this having never previously had any such
+experience and was startled. She was consequently the subject of hearty
+laughter on the part of her sister and the rest alike and she was made a
+butt for jests as one not at home in an official atmosphere because her
+husband had never proved his capacity in any position of authority. She
+took it terribly to heart, as women, from their littleness of soul,
+usually do, and would not give up her resentment until she had thrown
+all the city in an uproar. Thus small accidental events become, in some
+cases, the cause of many great evils, when a person receives them with
+jealousy and envy. (Mai, p.155. Zonaras, 7, 24)
+
+2. ¶ In the midst of evils expectation of rescue has power to persuade
+one to trust even in what is beyond reason. (Mai, p.156.)
+
+3. For by their disputes they kept constantly enfeebling in one way or
+another the good order of their government; consequently, all these
+objects so to speak for which they were formerly accustomed to wage
+the greatest wars they gained in time--not without factional quarrels,
+to be sure, but still with small difficulty. (Mai, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 368 (_a.u._ 386)] 4. ¶ Publius,[Footnote: The gap
+existing from the word "Forum" to the end of the sentence is supplied by
+Bekker's conjecture.] when the citizens of Rome were quarreling with one
+another, nearly reconciled them. For he chose as master of the horse
+Licinius Stolo, who was merely one of the populace.[Footnote: This is
+Publius Manlius, the dictator (Livy, VI, 39).] This innovation grieved
+the patricians, but conciliated the rest so much that they no longer
+laid claim to the consulship for the following year, but allowed the
+consular tribunes to be chosen. As a result of this they in turn yielded
+some points one to the other, and perhaps would have made peace with
+each other had not Stolo the tribune made such utterance as that they
+should not drink unless they could eat and so persuaded them to
+relinquish nothing, but to perform as inevitable duties all that they
+had taken in hand. (Valesius, p.585.)
+
+[Frag. XXVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 362 (_a.u._ 392)] 1. Dio Cassius Cocceianus, the
+compiler of Roman history, states that as a result of the wrath of
+Heaven a fissure opened in the ground round about Rome and would not
+close. An oracular utterance having been obtained to the effect that the
+fissure would close if they should throw into it the mightiest
+possession of the Romans, one Curtius, a knight of noble birth, when no
+one else was able to understand the oracle, himself interpreted it to
+mean a horse and man together. Straightway he mounted his horse and,
+just as he was, dashed heroically forward and passed down into that
+frightful pit. No sooner had he rushed down the incline than the fissure
+closed; and the rest of the Romans from above scattered flowers. From
+this event the name of Curtius was applied also to a cellar. (Io.
+Tzetzes, Scholia for the Interpretation of Homer's Iliad, p. 136, 17,
+Cp. Zonaras, 7, 25.)
+
+2. There is no mortal creature either better or stronger than man. Do
+you not see that all the rest go downwards and look forever toward the
+earth and accomplish nothing save what is closely connected with
+eating and the propagation of their species? So they have been
+condemned to these pursuits even by Nature herself. We alone gaze
+upwards and associate with heaven itself and despise those things that
+are on the earth, while we dwell with the gods themselves, believing
+them to be similar to us inasmuch as we are both their offspring and
+creations, not earthly but heavenly: for which reason we paint and
+fashion those very beings according to our forms. For, if one may
+speak somewhat boldly, man is naught else than a god with mortal body,
+and a god naught else than a man without body and consequently
+immortal. That is why we surpass all other creatures. And there is
+nothing afoot which we do not enslave, overtaking it by speed or
+subduing it by force or catching it by some artifice, nor yet aught
+that lives in the water or travels the air: nay, even of these two
+classes, we pull the former up from the depths without seeing them and
+drag the latter down from the sky without reaching them. (Mai, p. 532.
+Zonaras, 7, 25.)
+
+[Frag. XXIX]
+
+¶ Dio says: "Wherefore, although not accustomed to indulgence in
+digressions, I have taken pains to make mention of it and have stated in
+addition the Olympiad, in order that when most men forget the date of
+the migration,[Footnote: This last clause is a conjecture by Reimar.] it
+may, from the precaution mentioned, become less doubtful." (Mai, p.
+156.)
+
+[Frag. XXX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 353 (_a.u._ 401)] ¶ The Agyllæans, when they ascertained
+that the Romans wished to make war on them, despatched ambassadors to
+Rome before any vote was taken, and obtained peace on surrender of half
+their territory. (Ursinus, p. 374.)
+
+[Frag. XXXI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 349 (_a.u._ 405)] Marcus Corvinus received the name of
+Corvinus because when once engaged with a barbarian in single combat, he
+had a savage crow as his ally in the battle, that flew at the eyes of
+the barbarian until this Marcus killed him at that time. (Tzetzes, Hist.
+3, 862-866. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 25.)
+
+[Frag. XXXII]
+
+1. These proposals and a few others of similar nature they put forward
+not because they expected to carry any of them into effect,--for they,
+if anybody, understood the purposes of the Romans,--but in order that
+failing to obtain their requests they might secure an excuse for
+complaints, on the ground that wrong had been done them. (Mai, p.
+156.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 2. Dio in Book 7: "And for this
+reason I shall execute you, in order that even as you obtain the prize
+for your prowess, so you may receive the penalty for your disobedience."
+[Footnote: The migration of Alexander(?). See Livy, VIII, 3, 6.]
+(Bekker, Anecd. p. 133, 19. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+3. The statement is made by Douris, Diodorus and Dio that when the
+Samnites, Etruscans and other nations were warring against the Romans,
+Decius, a Roman consul and associated with Torquatus in command of the
+troops, gave himself to be slain, and of the opposite side there were
+slaughtered a hundred thousand that very day.[Footnote: Words of
+Torquatus to his son.] (Io. Tzetzes, on Lycophr. 1378. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 4. ¶Dio says: "I am surprised that
+his (Decius's) death should have set the battle right again, should have
+defeated the side that was winning and have given victory to the men who
+were getting worsted: I can not even comprehend what brought about the
+result. When I reflect what some have accomplished,--for we know that
+many such chances have befallen many persons before,--I can not
+disbelieve the tradition: but when I come to calculate the causes of it,
+I fall into a great dilemma. How can you believe that from such a
+sacrifice of one man so great a multitude of human beings were brought
+over at once to safety and to victory? Well, the truth of the matter and
+the causes that are responsible shall be left to others to investigate."
+(Mai, p.157. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+5. It was evident to every one that they had considered the outcome of
+the event [Footnote: At the battle of Sentinum (295 B.C.).] and had
+ranged themselves on the victorious side. Torquatus did not, however,
+question them about it for fear they might revolt, since the affair of
+the Latins was still a sore point with them. He was not harsh in every
+case nor in most matters the sort of man he had shown himself toward his
+son: on the contrary, he was admitted to be good at planning and good in
+warfare, so that it was said by the citizens and by their adversaries
+alike that he held success in war subservient to him, and that if he had
+been leader of the Latins, he would certainly have made them conquer.
+(Mai, p.157, and Valesius, p.585.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 6. ¶The Romans, although vexed at
+Torquatus on account of his son to such an extent that deeds remarkable
+for their cold-blooded indifference [Footnote: The phrase after "deeds"
+is supplied from the general sense. The MS. shows a superlative ending
+of adjective form, but the root portion of the word is lost.] are called
+"Manliana," after him, and angry furthermore that he had celebrated the
+triumph in spite of the death of that youth, in spite of the death of
+his colleague, nevertheless when another war threatened them elected him
+again to a fourth consulship. He, however, refused to hold their chief
+office longer, and renounced it, declaring: "I could not endure you nor
+you me." (Mai, p.157. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 338 (_a.u._ 416)]  7. ¶The Romans by way of bringing the
+Latins in turn to a condition of friendliness, granted them
+citizenship so that they secured equal privileges with themselves.
+Those rights which they would not share with that people when it
+threatened war and for which they underwent so many dangers, they
+voluntarily voted to it now that they conquered. Thus they requited
+some for their allegiance and others because they had taken no steps
+of a revolutionary character. (Mai, p.158.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 328 (_a.u._ 426)] 8. ¶With reference to the inhabitants
+of Privernum the Romans made no enquiry, asking them what they deserved
+to suffer for such conduct. The others answered boldly: "Whatever is
+suitable for men who are free and desire so to continue." To the next
+question of the consul: "And what will you do if you obtain peace?" they
+replied: "If we are granted it on [Sidenote: B.C. 426 (_a.u._ 426)]
+fairly moderate terms, we will cease from disturbance, but if
+unendurable burdens are placed upon us, we will fight." Admiring their
+spirit they not only made a much more favorable truce with them than
+with the rest [lacuna] (Mai, p.158.)
+
+[Frag. XXXIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] 1. [From the address of the father
+of Rullus.] Be well assured that penalties most unfitting in such cases,
+while they destroy the culprits under sentence, who might have been made
+better, are of no avail in correcting the rest. Human nature refuses to
+leave its regular course for any threats. Some pressing fear or violence
+of audacity together with courage born of inexperience and rashness
+sprung from opportunity, or some other combination of circumstances such
+as often occurs unexpectedly in the careers of many persons leads men to
+do wrong. And these men are of two classes,--such as do not even think
+of the punishments but heedless of them rush into the business before
+them, and such as esteem them of no moment in comparison with the
+attainment of the ends for which they are striving.
+
+Consistent humanity, however, can produce an effect quite the opposite
+of that just now mentioned. Through the influence of a seasonable pardon
+the criminals frequently change their ways, especially when they have
+acted from brave and not from wicked motives, from ambition and not from
+baseness. For it should be noted that a reasonable humanity is a mighty
+force for subduing and correcting a noble soul. As for the rest, they
+are, without resistance, brought [Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] into
+a proper frame of mind by the sight of the rescue. Every one would
+rather obey than be forced, and prefers voluntary to compulsory
+observance of the law. He who submits to a measure works for it as if it
+were his own invention, but what is imposed upon him he rejects as
+unfitting for a freeman. Furthermore it is the part of the highest
+virtue and power alike not to kill a man,--this is often done by the
+wickedest and weakest men,--but to spare him and to preserve him; yet no
+one of us is at liberty to do that without your consent.
+
+It is my wish at length to cease from speaking. What little spirit I
+have is weary, my voice is giving way, tears check my utterance and fear
+closes my mouth. But I am at a loss how to close. For my suffering,
+appearing to me in no doubtful light, does not allow me (unless you
+decide otherwise) [Footnote: A clause that in the MS. has faded out is
+represented here by Boissevian's conjecture.] to be silent, but compels
+me, as if the safety of my child were going to be in accord with
+whatever I say last, to speak even further as it were in prayers. (Mai,
+p.159.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] 2. The name and form of the office with
+which he was invested he shrank from changing, and when he was intending
+to spare Rullus,--for he observed the zeal of the populace,--he wished
+to resist him somewhat before granting the favor and to alter the
+attitude of the young men, so as to have his pardon come unexpectedly.
+Therefore he contracted his face, and darting a harsh frowning look at
+the populace, he raised his voice and spoke. The talking ceased, but
+still they were not quiet: instead, as generally happens in such a case,
+what with groaning over his fate and whispering one to another, in spite
+of their not uttering a single word they gave the impression that they
+desired the rescue of the cavalry commander. Papirius seeing this, in
+fear of their possibly taking hostile action, relaxed the extremely
+domineering manner which he had assumed (for purposes of their
+correction) in an unusual degree, and by showing moderation in the rest
+of his actions brought them once more to friendship and enthusiasm for
+him, so that they proved themselves men when they met their opponents.
+(Mai, p.160. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+3. ¶The Samnites after their defeat at the hands of the Romans, made
+proposals for truce to the Romans in the city. They sent them all the
+Roman captives that they held, together with the property of a man named
+Papius, [Footnote: _Papius Brutulus_.] who was esteemed among the
+foremost of his race and bore the entire responsibility for the war; his
+bones, since he anticipated them in committing suicide, they scattered
+abroad. Yet they did not obtain their peace; for they were regarded as
+untrustworthy and had the name of making truces according to events
+merely for the purpose of cheating any power that conquered them: hence
+they not only failed to obtain terms, but even brought a relentless war
+upon themselves. The Romans while accepting their prisoners voted to
+make war upon them without announcement. (Ursinus, p.374. Zonaras, 7,
+26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 321. (_a.u._ 433)] 4. Among the many events of human
+history that might give one cause for wonder must certainly be reckoned
+what occurred at this time. The Romans, who were so extremely arrogant
+as to vote that they would not again receive a herald from the Samnites
+in the matter of peace and hoped moreover to capture them all at the
+first blow, succumbed to a terrible disaster and incurred disgrace as
+never before; the others, who to begin with were badly frightened and
+thought the refusal to make peace a great calamity, seized their camp
+and entire force, and sent them all under the yoke. So great a reverse
+of fortune did they suffer. (Mai, p.161. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+5. Benefits lie rather within the actual choice of men and are not
+brought about by necessity, or by ignorance, or anger, or deceit, or
+anything of the sort, but are performed voluntarily by a willing and
+eager condition of spirit. And for this reason it is proper to pity,
+admonish, instruct those who commit any error and to admire, love,
+reward those who do right. Whenever men act in both of these two ways,
+it is decidedly more befitting our characters to remember their better
+than their less correct deeds. [Footnote: Sections 5, 6, and 7 appear to
+come from various speeches delivered at the Caudine Forks; section 8,
+however, is from the speech of Herennius Pontius.] (Mai, p.535.)
+
+6. ¶Quarrels are checked by kindness. The greater the pitch of enmity to
+which a man has come when he unexpectedly obtains safety instead of
+severity, the more readily does he hasten voluntarily to abandon the
+quarrel and to acknowledge gladly the influence of kindness. B.C. 321
+(_a.u._ 433) As in a random host of persons at variance from divers
+causes those who have passed from friendship to enmity hate each other
+with the more intense hatred, so in a random host of persons kindly
+treated do those who receive this considerate treatment after a state of
+strife love their benefactors the more. Romans, accordingly, are very
+anxious to surpass in war and at the same time they honor virtue; for
+this reason, compelled in both regards by their nobility of spirit, they
+verily earn the right to surpass, since they take pains to recompense
+fair treatment fairly, and even beyond its value. (Mai, p.161.)
+
+7. For it is right to pride one's self upon requiting those who have
+done some wrong, but to feel more highly elated over recompensing such
+as have conferred some benefit. (Mai, p.536.)
+
+8. ¶All men are by nature so constituted as to grieve more over any
+insults offered them than they rejoice over benefits conferred upon
+them: therefore they show hostility to persons who have injured them
+with less effort than they require for aiding in return persons who have
+shown them kindness; hence also they make no account, when their own
+advantage is concerned, of the ill reputation they will gain by not
+taking a friendly attitude toward their preserver, but indulge a spirit
+of wrath even when such behavior runs counter to their own interest.
+
+Such was the advice he gave them out of his own inherent good sense
+and experience acquired in a long life, not looking to the
+gratification of the moment but to the possible regret of the future.
+(Mai, p.162.)
+
+9. ¶The people of Capua, when the Romans after [Sidenote: B.C. 321
+(_a.u._ 433)] their defeat arrived in that city, were guilty of no
+bitter speech or outrageous act, but on the contrary gave them both food
+and horses and received them like victors. They pitied in their
+misfortune the men whom they would have not wished to see conquer on
+account of the treatment those same persons had formerly accorded them.
+When the Romans heard of the event they were altogether possessed by
+doubt whether to be pleased at the survival of their soldiers or whether
+to continue displeased. When they thought of the depth of the disgrace
+their grief was extreme; for they deemed it unworthy of them to have met
+with defeat, and especially at the hands of the Samnites, so that they
+could wish that all had perished; when they stopped to reflect, however,
+that if such a calamity had befallen them all the rest as well would
+have incurred danger, they were not sorry to hear that the men had been
+saved. (Mai, p.162. Zonaras, 7, 26.) 10. ¶It is requisite and blameless
+for all men to plan for their own safety, and if they get into any
+danger to do anything whatsoever so as to be preserved. (Mai, p.163.)
+
+11. ¶Pardon is granted both by gods and by men to such as have committed
+any act involuntarily. (Ib. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+12. Dio in Book 8: "I both take to myself the crime and admit the
+perjury." (Bekker, Anecd. p.165, 13.)
+
+13. Dio in Book 8: "For in all such matters he was quite all-sufficient
+to himself." [Footnote: This is thought to refer to L. Papirius Cursor or
+possibly to Q. Fabius Maximus. Cp. Livy, X, 26.] (Ib. p.124, 1.)
+
+14.[Sidenote: B.C. 321 (_a.u._ 433)] ¶The Samnites, seeing that neither
+were the oaths observed by them nor gratitude for favors manifested in
+any other way, and that few instead of many were surrendered, thus
+making void the oaths, became terribly angry and loudly called upon the
+gods in respect to some of these matters: moreover, they brought the
+pledges to their attention, demanded the captives, and ordered them to
+pass naked under the same yoke where through pity they had been
+released, in order that by experience they might learn to abide by terms
+which had been once agreed upon. The men that had been surrendered they
+dismissed, either because they did not think it right to destroy
+guiltless persons or because they wished to fasten the perjury upon the
+populace and not through the punishment of a few men to absolve the
+rest. This they did, hoping as a result to secure decent treatment.
+(Mai, p.163. Zonaras, 7, 26.) 15. ¶The Romans so far from being grateful
+to the Samnites for the preservation of the surrendered soldiers,
+actually behaved as if they had in this suffered some outrage. They
+showed anger in their conduct of the war, and, being victorious, treated
+the Samnites in the same way. For the justice of the battle-field does
+not fit the ordinary definition of the word, and it is not inevitable
+that the party which has been wronged should conquer: instead, war, in
+its absolute sway, adjusts everything to the advantage of the victor,
+often causing something that is the reverse of justice to go under that
+name. (Mai, p.163. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+16.[Sidenote: B.C. 321 (_a.u._ 433)] ¶The Romans after vanquishing the
+Samnites sent the captives in their turn under the yoke, regarding as
+satisfactory to their honor a repayment of similar disgrace. So did
+Fortune for both parties in the briefest time reverse her position and
+by treating the Samnites to the same humiliation at the hands of their
+outraged foes show clearly that here, too, she was all-supreme. (Mai, p.
+164. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 319 (_a.u._ 435)] 17. ¶ Papirius made a campaign against
+the Samnites and having reduced them to a state of siege entrenched
+himself before them. At this time some one reproached him with excessive
+use of wine, whereupon he replied: "That I am not intoxicated is clear
+to every one from the fact that I am up at the peep of dawn and lie down
+to rest latest of all. But on account of having public affairs on my
+mind day and night alike, and not being able to obtain sleep easily, I
+take a little wine to lull me to rest." (Mai, ib.)
+
+18. ¶ The same man one day while making the rounds of the garrison
+became angry on not finding the general from Præneste at his post. He
+summoned him and bade him hand the axe to the lictor. Alarm and
+consternation at this was evident on the part of the general, and his
+fear sufficed. Papirius harmed him no further but merely gave orders to
+the lictor to cut off some roots growing beside the tents, so that they
+should not injure passers-by. (Mai, ib.)
+
+19. ¶ In numerous cases instances of good fortune are not at all
+constant, but lead many aside into paths of carelessness and ruin
+them.[Footnote: Cp. Livy, IX, 18, 8.] (Mai, p. 165.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 310 (_a.u._ 444)] 20. ¶ The men of the city put forward
+Papirius as dictator, and fearing that Rullus might be unwilling to name
+him on account of his own experiences while master of the horse, they
+sent for him and begged him to put the common weal before a private
+grudge. And he gave the envoys, indeed, no response, but when night had
+come (according to ancient custom it was quite necessary that the
+dictator be appointed at night), he named Papirius and secured by this
+act the greatest renown.(Valesius, p. 585.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 296 (_a.u._)] 21. ¶ Appius the Blind and Volumnius
+became at variance each with the other: and it was owing to this that
+Volumnius once, when Appius charged him in the assembly with showing no
+gratitude for the progress he had made in wisdom through Appius's
+instruction, answered that he had indeed grown wiser and was likewise
+ready to admit it, but that Appius had not advanced at all in matters
+pertaining to war. (Mai, p. 165.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 296 (_a.u._ 458)] 22. ¶ As regards the prophecy the
+multitude was not capable for the time being of either believing or
+disbelieving him.[Footnote: I.e., Manius, an Etruscan.] It neither
+wished to hope for everything, inasmuch as it did not desire to see
+everything fulfilled, nor did it dare to refuse belief in all points
+inasmuch as it wished to be victorious, but was placed in an extremely
+painful position, as it were between confusion and fear. As each single
+event occurred they applied the interpretation to it according to the
+actual result, and the man himself undertook to assume some reputation
+for skill with regard to the foreknowledge of the unseen. (Mai, p. 165.
+Cp. Zonaras, 8, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 293 (_a.u._ 461)] 23. ¶ The Samnites, enraged at what
+occurred and deeming it highly disgraceful to be defeated, resorted to
+extreme daring and folly with the intention of either conquering or
+being utterly destroyed. They assembled all their men that were of
+military age, threatening with death all that should remain at home, and
+they bound themselves with frightful oaths to the effect that no man
+should flee from the contest but should slaughter any person that might
+undertake to do so. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 292 (_a.u._ 462)] 24. ¶ The Romans on hearing that their
+consul Fabius had been worsted in the war became terribly angry and
+summoned him to stand trial. A vehement denunciation of the man was
+made before the people,--and, indeed, he was depressed by the injury to
+his father's reputation even more than by the complaints,--and no
+opportunity was afforded the object of the attack for reply. Nor did the
+elder man make a set defence of his son, but by enumerating his own
+services and those of his ancestors, and by promising furthermore that
+his son would do nothing unworthy of them, he abated the people's wrath,
+especially since he urged his son's youth. Moreover, he joined him at
+once in the campaign, overthrew the Samnites in battle, though they were
+elated by their victory, and captured their camp and great booty. The
+Romans therefore extolled him and ordered that his son also should
+command for the future with consular powers, and still employ his father
+as lieutenant. The latter managed and arranged everything for him,
+sparing his old age not a whit, and the allied forces readily assisted
+the father in remembrance of his old-time deeds. He made it clear,
+however, that he was not executing the business on his own
+responsibility, but he associated with his son as if actually in the
+capacity of counselor and under-officer, while he moderated his
+temperament and assigned to him the glory of the exploits. (Valesius, p.
+585. Zonaras, 8, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 291 (_a.u._ 463)] 25. ¶ The soldiers with Junius who took
+the field along with Postumius fell sick on the way, and thought that
+their trouble was due to the felling of the grove. He was recalled for
+these reasons, but showed contempt for them even at this juncture,
+declaring that the senate was not his master but that he was master of
+the senate [lacuna] Envio [lacuna] and the [lacuna] men much [lacuna]
+ambition [lacuna] [Words of Postumius Megillus: Cp. Dionys. Hal. Ant.
+Rom. 16, [Footnote: The famous Apollonius of Tyana.]. (Mai, p. 167.)
+
+[Frag. XXXIV]
+
+¶ Gaius Fabricius in most respects was like Rufinus, but in
+incorruptibility far superior. He was very firm against bribes, and on
+that account did not please Rufinus, but was always at variance with
+him. Yet the latter chose Fabricius, thinking that he was a most proper
+person to meet the requirements of the war, and making his personal
+enmity of little account in comparison with the advantage of the
+commonwealth.
+
+[Frag. XXXIV]
+
+As a result he gained some reputation for having shown himself above
+jealousy, which springs up in the hearts of many of the best men by
+reason of emulation. Since he was a thorough patriot and did not
+practice virtue for a show he thought it a matter of indifference
+whether the State were benefited by him or through some other man, even
+if that man should be an opponent. (Valesius, p.586.)
+
+[Frag. XXXV]
+
+¶Cornelius Fabricius, when asked why he had entrusted the business to
+his foe, [lacuna][Footnote: See Niebuhr, Rh. Mus., 1828, p.600, or
+_Kleine Schriften_, 2, p.241.] the general excellence of Rufius and
+added that to be spoiled by the citizen is preferable to being bought
+and sold by the enemy. [This anecdote concerns Fabricius Luscinus,
+mentioned by Cicero, de orat. 2, 66, 268; Quintilian 12, 1, 43; Gellius
+4, 48.]
+
+[Frag. XXXVI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 290 (_a.u._ 464)] ¶Curius, in defence of his conduct in
+the popular assembly, said that he had acquired so much land [lacuna]
+and had hunted for so many men [lacuna] country [lacuna] [The person
+referred to is Manius Curius Dentatus. Cp. Auct. de Viris. Illustr., c.
+33.
+
+¶After Niebuhr, Rh. Mus. 1828, p.579.]
+
+[Frag. XXXVII]
+
+¶When the tribunes moved an annulment of debts, the law was often
+proposed without avail, since the lenders were by no means willing to
+accept it and the tribunes granted the nobles the choice of either
+putting this law to the vote or following that of Stolo, by which they
+were to reckon the previous interest toward the principal and receive
+the remainder in triennial payments. [Footnote: The opening portion of
+this fragment is based largely on conjectures of Niebuhr (Rhein. Mus.,
+1828, p.579ff.)] And for the time being the weaker party, dreading lest
+it might lose all, paid court to them, and the wealthier class,
+encouraged to think it would not be compelled to adopt either course,
+maintained a hostile attitude. But when the revolted [Footnote: A
+doubtful reading.] party proceeded to press matters somewhat, both sides
+changed their positions. The debtors were no longer satisfied with
+either plan, and the nobles thought themselves lucky if they should not
+be deprived of their principal. Hence the dispute was not decided
+immediately, but subsequently they prolonged their rivalry in a spirit
+of contentiousness, and did not act at all in their usual character.
+Finally the people made peace in spite of the fact that the nobles were
+unwilling to remit much more than they had originally expected; however,
+the more they beheld their creditors yielding, the more were they
+emboldened, as if they were successful by a kind of right; and
+consequently they regarded the various concessions almost as matters of
+course and strove for yet more, using as a stepping-stone to that end
+the fact that they had already obtained something. (Mai, p.167. Zonaras,
+8,2.)
+
+[Frag. XXXVIII]
+
+¶When the opposite side [Footnote: The Tuscans, Senones, and Gauls
+appear to be meant.] saw also another general approaching, they ceased
+to heed the common interests of their force but each cast about to
+secure his individual safety, as a common practice of those who form a
+union uncemented by kindred blood, or who make a campaign without common
+grievances, or who have not one commander. While good fortune attends
+them their views are harmonious, but in disaster each one sees before
+him only matters of individual concern. They betook themselves to flight
+as soon as it had grown dark, without having communicated to one another
+their intention. In a body they thought it would be impossible for them
+to force their way out or for their defection to pass unnoticed, but if
+they should leave each on his own account and, as they believed, alone,
+they would more easily escape. And so, to his own party,--each one of
+them [lacuna] they will think that accomplishing their flight with the
+greatest security [lacuna] (Mai, p.167.)
+
+[Frag. XXXIX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 283 (_a.u._ 471)] 1. The Romans had learned that the
+Tarentini and some others were making ready to war against them, and had
+despatched Fabricius as an envoy to the allied cities to prevent them
+from committing any revolutionary act: but they had him arrested, and by
+sending men to the Etruscans and Umbrians and Gauls they caused a number
+of them also to secede, some immediately and some a little later.
+(Ursinus, p.375. Zonaras, 8, 2-Vol. II, p.174, 4 sq.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 283 (_a.u._ 471)] 2. ¶The Tarentini, although they had
+themselves initiated the war, nevertheless were sheltered from fear. For
+the Romans, who understood what they were doing, pretended not to know
+it on account of temporary embarrassments. Hereupon the Tarentini,
+thinking that they either could mock [Footnote: Verb adopted from
+Boissevain's conjecture [Greek: _diasilloun_] (cp. the same word in Book
+Fifty-nine, chapter 25). at Rome or were entirely unobserved because
+they were receiving no complaints behaved still more insolently and
+involved the Romans even contrary to their own wishes in a war. This
+proved the saying that even good fortune, when a disproportionately
+large portion of it falls to the lot of any individuals, becomes the
+cause of disaster to them; it entices them on to a state of frenzy
+(since moderation refuses to cohabit with vanity) and ruins their
+greatest interests. So these Tarentini, too, after rising to an
+unexampled height of prosperity in turn met with a misfortune that was
+an equivalent return for their wantonness. (Mai, p.168 and 536.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 282 (_a.u._ 472)] 3. Dio in Book 9: "Lucius Valerius,
+[Footnote: Appian (Samnite Wars, VII, 1) gives the second name as
+Cornelius.] who was admiral of the Romans and had been despatched on
+some errand by them." (Bekker, Anecd. p.158, 25. Zonaras, 8, 2.)
+
+4. ¶Lucius was despatched by the Romans to Tarentum. Now the Tarentini
+were celebrating the Dionysia, and sitting gorged with wine in the
+theatre of an afternoon suspected that he was sailing against them as an
+enemy. Immediately in a passion and partly under the influence of their
+intoxication they set sail in turn: so without any show of force on his
+part or the slightest expectation of any hostile act they attacked and
+sent to the bottom both him and many others. When the Romans heard of
+this they naturally were angry, but did not choose to take the field
+against Tarentum at once. However, they despatched envoys in order not
+to seem to have passed over the affair in silence and by that means
+render them more impudent. But the Tarentini, so far from receiving them
+decently or even sending them back with an answer in any way suitable,
+at once, before so much as granting them an audience, made sport of
+their dress and general appearance. It was the city garb, which we use
+in the Forum; and this the envoys had put on, either for the sake of
+stateliness or else through fear, thinking that this at least would
+cause the foreigners to respect their position. Bands of revelers
+accordingly jeered at them,--they were still celebrating the festival,
+which, although they were at no time noted for temperate behavior,
+rendered them still more wanton,--and finally a man planted himself in
+the road of Postumius and, with a forward inclination, threw him down
+and soiled his clothing. At this an uproar arose from all the rest, who
+praised the fellow as if he had performed some remarkable deed, and they
+sang many scurrilous anapæsts upon the Romans, accompanied by applause
+and capering steps. But Postumius cried: "Laugh, laugh while you may!
+For long will be the period of your weeping, when you shall wash this
+garment clean with your blood." (Ursinus, p.375. Mai, 168. Zonaras, 8,
+2.)
+
+5. Hearing this they ceased their jests but could accomplish nothing
+towards obtaining pardon for their insult: however, they took to
+themselves credit for a kindness in the fact that they let the
+ambassadors withdraw unharmed. (Mai, ib.)
+
+6. ¶Meton, failing to persuade the Tarentini not to engage in
+hostilities with the Romans, retired unobserved from the assembly, put
+garlands on his head, and returned along with some fellow-revelers and a
+flute girl. At the sight of him singing and dancing the kordax, they
+gave up the business in hand to accompany his movements with shouts and
+hand-clapping, as is often done under such circumstances. But he, after
+reducing them to silence, spoke: "Now it is yours both to be drunken and
+to revel, but if you accomplish what you plan to do, we shall be
+slaves." (Mai, p.169.)
+
+[Frag. XL]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 281 (_a.u._ 473)] ¶King Pyrrhus was not only king of the
+district called Epirus, but had made the larger part of the Greek world
+his own, partly by kindness and partly by fear. The Ætolians, who at
+that period possessed great power, and Philip [Footnote: The son of
+Cassander, who ruled only four months in B. C. 296.] the Macedonian, and
+the chief men in Illyricum did his bidding. By natural brilliancy and
+force of education and experience in affairs he far surpassed all, so as
+to be esteemed far beyond what was warranted by his own powers and those
+of his allies, although these powers were great. (Valesius, p.589.
+Zonaras, 8, 2.)
+
+2. ¶Pyrrhus, the king of Epirus, had a particularly high opinion of his
+powers in that he was deemed by foreign nations a match for the Romans:
+and he believed that it would be opportune to assist the fugitives who
+had taken refuge with him, especially as they were Greeks, and at the
+same time to anticipate the Romans with some plausible excuse before he
+received any damage at their hands. So careful was he about a fair
+pretext that though he had long had his eye on Sicily and had been
+considering how he could overthrow the Roman dominion, he shrank from
+taking the initiative in hostilities, when no wrong had been done him.
+(Mai, p.169. Zonaras, 8, 2.)
+
+3. ¶King Pyrrhus was said to have captured more cities by Cineas than by
+his own spear. For the latter, says Plutarch, [Footnote: Cp. Plutarch,
+Life of Pyrrhus, chapter 14.] was skilled in speaking,--the only one in
+fact to be compared in skill with Demosthenes. Notwithstanding, as a
+sensible man, he spoke in opposition to Pyrrhus, pointing out to him the
+folly of the expedition. For the king intended by his prowess to rule
+the whole earth, whereas Cineas urged him to be satisfied with his own
+possessions, which were sufficient for enjoyment. But the man's fondness
+for war and fondness for leadership prevailed against the advice of
+Cineas and caused him to depart in disgrace from both Sicily and Italy,
+after losing in all of the battles many myriads of his own forces.
+(Valesius, p.586.)
+
+4. ¶Pyrrhus sent to Dodona and enquired of the oracle about the
+expedition. And a response having come to him: "You, if you cross into
+Italy, Romans shall conquer," he construed it according to his wish (for
+desire has mighty power to deceive any one) and would not even await the
+coming of spring. (Mai, p.169.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 280 (_a.u._ 474)] 5. ¶The Rhegians had asked of the
+Romans a garrison, and Decius [Footnote: _Decius Vibellius_.] was the
+leader of it. The majority of these guards, accordingly, as a result of
+the excess of supplies and general easy habits,--for they enjoyed a far
+less strenuous existence than they had known at home,--through the
+persuasion of Decius formed the desire to kill the foremost Rhegians and
+occupy the city. It seemed as though they might be quite free to perform
+whatever they pleased, unconcerned about the Romans, who were busied
+with the Tarentini and with Pyrrhus. Decius was further enabled to
+persuade them by the fact that they saw Messana in the power of the
+Mamertines. The latter, who were Campanians and had been appointed to
+garrison it by Agathocles, the lord of Sicily, had slaughtered the
+natives and occupied the town.
+
+The conspirators did not, however, make their attempt openly, since they
+were decidedly inferior in numbers. Letters were forged by Decius,
+purporting to have been written to Pyrrhus by some citizens with a view
+to the betrayal of the city. He next assembled the soldiers and read
+these to them, stating that they had been intercepted, and by his talk
+(the character of which may easily be conceived) excited them greatly.
+The effect was enhanced by the sudden announcement of a man (who had
+been assigned to the role) that a portion of Pyrrhus's fleet had
+anchored somewhere off the coast, having come for a conference with the
+traitors. Others, who had been instructed, magnified the matter, and
+shouted out that they must anticipate the Rhegians before some harm
+happened, and that the traitors, ignorant of what was being done, would
+find it difficult to resist them. So some rushed down to the landing
+places, and others broke into the houses and slaughtered great
+numbers,--save that a few had been invited to dinner by Decius and were
+slain there. (Valesius, p.589.)
+
+6. ¶Decius, commander of the garrison, after slaying the Rhegians,
+ratified friendship with the Mamertines, thinking that the similar
+nature of their outrages would render them most trustworthy allies. He
+was well aware that a great many men find the ties resulting from some
+common transgression stronger to unite them than the obligations of
+lawful association or the bonds of kinship. (Mai, p.170.)
+
+7. ¶The Romans suffered some reproach from them for a while, until such
+time as they took the field against them. For since they were busied
+with concerns that were greater and more urgent, what these men did
+seemed to some of comparatively little importance. (Mai, p.170.)
+
+8. ¶The Romans, on learning that Pyrrhus was to come, stood in terror of
+him, since they had heard that he was a good warrior and had a large
+force by no means despicable as an adversary,--the sort of information,
+of course, that is always given to enquirers in regard to persons
+unknown to them who live at a very great distance. (Mai, p.170. Zonaras,
+8,3.)
+
+9. For it is impossible that persons not brought up under the same
+institutions, nor filled with the same ambitions, nor regarding the same
+things as base or noble, should ever become friends with one
+another. [Footnote: Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are thought to be possibly from
+the speech made by Lævinus to the soldiers (Zonaras, VIII, 3, 6).]
+(Mai, p. 537.)
+
+10. ¶Ambition and distrust are always qualities of tyrants, and so it is
+inevitable that they should possess no real friend. A man who is
+distrusted and envied could not love any one sincerely. Moreover, a
+similarity of habits and a like station in life and the fact that the
+same objects are disastrous and beneficial to persons are the only
+forces that can create true, firm friends. Wherever any one of these
+conditions is lacking, you see a delusive appearance of comradeship, but
+find it to be without secure support. (Mai, p.170 and 537.)
+
+11. ¶Generalship, if it is assisted by respectable forces of men,
+contributes greatly both to their preservation and their chances of
+victory, but by itself is worth nothing. Nor is there any other
+profession that is of weight without persons to coöperate and to aid in
+its administration. (Mai, p.171.)
+
+12. ¶When Megacles was dead and Pyrrhus had cast off his cap the battle
+took an opposite turn. One side was filled with much greater boldness by
+his preservation and the fact that he had survived contrary to their
+fears than if the idea had never gained ground that he was dead: the
+other side, deceived, had no second fund of zeal to expend, but, since
+they had been cut short in their premature encouragement and because of
+the sudden change in their feelings to an expectation of less favorable
+results, had no hope that he might subsequently perish once more. (Mai,
+p.171. Zonaras, 8, 3.)
+
+13. ¶When certain men congratulated Pyrrhus on his victory, he accepted
+the glory of the exploit, but said that if he should ever conquer again
+in like fashion, it would be his ruin. Besides this story, it is told of
+him that he admired the Romans even in their defeat and judged them
+superior to his own soldiers, declaring: "I should already have mastered
+the whole inhabited world, were I king of the Romans." (Mai, p.171.
+Zonaras, 8, 3.)
+
+14. ¶Pyrrhus became famous for his victory and acquired a great
+reputation from it, to such an extent that many who were standing
+neutral came over to his side and that all the allies who had been
+watching the turn of events espoused his cause. He did not openly
+display anger towards them nor conceal entirely his suspicions; he
+rebuked them somewhat for their tardiness, but otherwise received them
+kindly. The result of showing excessive irritation would be, he feared,
+their open estrangement, while if he failed to reveal his real feelings
+at all, he thought that he would either be condemned by them for his
+simplicity in not comprehending what they had done, or would be
+suspected of harboring secret wrath. Such a surmise would breed in them
+either contempt or hatred, or would lead to a plot against him, due to
+the desire to anticipate injuries that they might suffer at his hands.
+For these reasons, then, he conversed affably with them and presented to
+them some of the spoils. (Mai, p.172. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+15. ¶Pyrrhus at first undertook to persuade the Roman captives (who
+were many) to join with him in a campaign against Rome; when, however,
+they refused, he treated them with the utmost consideration and did not
+put them in prison or harm them in any other way, his intention being to
+restore them voluntarily and through their agency to win over the city
+without a battle. (Valesius, p.590.)
+
+16. ¶The Romans, who by reason of the elephants,--a kind of beast that
+they had never before seen,--had fallen into dismay, still, by
+reflecting on the mortal nature of the animals and the fact that no
+beast is superior to man, but that all of them in every way show
+inferiority if not as regards strength, at least in respect to
+understanding, they gradually became encouraged. (Mai, p.172.)
+
+17. ¶The soldiers of Pyrrhus, also, both his native followers and the
+allies, showed tremendous eagerness for plunder, which seemed to lie
+ready before them and to be free from danger. (Mai, ib.)
+
+18. ¶The Epirots dishonored the ties of friendship, through vexation
+that after making the campaign supported by high hopes they were getting
+nothing except trouble. And this happened very opportunely for the
+Romans: for the dwellers in Italy that had leagued themselves with him,
+on seeing that he ravaged the possessions of allies and enemies alike,
+withdrew. In other words, his acts made a greater impression upon them
+than his promises. (Mai, ib.)
+
+19. ¶Pyrrhus dreaded being cut off on all sides by the Romans, while he
+was in unfamiliar regions. When his allies showed displeasure at this he
+told them that he could see clearly from the country itself what a
+difference existed between them and the Romans. The subject territory
+of the latter had all kinds of trees, vineyards and farms, and expensive
+agricultural machinery; whereas the property of his own friends had been
+so pillaged, that it was impossible to tell even whether it had ever
+been settled. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+20. ¶The same man, when as he was retreating it occurred to him to
+wonder [Footnote: Gap supplied by van Herwerden.] how he beheld the army
+of Lævinus much larger than it was before, declared that the Roman
+troops when cut to pieces grew whole again, hydra-fashion. This did not,
+however, cause him to lose courage: he made preparations in his turn,
+but did not come to the issue of battle. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8,4.)
+
+21. ¶Pyrrhus, who learned that Fabricius and other envoys were
+approaching, to treat in behalf of the captives, sent a guard to them as
+far as the border, to the end that they should suffer no violence at the
+hands of the Tarentini, met them in due time, escorted them to the city,
+entertained them brilliantly and honored them in other ways, expecting
+that they would ask for a truce and make such terms as was proper for a
+defeated party. (Ursinus, p.376. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+22. ¶When Fabricius made this statement merely: "The Romans sent us to
+bring back the men captured in battle, and to pay ransoms of such size
+for them as shall be agreed upon by both of us," he was quite
+dumbfounded because the man did not say that he was commissioned to
+treat about peace; and after removing them he took counsel with the
+friends who were usually his advisers partly, to be sure, about the
+return of the captives, but chiefly about the war and its management,
+whether with vehemence or in some other way it [lacuna] (Four pages are
+lacking.) (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+23 [lacuna]. "to manage, or to run the risk of battles and combats, the
+outcome of which is doubtful. [Footnote: Cineas is the speaker.] Hence,
+if you heed me, Milo, and the old proverb, you will not employ violence
+for any purpose rather than skill, where the latter is feasible, since
+Pyrrhus knows precisely what he has to do and does not need to be
+enlightened by us regarding a single detail of his program." By this
+speech they were all brought to one decision, particularly because this
+course entailed neither loss nor danger, whereas the others were likely
+to bring both. And Pyrrhus, being of this mind, said to the ambassadors:
+"Not willingly, Romans, did I previously make war upon you, and I would
+not war against you now: I feel that it is of the highest importance to
+become your friend, and for this reason I release all the captives
+without ransom and make a treaty of peace." Privately, also, he did them
+favors, in order that, if possible, they might take his part, or at any
+rate obtain friendship for him. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+24. Pyrrhus made friends of nearly all, and with Fabricius he conversed
+as follows: "Fabricius, I do not want to be at war with you any longer,
+and indeed I repent that I heeded the Tarentini in the first place and
+came hither, although I have beaten you badly in battle. I would gladly,
+then, become a friend to all the Romans, but most of all to you. For I
+see that you are a thoroughly excellent and reputable [Footnote: The two
+words "and reputable" are a conjecture of Bossevain's. Some ten letters
+in the MS. have faded out.] man. I accordingly ask you to help me in
+getting peace and furthermore to accompany me home. I want to make a
+campaign against Greece and need you as adviser and general." Fabricius
+replied: "I commend you for repenting of your expedition and desiring
+peace, and will cordially assist you in that purpose if it is to our
+advantage (for of course you will not ask me, a man who pretends to
+uprightness, as you say, to do anything against my country); but an
+adviser and general you must never choose from a democracy: as for me, I
+have no leisure whatever. Nor could I ever accept any of these things,
+because it is not seemly for an ambassador to receive gifts at all. I
+would fain know, therefore, whether you in very truth regard me as a
+reputable man or not. If I am a scoundrel, how is it that you deem me
+worthy of gifts? If, on the other hand, I am a man of honor, how can you
+bid me accept them? Let me assure you, then, of the fact that I have
+many possessions and am in no need of more: what I own supplies me and I
+feel no desire for what belongs to others. You, however, even if you
+believe yourself ever so rich, are in unspeakable poverty. For you would
+not have crossed over to this land, leaving behind Epirus and the rest
+of your dominions, if you had been content with them and had not been
+reaching out for more. Whenever a man is in this condition and sets no
+limit to his greed, he is the poorest of beggars. And why? Because he
+longs for everything not his own as if it were absolutely necessary, and
+with the idea that he could not live without it.
+
+"Consequently I would gladly, since you call yourself my friend, afford
+you a little of my own wealth. It is far more secure and imperishable
+than yours, and no one envies it or plots against it, neither populace
+nor tyrant: best of all, the larger the number of persons who share it,
+the greater it will grow. In what, accordingly, does it consist? In
+using the little one has with as much satisfaction as if it were
+inexhaustible, in refraining from the goods of others as if they
+contained some mighty danger, in wronging no man, in doing well to
+many, and in numberless other details, which only a person of leisure
+could rehearse. I, for my part, should choose, if it were absolutely
+necessary to suffer either one or the other, to perish by violence
+rather than by deceit. The former falls to the lot of some by the decree
+of Fortune, but the latter only as a result of folly and great greed of
+gain: it is, therefore, preferable to fall by the crushing hand of Fate
+[Footnote: Omitting [Greek: ti], and reading [Greek: thehioy], which the
+MSS. give.] rather than by one's own baseness. In the former instance a
+man's body is laid low, but in the latter his soul is ruined as
+well,[lacuna] but in that case a man becomes to a certain extent the
+slayer of himself, because he who has once taught his soul not to be
+content with the fortune already possessed, acquires a boundless desire
+for increased advantages." (Mai, pp.174 and 538. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+25. And they presented themselves for the enlistment with the greatest
+zeal, believing, each man of them, that his own defection would mean the
+overthrow of the fatherland. [Footnote: Cp. Plutarch, Life of Pyrrhus,
+chapter 18 (early).] (Mai, p.176.)
+
+26. Such is the nature of oratory and so great is its power that it led
+even them to change, causing courage and hatred to take the place
+respectively of the fear inspired by Pyrrhus and the estrangements his
+gifts had wrought. (Mai, ib.)
+
+27. ¶Every force which, contrary to expectation, is humbled in spirit,
+suffers a loss also in strength. (Mai, p.177.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 279 (_a.u._ 475)] 28. ¶Pyrrhus sent to Decius, telling
+him that he would not succeed in accomplishing this even if he wished it
+[i. e., to die without being seized] and threatened besides that if he
+were taken alive he should perish miserably. To this the consuls
+answered that they were in no need of having recourse to such a
+proceeding as the one to which he alluded, since they were sure to
+conquer him in other ways. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 5.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 278 (_a.u._ 476)] 29. He did not know how he would
+repulse the one of them [Footnote: "They" are C. Fabricius Luscinus and
+Q. Aemilius Papus, Roman consuls.] first, nor how he should repel them
+both, and was in perplexity. To divide the army, which was smaller than
+that of his opponents, was something he feared to do, yet to allow one
+of them to ravage the country with impunity seemed to him almost out of
+the question. (Mai, p.177.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 277 (_a.u._ 477)] 30. However, he behaved in general
+toward them with great circumspection, and awarded greater credit for
+his safety to the fact that no one, even if he wished, could harm him,
+than to the probability that no one would have desired to inflict an
+injury. It was for this reason, too, that he expelled and slew many who
+held office and many who called him in to help in their disputes. This
+was partly because he was somewhat displeased with them, on account of
+their statements that he had secured the reins of power in the State
+through their influence, and partly because he was suspicious of them
+and thought that as they had come over to his side so they might go over
+to some one else's [lacuna] (Mai, p.178. Zonaras, 8, 5.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 276 (_a.u._ 479)] 31. ¶As the allies were unwilling to
+contribute anything for the support of Pyrrhus, he betook himself to the
+treasuries of Persephone, that were widely reputed for their wealth,
+despoiled them and sent the spoils on ships to Tarentum. And the men
+almost all perished through a storm, while the money and offerings were
+cast out on land. (Valesius, p.590.)
+
+32. ¶All admired the following act of Pyrrhus. Some youths at a banquet
+had ridiculed him, and at first he wished to have them before a court
+and exact vengeance, but, afterward, when they declared: "We should have
+said a lot more things a good deal worse, if the wine hadn't failed us,"
+he laughed and let them go. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 6.)
+
+[Frag. XLI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 273 (_a.u._ 481)] ¶Ptolemy, nicknamed Philadelphus,
+king of Egypt, when he learned that Pyrrhus had fared poorly and that
+the Romans were growing, sent gifts to them and made a compact. The
+Romans, accordingly, pleased that a monarch living so very far away
+should have come to respect them, despatched ambassadors to him in turn.
+From him the envoys, too, received magnificent gifts; but when they had
+offered these to the treasury, they would not accept them. (Ursinus,
+p.374. Zonaras, 8, 6.)
+
+[Frag. XLII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 266 (_a.u._ 488)]¶Though the Romans were faring in this
+manner and were constantly rising to greater heights they showed no
+haughtiness as yet: on the contrary, they surrendered to the
+Appolloniatians (Corinthian colonists on the Ionian Gulf) Quintus
+Fabius, a senator, because he had insulted some of their ambassadors.
+The people of this town, however, did him no harm, and even sent him
+home. (Valesius, p.590. Zonaras, 8, 7.)
+
+[Frag. XLIII]
+
+1. ¶The causes responsible for the dispute between the two were--on the
+side of the Romans that the Carthaginians had assisted the Tarentini, on
+the side of the Carthaginians, that the Romans had made a treaty of
+friendship with Hiero. But these they merely put forward as excuses, as
+those are inclined to do who in reality are desirous of advancing their
+own interests but pause before a reputation for such action. The truth
+is different. As a matter of fact, the Carthaginians, who had long been
+powerful, and the Romans, who were now growing rapidly, kept viewing
+each other with jealousy; and they were incited to war partly by the
+desire of continually getting more, according to the instinct of the
+majority of mankind, most active when they are most successful, and
+partly also by fear. Each alike thought that the one sure salvation for
+her own possessions lay in obtaining what the other held. If there had
+been no other reason, it was most difficult, nay, impossible, for two
+nations that were free, powerful, and proud, and separated from each
+other, so to speak, only a very short distance (considering the speed of
+voyages) to rule any outside tribes and yet keep their hands off each
+other. But a mere accident of the kind that befell broke the truce they
+had been keeping and dashed them together in war. (Mai, p.178. Zonaras,
+8, 8.)
+
+2. ¶The conflict, according to report, concerned Messana and Sicily, but
+in reality both parties perceived that from this region danger
+threatened their native land, and they thought that the island, lying,
+as it did, between them, would furnish to the side that conquered it a
+safe base for operations against the other party. (Mai, p.179. Zonaras,
+8, 8.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 264 (_a.u._ 490)] 3. ¶Gaius Claudius came to the meeting,
+and among other remarks which he made to tempt them declared that the
+object of his presence was to free the city, since the Romans had no
+need of Messana; and that he would immediately sail away, as soon as he
+should set their affairs in order. Next he bade the Carthaginians also
+either to withdraw, or, if they had any just plea to offer, to submit
+to arbitration. Now when not one of the Mamertines (by reason of fear)
+opened his lips, and the Carthaginians since they were occupying the
+city by force of arms paid little heed to him, he stated that the
+silence on both sides afforded sufficient evidence: on the part of the
+invaders it showed that they were in the wrong, for they would have
+justified themselves if their purposes were at all honest, and on the
+part of the Mamertines that they desired freedom; they might have been
+quite free to speak, had they espoused the cause of the Carthaginians,
+especially as there was a force of the latter present. Furthermore he
+promised that he would aid them, both on account of their Italian origin
+and on account of the request for assistance they had made. (Mai, p.179.
+Zonaras, 8,8.)
+
+4. ¶Gaius Claudius lost some of the triremes and with difficulty reached
+safety. Neither he nor the Romans in the City, however, were prevented
+from renewing attempts by sea through the fact that they had been
+worsted when first making a trial of it, although this is the ordinary
+course that people pursue who fail in the first undertaking and think
+that they can never again succeed, viewing the past in the light of an
+omen. On the contrary, they applied themselves to the watery element
+with an even greater zeal, and chiefly because they were ambitious and
+did not wish to appear to have been diverted from their purpose by the
+disaster. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras 8, 8, sq.) 5. ¶Hanno, who was in no wise
+disposed to make light of the war in case it were bound to occur, was
+particularly anxious to throw the responsibility for breaking the truce
+upon the other man, for fear it might be thought that he himself was
+taking the initiative. Accordingly, he sent back to him the ships and
+the captives, while he urged him to accept peace and exhorted him
+besides not to meddle with the sea. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+6. ¶When he would accept nothing, he launched at him an arrogant and
+reprehensible threat. For he declared that he would never allow the
+Romans even to wash their hands in the sea: yet he lost not only the sea
+but also Messana not much later. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+7. ¶Claudius, finding the Mamertines gathered at the harbor, called an
+assembly of their number and made the statement: "I have no need of arms
+but will leave it with you to decide everything." By this means he
+persuaded them to send for Hanno. As the latter refused to come down, he
+chid him soundly, inveighing against him and declaring that if he had
+even the slightest justification, he would certainly hold a conference
+with him and not persist in occupying the city by force. (Mai, p.180.
+Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+8. ¶The consul Claudius exhorted the soldiers beforehand to be of good
+cheer and not to be cast down over the defeat of the tribune. He
+instructed them that in the first place victories fall to the lot of the
+better equipped, and that secondly their valor far surpassed the skill
+of their opponents. They would acquire, he said, the knowledge of
+seafaring in a short time, whereas the Carthaginians would never have
+bravery equal to theirs. Knowledge was something that could be obtained
+in a brief space by men who gave their minds to it and could be mastered
+by practice; but bravery, in case it were absent from a man's nature,
+could never be furnished by instruction. (Mai, p. 181.)
+
+9. ¶ The Libyans, rejoicing in the idea that they had conquered not
+through the nature of their position, but by their own valor, sallied
+out. But Claudius made them so fearful that they would not even peep out
+of the camp. (Mai, p. 181. Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+10. For it happens in the majority of instances that those who as a
+result of calculation fear something are successful by reason of their
+precaution against it, whereas those whose boldness rests on lack of
+forethought, are ruined on account of their unguarded condition.
+[Footnote: The Carthaginians are, in a general way, the subject of this
+section.] (Mai, p. 539.)
+
+11. The quality of moderation both obtains victories and preserves them
+after they are won, whereas that of wantonness can prevail against
+nothing, and if it be at any time fortunate in some matter, very easily
+destroys it. And again, if it perchance preserves some conquest, it
+grows worse by the very fact of extraordinary good fortune and so far
+from being benefited by its success is actually ruined by it
+irretrievably.
+
+Moreover, whenever there is boldness not in accord with reason, you may
+expect to find unreasoning fear. Calculation, bringing with it
+resolution strengthened by forethought, and a hope made confident by its
+own trustworthiness do not allow one to be either dejected or
+presumptuous. Unreasoning impulse, however, often elates men in the
+midst of good fortune and humbles them to dust in disasters, possessing,
+as it were, no support, but always copying the feature of the chance
+event. (Mai, p. 539 and p. 181.)
+
+12. ¶ The Romans and Carthaginians when they entered upon war were
+equally matched in the number of ships and readiness to serve.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 260 (_a.u._ 494)] It was a naval battle soon after in
+which, with equal equipment, they first became engaged. They hoped that
+it would decide the whole war: Sicily lay before their eyes as the
+prize: they were contending in a matter of servitude or empire, resolved
+not to be beaten, lest they taste the former, but to conquer and obtain
+the latter. One side surpassed in the experience possessed by the crews
+of its triremes, since they had long been masters of the sea, and the
+other in the strength of its marines and its daring; for the rashness
+and audacity of their fighting was commensurate with their inexperience
+in naval affairs. In matters of experience practically all men make
+exact calculations and are imbued with wholesome fear, even if their
+judgment approves a particular course, but the untried renders them
+unreasonably bold, and draws them into conflict through lack of due
+consideration. (Mai, p.181.)
+
+13. ¶The Carthaginians because of their defeat by the Romans in the
+sea-fight came near putting Hannibal to death. It is a trait of
+practically all people who send out armies on any mission to lay claims
+to advantage gained but to put the responsibility of defeat upon their
+leaders, and the Carthaginians were very ready to chastise those who
+failed in an enterprise.
+
+He, however, was afraid and immediately after the defeat enquired of
+them whether if the business were still untouched they would bid him
+risk a sea-fight or not. When they declared in the affirmative, as he
+had doubtless expected, because they prided themselves on having such a
+superior navy, he added, by the mouths of the same messengers: "I, then,
+have done no wrong, for I went into the engagement with the same hopes
+as you. The decision was within my power but not the fortune of the
+battle." (Mai, p.182. Zonaras, 8, 11.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 258 (_a.u._ 496)] 14. Dio in Book 11: "When the storm
+continued and a mist arose besides, he brought about Hannibal's defeat
+through the agency of some deserters." (Bekker, Anecd. p.171, 26.
+Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+15. But regarding the non-surrender of their native land and the
+acquirement of foreign territory as matters of equal importance, they
+[Footnote: I.e., The Carthaginians.] contended with courage and force.
+For whereas most men defend their own possessions to the very limit of
+their power but are unwilling to lay claim to the goods of others if it
+involves danger, these antagonists set a like value upon what they held
+fast and what they expected, and so were equally determined upon both
+points. Now the Romans thought it better to conduct the war no longer at
+a distance, nor to risk a first encounter in the islands, but to have
+the contest in the Carthaginians' own land. If they failed, they would
+lose nothing; and if they conquered they would obtain something besides
+hopes. Therefore, making their preparation follow their resolve, they
+took the field against Carthage. (Mai, p. 183. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 256 (_a.u._ 498)] 16. Their leaders were Regulus and
+Lucius, preferred before others for their excellence. Regulus was,
+indeed, in so great poverty that he did not readily consent, on that
+account, to take up the command; and it was voted that his wife and
+children should be furnished their support from the public treasury.
+(Valesius, p. 593. Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+17. ¶ Hanno had been sent to the Romans by Hamilcar, as was pretended,
+in behalf of peace, but in reality for the sake of delay. And he, when
+some clamored for his arrest, because the Carthaginians by fraud
+[lacuna] Cornelius [lacuna] [Mai, p. 183.] Four pages of the MS. are
+lacking. (Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+18. Dio the Roman, who wrote a history about the Empire and the Republic
+of Rome and describes the far-famed Carthaginian war, says that when
+Regulus,
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 256 (_a.u._ 498)] consul for Rome, was warring against
+Carthage, a serpent suddenly crept out of the palisade of the Roman army
+and lay there. By his command the Romans slew the reptile and having
+flayed it sent its skin, a great prodigy, to the Roman senate. And when
+measured by the same senate (as the same Dio says) it was found to have
+a length of one hundred and twenty feet. In addition to its length its
+thickness was also notable. (Ioannes Damascenus, On Serpents, vol. I, p.
+472, A.B. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 13.)
+
+19. ¶ The Carthaginians in fear of capture sent heralds to the consul to
+the end that by some satisfactory arrangement they might turn aside the
+danger of the moment, and so escape. But since they refused to withdraw
+from both Sicily and Sardinia, to release the Roman captives free of
+cost and to ransom their own, to make good all the expenses incurred by
+the Romans for the war and besides to pay more as tribute each year,
+they accomplished nothing. And in addition to the above mentioned, there
+were the following commands which displeased them: that they should make
+neither war nor treaties without the consent of the Romans, that they
+should employ not more than one warship but the Romans would come to
+their aid with fifty triremes as often as notice should be sent them,
+and that they would not be on an equal footing in conducting some other
+kinds of business. Considering these points they decided that the truce
+would mean their utter subjugation, and preferred rather to fight with
+the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 376. Zonaras, 8, 13.)
+
+20. Dio in Book 11: "The Carthaginians kept watch for their ships
+homeward bound and captured several heavily laden with money." (Bekker,
+Anecd. p. 131, 12. Zonaras, 8, 14.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] 21. ¶ They say the Carthaginians sent
+heralds to the Romans on account of the great number of the captives
+(among other causes), and most of all to see if they would be inclined
+to make peace on some moderate terms; if this could not be effected,
+their purpose still held to get back the captives. They say that
+Regulus, too, had been sent among the envoys because of his reputation
+and valor. The people assumed that the Romans would do anything whatever
+in the hope of getting him back, so that he might even be delivered up
+alone in return for peace, or at any rate in exchange for the captives.
+Accordingly, they bound him by mighty oaths and pledges to return
+without fail in case neither of their objects should be accomplished,
+and they despatched him as an envoy with others.
+
+And he acted in all respects like a Carthaginian, not a Roman; for he
+did not even grant his wife leave to confer with him nor did he enter
+the city, although he was invited: instead, when the senate assembled
+outside of the walls, as their custom was in treating with the envoys of
+the enemy, he asked for permission to approach with the others--at
+least, so the story goes, [lacuna] (Ursinus, p. 377. Zonaras, 8, 15.)
+
+22. Dio in Book 11: "Regulus paid no heed to them until the
+Carthaginians permitted him to do so." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 140, 20.
+Zonaras, 8, 15.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] 23. Dio in Book 11: "For it is neither
+my duty nor that of any other upright man to give up aught that pertains
+to the public welfare." (Ib. p. 165, 23.)
+
+24. In Book 11: "Any one else, wishing to console himself for the
+disaster which had happened in his own case, would have exalted the
+prowess of the enemy." (Ib. p. 165, 30.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 249 (_a.u._ 505)] 25. The second part of the augury is
+transmitted to us by Dio Cassius Cocceianus, who says that they keep
+tame birds which eat barley, and put barley grains in front of them when
+they seek an omen. If, then, in the course of eating the birds do not
+strike the barley with their beaks and toss it aside, the sign is good;
+but if they do so strike the grain, it is not good. (Io. Tzetzes,
+Exegesis of Homer's Iliad, p. 108, 2.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 244 (_a.u._ 510)] 26. He [sc. Mamilcar] thought it was
+requisite for a man who wished to accomplish anything by secret means
+not to make the matter known to anyone at all. There was no one, he
+believed, so self-possessed as to be willing, when he had heard, merely
+to observe operations and be silent. Just the reverse was true: the more
+strongly a man might be forbidden to mention anything, the greater would
+be his desire to speak of it, and thus one man learning the secret from
+another with the understanding that he was the only person to know it
+would reveal the story. [Footnote: Section 26 may refer to Hamilcar
+Barca's plans for seizing Mount Eryx.] (Mai, p. 540. Cp. Diodorus, 24,
+7.)
+
+27. In Book 11 of Dio: "He feasted the populace." [Footnote: Boissevain
+thinks that No. 27 may concern the banqueting of the populace during
+Metellus's triumph. Others have other opinions.] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 133,
+24.)
+
+28. In Book 11 of Dio: "You attack even such friends as have been guilty
+of any error, whereas I pardon even my enemies." (Ib. p.171, 29.)
+
+29. In Book 12 of Dio: "By the one process [Footnote: Perhaps from the
+speech of Regulus to the senators.] he might have become to a certain
+extent estranged from you." (Ib. p.124, 4.) 30. In Book 12 of Dio: "Some
+are dead, and others who were deserving of some notice, have been
+captured." [Footnote: This may be likewise from the speech of Regulus
+and be said of the Carthaginian leaders.] (Ib. p. 133,25.)
+
+[Frag. XLIV]
+
+1. For the Ligurians occupy the whole shore from Etruria up to the Alps
+and as far as Gaul, according to Dio's statement. (Isaac Tzetzes, on
+Lycophron, 1312.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 236 (_a.u._ 518)] 2. The Romans at first sent Claudius
+to the Corsicans and gave him up. This was after he had made terms with
+them, but his countrymen, who claimed that the fault in breaking the
+compact rested on him and not on themselves, had waged war upon them and
+subdued them. When the Corsicans refused to receive him, the Romans
+drove him out. (Valesius, p.593. Zonaras, 8, 18.)
+
+[Frag. XLV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 235 (_a.u._ 519)] 1. ¶The Romans after exacting also
+money from the Carthaginians, renewed the truce. And at first when an
+embassy from the latter arrived, they returned no proper answer, because
+they were aware of the state of their own equipment and because they
+were themselves still busied at that time with the war against the
+neighboring tribes. After this, however, Hanno, a man of youthful years
+who employed striking frankness of speech, was sent. He touched
+unreservedly on a number of other subjects and finally his appeal--"If
+you don't want to be at peace, restore to us both Sardinia and Sicily;
+for with these we purchased not a temporary respite but eternal
+friendship"--caused them to become milder and ashamed [lacuna] (Ursinus,
+p.378. Zonaras, 8, 18.)
+
+2[lacuna] lest [Footnote: Preceding this fragment four pages of the MS.
+are missing.] they might suffer the same injuries in return, so that
+they were very glad to delay,--the one side choosing to preserve the
+prosperity that was an inheritance of the past, and the other to cling
+to the possessions which were still theirs. To judge by their threats
+they were no longer maintaining peace, but in fact they still
+deliberated about the matter, so that all could see that whichever of
+the two found it to his advantage to create the first disturbance would
+also be the one to begin war. Most men abide by their agreements just so
+long as suits their own convenience. If they have in view a greater
+resultant benefit to themselves, they deem it safe even to break some
+compact. (Mai, p.184.)
+
+[Frag. XLVI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 231 (_a.u._ 523)] ¶Once in the consulship of Marcus
+Pomponius and Gaius Papirius they despatched envoys to investigate
+affairs in Spain, although none of the Spanish States had ever yet
+belonged to them. He, [Footnote: A reference to some previous proper
+name, outside this fragment.] besides showing them other honors,
+addressed them in suitable words, declaring that he was obliged to fight
+against the Spaniards in order that the money which was still owing to
+the Romans on the part of the Carthaginians might be paid; for it was
+impossible to obtain it from any other source. The envoys were
+consequently embarrassed to know how to censure him. (Mai, p.184)
+
+[Frag. XLVII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] 1. ¶The island of Issa surrendered
+itself voluntarily to the Romans. This was the first time the islanders
+were about to make the acquaintance of the latter, but they judged them
+more friendly and faithful than the powers which they then dreaded.
+Calculation caused them to place more dependence on the unknown than on
+the evident; for while the latter had aroused irritation through the
+dealings already had with it, the former afforded good hope, because its
+actions were as yet only matters of expectation. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8,
+19.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] 2. When the Issæans had attached
+themselves to the Romans, the latter, being ready and anxious to do them
+some favor in return forthwith, so as to get the reputation of aiding
+such as espoused their cause and also for the purpose of restraining the
+Ardiasans, who were annoying those that sailed from Brundusium,--for
+these reasons they sent messengers to Agro, who were to ask clemency for
+the Issæans and censure the king in that he was wronging them without
+previous cause. Now these men found Agro no longer in existence: he had
+died, leaving behind a child named Pineus. Teuta, Agro's wife and
+stepmother of Pineus, held the power over the Ardiæans,[lacuna] Being
+[lacuna] by boldness, she made no moderate response to their requests,
+but woman-like she showed a vanity (due to innate recklessness as well
+as to the power that she was holding) by casting some of the ambassadors
+into prison and killing others for speaking frankly. Such was her action
+at that time, and she actually took pride in it as if she had displayed
+some strength by her facile cruelty. In a very short space, however, she
+proved the weakness of the female sex, for as she had quickly flown into
+a passion through short-sightedness of judgment, so through cowardice
+she was quickly terrified. As soon as she learned that the Romans had
+voted for war against her she was panic-stricken, and promised to
+restore their men whom she held, while she tried to defend herself for
+the death of the others, declaring that they had been slain by some
+robbers. When the Romans were thus led to cease temporarily their
+campaign and demand the surrender of the murderers, she showed contempt
+again, because the danger was not yet at her doors, and declaring that
+she would not give anybody up despatched an army against Issa. When she
+learned that the consuls were at hand she grew terrified again, gave
+over her high spirit, and became ready to heed them in every minutest
+detail. She had not yet, however, been fully brought to her senses, for
+when the consuls had crossed over to Corcyra she felt imbued with new
+courage, revolted, and despatched an army against Epidamnus and
+Apollonia. After the Romans had rescued the cities and at the news of
+their capture of ships and treasures of hers she was on the point of
+again yielding obedience. Meanwhile in the course of scaling certain
+heights overlooking the sea they were worsted near the Atyrian hill and
+she now waited, hoping, in view of the fact that it was really winter
+already, for their withdrawal. But on perceiving that Albinus remained
+where he was and Demetrius as a result of her caprice as well as from
+fear of the Romans had transferred his allegiance, besides persuading
+some others to desert, she became utterly terrified and gave up her
+sovereignty. (Ursinus, p. 378. Zonaras, 8, 19.)
+
+[Frag. XLVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 228 (_a.u._ 526)] In the time of Fabius Maximus
+Berucosus ("full of warts") the Romans did this, after burying in the
+middle Of the Forum a Greek and a Gallic couple, man and woman: they
+were frightened by a certain oracle which said that Greek and Gaul
+should occupy the city. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 603, 1056. Cp.
+Zonaras, 8, 19.)
+
+[Frag. XLIX]
+
+1. ¶ The Romans were being frightened by an oracle of the Sibyl which
+urged the necessity of guarding against the Gauls when a thunderbolt
+should fall upon the Capitol near the temple of Apollo. (Mai, p. 185.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 225 (_a.u._ 529)] 2. ¶ The Gauls became dejected on
+seeing that the Romans had taken beforehand the most favorable
+locations. All men if they obtain the object of their first aim proceed
+more readily toward their subsequent goals, but if they miss it, lose
+interest in everything else. They, however, after the Gallic fashion and
+more than is usual with the rest of mankind, lay hold very eagerly of
+what they desire and cling most tenaciously to any success, but if they
+meet with the slightest obstacle have no hope left for the future. Folly
+makes them inclined to expect whatsoever they wish, and their spirited
+temperament ready to carry out whatsoever they undertake. They are given
+to violent anger and dash headlong into enterprises, and for that reason
+they have within themselves no quality of endurance (since it is
+impossible for reckless audacity to prevail for any time), and if they
+once suffer any setback they are unable (especially by reason of the
+fear to which they then fall a prey) to recover themselves: they are
+plunged into a state of panic corresponding to their previous fearless
+daring. In a brief period they rush vehemently to the most opposite
+extremes, since they can furnish no motive based on calculation for
+either action. (Mai, p. 185.)
+
+3. ¶ Æmilius on conquering the Insubres celebrated a triumph and in it
+conveyed the foremost captives clad in armor up to the Capitol, making
+jests upon them because he had heard that they had sworn not to remove
+their breastplates before they had ascended the Capitol. (Mai, p. 186.
+Zonaras, 8, 20.)
+
+[Frag. L]
+
+¶ If any of the details, even the smallest, that were customary in
+festivals had been missed, they renewed the ceremonial proceedings at
+any rate a second and a third time, and even more times still, so far as
+was possible in one day, till everything seemed to them to have been
+done faultlessly. (Mai, p. 186. Zonaras, 8, 20.)
+
+[Frag. LI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 219 (_a.u._ 535)] ¶ Demetrius, elated by his position as
+guardian of Pineus and by the fact that he had married the latter's
+mother Triteuta (Teuta was dead), was hateful to the natives and injured
+the property of neighboring tribes. So they summoned him before them
+(since it appeared that it was by misusing the friendship of the Romans
+that he was able to wrong those peoples) as soon as they heard of it.
+When he refused compliance and actually assailed their allies, they made
+a campaign against Issa, where he was. (Valesius, p.593. Zonaras, 8,
+20.)
+
+[Frag. LII]
+
+1. ¶The Romans were at their prime in equipment for war and enjoyed
+absolute harmony among themselves. Whereas the majority of persons are
+led by unmixed good fortune to audacity but by a tremendous fear to
+proper behavior, they had quite a different experience at that time in
+those matters. The more successes they had the more sober it made them;
+against their enemies they displayed the kind of boldness that partakes
+of bravery, while toward one another they employed that right dealing
+which is closely connected with good order. [Footnote: The word for
+"good order" is conjectured by van Herwerden.] They held their power
+with a view to the practice of moderation and kept their orderliness for
+the acquirement of a true bravery: they did not allow their good fortune
+to develop into wantonness, nor their right dealing into cowardice. They
+believed that in case of such laxity temperance might be ruined by
+bravery and boldness by boldness; but that when people exercised care,
+as they did, moderation was made more secure by bravery and good fortune
+rendered surer by discipline. This was the reason for their vast
+superiority over the enemies that encountered them and for their
+excellent administration of both their own affairs and those of the
+allies. (Mai, p. 186.)
+
+2. ¶ All who dwelt on the near side of the Alps revolted to join the
+Carthaginians, not because they preferred the Carthaginians to the
+Romans as leaders, but because they hated the force that ruled them and
+were for welcoming the untried. The Carthaginians had allies against the
+Romans from every one of the tribes that then existed; but Hannibal was
+worth nearly all of them. He could comprehend matters very quickly and
+plan the details of every project that he laid to heart, notwithstanding
+the fact that generally sureness is the product of slowness and only
+rash decisions result from hastiness of disposition. He was most
+[lacuna] when given the smallest margin of time, and most enduring with
+a very great degree of reliability. He managed in a safe way the affair
+of the moment and showed skill in considering the future beforehand: he
+proved himself a most capable counselor in ordinary events and a very
+accurate judge of the unusual. By these powers he handled the issue
+immediately confronting him very readily and in the shortest time, while
+by calculation he anticipated the future afar off and considered it as
+though it were actually present. Consequently he, more than any man, met
+each occasion with suitable words and acts, because he made no
+distinction between what he possessed and what he hoped for. He was able
+to conduct matters so for the reason that in addition to his natural
+capacity he was well versed in much Phoenician learning, common to his
+country, and likewise much Greek, and furthermore he understood
+divination by inspection of entrails. (Mai, p. 187 and Valesius, p.
+593.)
+
+3. With such intellectual qualities he had brought his body to a state
+of equal perfection, partly by nature, partly by practice, so that he
+could carry out easily everything that he took in hand. It was nimble
+and at the same time heavy to the utmost degree, and he could,
+therefore, run, fight, and ride safely at full speed. He never burdened
+himself with overmuch food, nor suffered annoyance by lack of it, but
+took more or less with equal grace, feeling that either was
+satisfactory. Hardship made him rugged, and on loss of sleep he grew
+strong.
+
+Having these advantages of mind and body he universally administered
+affairs in a fashion now to be described. Since he saw that most men
+were trustworthy only in what concerned their own interest, he himself
+dealt with them in this manner and expected the same treatment of them,
+so that he very often succeeded by deceiving persons and very seldom
+failed by being the object of a plot. He regarded as hostile every force
+that could gain an advantage both among foreigners and among kinsmen
+alike, and did not wait to learn their intentions from their acts, but
+handled them quite unsparingly, assuming that they were anxious to
+commit a wrong when they could: he thought it better to be the first to
+act than the first to suffer, and resolved that the rest of the world
+should be dependent on him, and not he upon other persons. In fine, he
+paid attention to the nature of things, rather than to their reputed
+good points, as often as the two did not happen to coincide. He also,
+however, prized extravagantly whatever he needed. Slaves, most of them,
+he esteemed in that way, and beheld them willing to encounter danger for
+him even contrary to their own advantage. For these reasons he often
+himself refrained from opportunities for gain and other most delightful
+pleasures, but gave a share ungrudgingly to them. Hence he could get
+them to be not unwilling partners in hard work. He subjected himself not
+only to the same conditions of living as these men, but also to the same
+dangers and was the first to accomplish every task that he demanded of
+them. Likewise he was confident that they, too, without pretexts and
+with zeal,--since he showed his care for them not in words only,--would
+help him effect his projects.
+
+Toward the rest he always behaved quite proudly; and the whole
+multitude, in consequence, felt either good-will or fear toward him
+because of their similar conditions of life, on the one hand, and
+because of his haughtiness on the other. Accordingly, he was fully able
+to bring low the towering head, to exalt humility, and to inspire all
+whom he pleased, in the shortest period, one with hesitation, another
+with boldness, with hope also and despair regarding most important
+matters.
+
+And that this information about him is not false, but is truthful
+tradition, his works are proof. Much of Spain he won over in a short
+time, and from there carried the war into Italy through the country of
+the Gauls, most of whom were not only not in league with him, but
+actually unknown to him. He was the first of non-Europeans, so far as we
+know, to cross the Alps with an army, and after that he made a campaign
+against Rome itself, sundering from it almost all its allies, some by
+force and others by persuasion. This, however, he achieved by himself
+without the aid of the Carthaginian government. He was not sent forth in
+the beginning by the magistrates at home, nor did he later obtain any
+considerable assistance from them. While they were on the eve of
+enjoying the greatest glory and benefit through his efforts, they
+wished rather not to appear to be leaving him in the lurch than to
+coöperate effectively in any enterprise. (Valesius, p. 593.)
+
+[Frag. LIII]
+
+Dio Cocceianus calls the Narbonenses _Bebruces_, writing this: "To those
+who of old were Bebruces, but now Narbonenses, belongs the Pyrenees
+range. This range is the boundary between Spain and Gaul." (Isaac
+Tzetzes on Lycophron, 516. Zonaras, 8, 21.)
+
+[Frag. LIV]
+
+1. ¶ Peace both creates wealth and preserves it, but war both expends it
+and destroys it. [Footnote: The first eight sections of this fragment
+seem to be taken from speeches of Romans in the senate-house. Nos. 1 and
+2 are apparently the words of an unknown individual discouraging the
+eagerness for war; Nos. 3 and 4 may be spoken by Lentulus, urging war;
+and Nos. 5 to 8 may contain the opposing arguments of Fabius.](Mai, p.
+188.)
+
+2. ¶Every human being is so constituted as to desire to lord it over
+such as yield, and to employ the turn of Fortune's scale against
+voluntary slaves. (Mai, ib.)
+
+3. But do you who know the facts and have experienced them, think that
+propriety and humaneness are sufficient for your safety? And do you
+regard listlessly all the wrongs they have committed against us by
+stealth or deceit or violence? Are you not stimulated, are you not for
+paying them back or for defending yourselves? Then again, you have never
+reflected that such behavior is in place for you toward one another, but
+toward the Carthaginians is cowardly and base. Our citizens we must
+treat in a gentle and politic fashion; if one be preserved unexpectedly,
+he is of our possessions: but harsh treatment is for the enemy. We shall
+save ourselves not by our defeats as a result of sparing them, but by
+our victories that will come from abasing them. (Mai, p.188.)
+
+4. ¶War both preserves men's own possessions and wins the property of
+others, whereas peace destroys not only what has been bestowed by war
+but itself in addition. (Mai, pp.188 and 541.)
+
+[Frag. LIV]
+
+5. ¶It is base to proceed to action ere arguments about the matter have
+been heard: for in such a case, if successful, you will be thought to
+have enjoyed good fortune rather than to have employed good counsel, and
+if worsted, to have taken your resolution without forethought, at a time
+when there was no profit in it. And yet who does not know this,--that to
+heap up reproaches and to accuse people that have once warred against us
+is very easy--any man can do it--whereas, to say what is advantageous
+for the State, not in anger over other men's deeds, but with a view to
+the State's benefit, is really the duty of the advising class? Do not
+irritate us, Lentulus, nor persuade us to begin war until you show us
+that it shall be really for our advantage. Reflect particularly (though
+there are other considerations) that speaking here about deeds of war is
+not the same sort of thing as their actual performance. (Mai, p.189.)
+
+6. Men are often set on their feet by disasters, and many who use them
+wisely fare better than those who are completely fortunate and for that
+very reason wanton. Somehow ill luck seems to hold no inconsiderable
+portion of benefit, because it does not permit men to lose their senses
+or indulge in extreme wantonness. For naturally it is most advisable to
+set one's face steadfastly toward all the best things, and to make not
+possibility, but calculation, the measure of desire. And if a man be not
+able to prefer what is more excellent, it will still pay him to behave,
+even unwillingly, with moderation so as to regard in the light of
+happiness even the failure to be fortunate in all cases. (Mai, p.542.)
+
+7. It is imperative to be on one's guard against any similar experience
+again,--that being the only benefit that can come from disasters.
+Repeated good fortune occasionally ruins those who unthinkingly base
+their hopes upon it, believing they are sure of another victory, whereas
+failures compel every one as a result of his past trouble to provide for
+the future carefully beforehand. (Mai, pp.189 and 542.)
+
+8. ¶For securing the favor of the gods or a good reputation among men it
+is no small thing to escape the appearance of creating war, and seem to
+be compelled to defend the existing population. (Mai, p.189.)
+
+9. After speeches of this character on both sides they determined to
+prepare for fighting: they would not vote that way however, but
+determined to send envoys to Carthage and denounce Hannibal; then, if
+the Carthaginians refrained from approving his exploits, they would
+arbitrate the matter, or if all responsibility were laid on his
+shoulders, they would demand his extradition; if he were given up, well;
+otherwise they would declare war. (Mai, p.190. Zonaras, 8, 22.)
+
+10. ¶When the Carthaginians made no definite answer to the envoys and
+instead behaved contemptuously toward them, Marcus [Footnote: According
+to Livy (XXI, 18, 1) his name was _Quintus_. Willems suggests emending
+to Maximus here.] Fabius thrust his hands beneath his toga and holding
+them with palms upward said: "Here I bring to you, Carthaginians, both
+war and peace: do you choose unequivocally whichever of them you wish."
+Upon their replying to this challenge even then that they chose neither
+but would readily accept either that the Romans left with them, he
+declared war upon them. (Mai, p.190. Zonaras, 8, 22.)
+
+[Frag. LV]
+
+¶The Romans invited the Narbonenses to an alliance. But the latter
+declared that they had never suffered any harm from the Carthaginians or
+received any favor from the Romans that they should war against the one
+or defend the other, and were quite angry with them, charging that the
+Romans had often treated their kinsmen outrageously. (Mai, p.190.)
+
+[Frag. LVI]
+
+1. ¶From such an expectation, Dio says, already acquired from that
+source, the Romans and Carthaginians had reached a state in which they
+had formed the most different judgments regarding the administration of
+the war. For hopefulness, in that it leads all men to cheerfulness,
+renders them also more active and confident, possessed of a faith that
+they will be victorious; lack of hope casts them into dejection and
+despair, and deprives of strength even the naturally stout-hearted.
+(Mai, p.191.)
+
+2. Just as matters at a great distance and quite unknown are accustomed
+to disturb many men, so now they struck no little fear to the hearts of
+the Spaniards. [Footnote: This refers to the Spaniards' refusing, at the
+start, to undertake a campaign. Cp. Livy, XXI, 23.] For the majority of
+the multitude that makes a campaign not for any reason of its own but
+ranking as an allied force is a strong force just so long as it has the
+hopes of obtaining some benefit without danger. But when the men reach
+the vicinity of the conflict, they are frightened out of their hopes of
+gain and lose their faith in promises. And the most of them have gotten
+it into their heads that they are by all means going to be successful in
+any case; consequently, even if they should meet with some reverse, they
+esteem it lightly in comparison with the hopes which have been
+offsetting it. (Mai, p.191. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 23.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 218 (_a.u._ 536)] 3. When the preparations failed to be
+sufficient in any respect for the size of Hannibal's army, and some one
+on this account suggested to him that the soldiers be fed on the flesh
+of their opponents, he did not take the idea amiss, but said he feared
+that some day through lack of bodies of that kind they might turn to
+eating one another. (Mai, p.191. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 23.)
+
+4. ¶Hannibal before beginning operations called together the soldiers
+and brought in the captives whom he had taken by the way: he enquired of
+the latter whether they wished to undergo imprisonment in fetters and to
+endure a grievous slavery or to fight in single combat one with another
+on condition that the victors should be released. When they chose the
+second alternative, he set them to fighting. And at the end of the
+conflict he said: "Now is it not shameful, fellow-soldiers, that these
+men who have been captured by us are so disposed toward bravery as to be
+eager to die in place of becoming slaves, whereas we shrink from
+incurring a little toil and danger for the purpose of not being
+subservient to others,--yes, and ruling them besides?" (Mai, p.192.
+Zonaras, 8, 23.)
+
+5. All the sufferings that we have endured when occasionally defeated by
+the enemy we will inflict upon them, if we are victorious. Be well
+assured that by conquering we shall obtain all the benefits that I
+mention, but if conquered we shall not even have a safe means of escape.
+The victor straightway finds everything friendly, even if possibly it
+hates him, and to the vanquished no one even of his own household pays
+any longer heed. (Mai, pp. 543 and 192.)
+
+6. ¶To have once failed in an enterprise against some foes puts them
+forever out of countenance, and is a preventative of any future courage.
+(Mai, p. 192.)
+
+7. For the whole Gallic race is naturally more or less eccentric and
+cowardly and faithless. Just as they are readily emboldened in the face
+of hopes, so (only more readily) when frightened do they fall into a
+panic. The fact that they were no more faithful to the Carthaginians
+will teach the rest of mankind a lesson never to dare to invade Italy.
+(Mai, p. 192. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 24.)
+
+8. ¶Many portents, [Footnote: Cp. Livy XXI, 62, and XXII, I, 8-20.] some
+of which had actually occurred and others which were the product of idle
+talk, became the subject of conversation. For when persons get seriously
+frightened and those [lacuna] are in reality proven to have occurred to
+them, oftentimes others are imagined. And if once any of the former
+phenomena is believed, heedlessly at once the rest [lacuna]
+
+Accordingly, the sacrifices were offered and all the other ceremonies
+were accomplished which men are in the habit of performing for the cure
+of their temporary terror and for escape from expected ruin. Yet the
+race of men is wont to trust such agencies, hoping in the line of
+improvement, and so now, even if because of the greatness of the danger
+awaited they thought that the harshest fate would fall upon them, still
+they kept hoping that they would not be defeated. (Mai, p. 192.)
+
+9. ¶ The Romans proclaimed Fabius dictator, satisfied if they could
+themselves survive, and neither despatched any aid to the allies nor
+[lacuna] but learning that Hannibal had turned aside from Campania, they
+made sure of the former's safety through fear that they might change
+sides either willingly or under compulsion. (Mai, p. 193. Zonaras, 8,
+25.)
+
+10. ¶ Fabius continued to besiege him from a safe distance instead of in
+dangerous proximity; he would not venture to make a trial of men skilled
+in the art of war, and made the safety of the soldiers a matter of great
+circumspection because of the scarcity of the citizens, deeming it no
+disaster to fail of destroying the forces of the enemy but a great one
+to lose any of his troops. The Carthaginians, he believed, by means of
+their enormous multitude would encounter danger again even if once
+defeated, but if the smallest part of his own army met with failure he
+calculated that he should find himself in every extremity of evil; this
+would not be due to the number of the dead on any such occasion but to
+the previous setbacks endured. He was in the habit of saying that men
+with powers undiminished could often suffer without hurt the most
+dreadful losses, but those who were already exhausted might be harmed by
+the slightest reverses. Once, when his son advised him to run the risk
+and be done with it and said something about his not losing more than a
+hundred men, the above consideration led him to refuse assent, and he
+further inquired of the young man whether he would like to be one of the
+hundred men. (Mai, pp. 193 and 544. Zonaras, 8, 26.)
+
+11. ¶ The Carthaginians, far from sending voluntarily any support to
+Hannibal, were rather disposed to make sport of him, because whereas he
+was continually writing of his splendid progress and his many successes
+he still asked money and soldiers of them. They said his requests did
+not agree with his successes: victors ought to find their existing army
+sufficient and to send money home instead of demanding additional funds
+from them. (Mai, p. 194. Zonaras, 8, 26.)
+
+12. I am under accusation, not because I dash headlong into battles nor
+because I risk dangers in my office as general, purposing by losing many
+soldiers and killing many enemies to be named dictator and celebrate a
+triumph, but because I am slow and because I delay and because I always
+exercise extreme foresight for your preservation. (Mai, p.542.)
+
+13. Is it not really absurd for us to be zealous for success in
+enterprises outside and far off before the city itself is really set
+upon a firm foundation? Is it not absolutely outrageous to be eager to
+conquer the enemy before we set our own affairs well in order? (Mai, p.
+543.)
+
+14 ¶ Hannibal either as a favor to Fabius, on the ground that he was an
+advantage to them or perhaps to create a prejudice against him, did not
+ravage any of his possessions. Accordingly, when an exchange of captives
+was made between the Romans and Carthaginians with the proviso that any
+number in excess on either side should be ransomed, and as the Romans
+were unwilling to ransom their men with money from the public treasury,
+Fabius sold the farms and paid their ransom. Therefore they did not
+depose him but they gave equal power to his master of the horse, so that
+both held their commands on a like footing. Fabius harbored no wrath
+against either the citizens or Rufus: he excused them for an act
+prompted by human nature and was for contenting himself if in any way
+they might survive. He desired the preservation and victory of the
+commonwealth rather than an individual reputation, and continued to
+believe that excellence depends not on decrees but on each man's spirit,
+and that a man is better or worse not as a result of any ordinance but
+as a result of his own wisdom or ignorance.
+
+Rufus, however, who had not shown the right spirit in the first place
+was now more than ever puffed up and could not contain himself because
+he had obtained through his insubordination the further prize of equal
+authority with the dictator. And so he kept asking for the right to hold
+sole sway a day at a time, or for several days alternately. But Fabius,
+in the fear that he might work some harm if he should get possession of
+the undivided power, would not consent to either plan of his, but
+divided the army in such a way that they each, like the consuls, had a
+separate force. And immediately Rufus encamped apart, in order that he
+might give a practical illustration of the fact that he held sway in his
+own right and not subject to the dictator. (Valesius, p. 597. Zonaras,
+8, 26.)
+
+15. ¶ It is customary for men who are ruled to concur in opinion easily.
+Especially often do they join forces when the object is to slander men
+of good reputation, for the reason that it is their nature to help in
+augmenting any power just come to light but to bring low what has
+already obtained preëminence. And though one can not immediately measure
+one's self with men who surpass one through ampler resources, growth in
+an unexpected quarter brings hope of a like good fortune to others that
+dwell in obscurity. [Footnote: This may come from a speech of M.
+Terentius Varro in favor of equalizing the powers of dictator and of
+master-of-horse.](Mai, p. 194.)  16. ¶ Rufus, who obtained equal
+authority with the dictator, after a defeat by the Carthaginians altered
+his attitude (for disasters chasten somehow those who are not completely
+fools) and voluntarily gave up his leadership. And for this all praised
+him loudly. He was not held worthy of censure because he had failed to
+recognize at first what was fitting, but was commended for not
+hesitating to change his mind. They deemed it an act of good fortune for
+a man to choose right at the start a proper course of conduct, but they
+thoroughly approved the course of one, who, having learned from
+practical experience the better way, was not ashamed to face squarely
+about. From this episode, too, it was clearly shown how much one man
+differs from another and true excellence from the reputation therefor.
+What had been taken from Fabius by jealousy and prejudice of the
+citizens, he received back with good-will and even at the request of his
+colleague. (Mai, p. 194. Zonaras, 8, 26.) 17. ¶ The same man when about
+to retire from office sent for the consuls, surrendered his army to
+them, and advised them in addition very fully regarding all the details
+of what must be done. The safety of the city stood higher in his
+estimation than a reputation for being the only successful commander,
+and expecting that if they followed their own bent they would probably
+meet with failure, but if they heeded his counsel they would meet with a
+favorable outcome, he preferred to look to the second contingency for
+praise. And the consuls were not unduly bold but acted on the suggestion
+of Fabius, deeming it better not to accomplish any important result than
+to be ruined; hence they remained where they were throughout the entire
+period of their command. (Mai, p. 195. Zonaras, 8, 26.)
+
+18. For the Iapygians and Apulians dwell around the Ionic Gulf. Of the
+Apulians the tribes according to Dio are the Peuketii Pediculi, Daunii,
+Tarentini. There is also Cannæ, the "plain of Diomed," near Daunian
+Apulia. Messapia was called also Iapygia, later Salentia, and then
+Calabria. Argyrippa, a Diomedian city, was renamed Arpi by the
+Apulians. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 603 and 852. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] 19. Later he was arrayed against the
+Romans at Cannæ, when the Roman generals were Paulus and Terentius. Now
+Cannæ is a level district of Argyrippa, where Diomed founded the city
+Argyrippa, that is to say "Argos the Horse-City" in the tongue of the
+Greeks. And this plain comes to belong later to the Daunii (of the
+Iapygians), then to the Salantii, and now to those that all call by the
+name Calauri. It is also the boundary between the Calauri and
+Longibardi, where the great war burst upon them. (Tzetzes, Hist., 1,
+757-767. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+20. ¶ With regard to divination and astronomy Dio says: "I, however, can
+not form any opinion either about these events or about others that are
+foretold by divination. For what does foreshowing avail, if a thing
+shall certainly come to pass, and if there could be no averting of it
+either by human devices or by divine providence? Accordingly, let each
+man look at these matters in what way he pleases." (Mai, p. 195. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+21. ¶ The commanders were Paulus and Terentius, men not of similar
+temperament, but differing alike in family and in character. The former
+was a patrician, possessed of the graces of education, and esteemed
+safety before haste, being restrained partly, it might be said, as a
+result of the censure he had received for his former conduct in office.
+Hence he was not inclined to audacity, but was considering how he might
+keep from getting into trouble again rather than how he might achieve
+success by some desperate venture. Terentius, however, had been brought
+up among the rabble, was practiced in vulgar bravado, and so displayed
+lack of prudence in nearly all respects; for instance, he promised
+himself general direction of the war, kept constantly annoying the
+patricians, and thought that he alone should have the leadership in view
+of the quiet behavior of his colleague. Now they both reached the camp
+at a most opportune time: Hannibal had no longer any provender; Spain
+was in turmoil; the affection of the allies was being alienated from
+him: and if they had waited for even the briefest possible period, they
+would have conquered without trouble. As matters went, however, the
+heedlessness of Terentius and the submissiveness of Paulus, who always
+desired the proper course but assented to his colleague in most
+points--so sure is gentleness to be overcome by audacity,--compassed
+their defeat. (Mai, p. 196. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+22. ¶ In the mêlée of the war not even the boldest possessed a hope so
+buoyant as to rise above the fear that arose from its uncertainty. The
+surer they felt of conquering the more did they tremble for fear they
+might in some way come to grief. Those who are ignorant of a matter by
+reason of their very lack of perception are not awaiting anything
+terrible, but the boldness derived from calculation [lacuna] (Six pages
+are lacking.) (Mai, p. 196.)
+
+23. At the time when burst this frightful war, a terrific earthquake
+occurred, so that mountains were cleft asunder and showers of great
+stones poured down from heaven. But they, fighting vigorously, perceived
+none of these things. At last so great a multitude of Roman warriors
+fell that Hannibal, the general, in sending to Sicily the finger-rings
+of the generals and the other men of repute filled many bushel and peck
+measures--so great a multitude that the noble, foremost Roman women ran
+lamenting to the temples in Rome and with the hairs of their heads
+cleansed the statues there;--and later had intercourse with both slaves
+and barbarians (because the Roman land had been utterly impoverished of
+men), to the end that their race might not be every whit extirpated.
+Rome at that time, after the utter loss of all her citizens, stood
+inglorious through many day-coursing cycles. Her old men sitting at her
+outer gates bewailed the disaster most grievous to be borne and asked
+ever and anon the passers-by whether any one perchance were left alive.
+(Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 767-785. (Cp. Fragm. LVI, 19, which precedes this.)
+Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+24. ¶ Scipio, on learning that some of the Romans were prepared to
+abandon Rome, and indeed all Italy, because they felt it was destined to
+fall into the hands of the Carthaginians, yet found a way to restrain
+them. Sword in hand he sprang suddenly into the room where they were
+conferring, and after himself swearing to take all proper measures both
+of word and act he made them also devote themselves by oath to utter
+destruction, should they fail to keep their pledges to him. Later these
+men reached a harmonious decision and wrote to the consul that they were
+safe enough. He, however, did not at once write or despatch a messenger
+to Rome; on reaching Canusium he set in order affairs at that place,
+sent to the regions in proximity garrisons sufficient for immediate
+needs, and repulsed a cavalry attack upon the city. Altogether, he
+displayed neither dejection nor terror, but with an unbending spirit,
+as if no serious evil had befallen them, he both planned and executed
+all measures of immediate benefit. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+25. Hannibal took possession of the Nucerini under an agreement that
+each man should leave the city carrying one change of clothing. As soon,
+however, as he was master of the situation he shut the senators into
+bath-houses and suffocated them, and in the case of the others, although
+he had granted them permission to go away where they pleased, he cut
+down many of them even on the road. Still, this course was of no profit
+to him, for the rest became afraid that they might suffer a similar
+fate, and so would not come to terms with him and resisted as long as
+they could hold out. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+26. ¶ Marcellus showed great bravery, moderation, and justice. His
+demands on his subjects were not all rigorous or harsh, nor was he
+careful to see that they also should do what was needful. Those of them
+who committed any errors he pardoned humanely and, furthermore, was not
+angry if they failed to be like him. (Valesius, p. 601.)
+
+27. ¶ When many citizens of Nola were dreading the men captured at Cannæ
+and later released by Hannibal, because they thought that such persons
+favored the invader's cause, and when they were even desirous of putting
+them to death, he opposed it. Furthermore, he concealed from this time
+on the suspicion that he felt toward them, and treated them in such a
+way that they chose his side by preference, and became extremely useful
+both to their native land and to the Romans. (Valesius, p. 601. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+28. ¶ The same Marcellus when he perceived that one of the Lucanian
+cavalrymen was in love with a woman permitted him to keep her in the
+camp, because he was a most excellent fighter: this in spite of the
+fact that he had forbidden any women to enter the ramparts. (Valesius,
+p. 601.)
+
+29. ¶ He pursued the same course with the people of Acerræ as he had
+with those of Nucreia, except that he cast the senators into wells and
+not into bath-houses. (Valesius, p. 601. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+30. ¶ Fabius got back some of the men captured in former battles by
+exchanging man for man, while others he made a compact to ransom with
+money. When, however, the senate failed to confirm the expenditure,
+because it did not approve of their ransoming, he offered for sale, as I
+have said, [Footnote: Cp. section 14 (first paragraph) of this fragment.]
+his own farms and from the proceeds of them furnished the ransom for the
+men. (Valesius, p. 601.)
+
+31. Archimedes, the well-known inventor, was by birth a Syracusan. Now
+this old geometrician, who had passed through seventy-five seasons, had
+built many powerful engines, and by the triple pulley, with the aid of
+the left hand alone, could launch a merchant ship of fifty thousand
+medimni burden. And when Marcellus once, the Roman general, assaulted
+Syracuse by land and sea, this man first by his engines drew up some
+merchantmen, and lifting them up against the wall of Syracuse dropped
+them again and sent them every one to the bottom, crews and all. Again,
+as Marcellus removed his ships a little distance, the old man gave all
+the Syracusans the power to lift stones of a wagon's size, and letting
+them go one by one to sink the ships. When Marcellus withdrew a bow
+shot thence, the old man manufactured a kind of hexagonal mirror, and at
+an interval proportionate to the size of the mirror he set similar small
+mirrors with four edges, moving by links and by a kind of hinge, and
+made the glass the center of the rays of the sun,--its noontide ray,
+whether in summer or in the dead of winter. So after that when the beams
+were reflected into this, a terrible kindling of flame arose upon the
+ships, and he reduced them to ashes a bowshot off. Thus by his
+contrivances did the old man vanquish Marcellus.
+
+He used to say, moreover, in Dorian, the Syracusan dialect: "Give me
+where to stand, and with a lever I will move the whole earth."
+
+This man, when (according to Diodorus) this Syracuse surrendered herself
+entire to Marcellus, or (according to Dio) was pillaged by the Romans
+during an all-night festival to Artemis that the citizens were
+celebrating, was killed by a certain Roman in the following fashion.--He
+was bent over, drawing some geometrical figure, and some Roman, coming
+upon him, made him his prisoner and began to drag him away: but he, with
+all his attention fixed just then upon his figure, not knowing who it
+was that pulled him said to the man: "Stand aside, fellow, from my
+figure." But as the other kept on dragging, he turned, and recognizing
+him as a Roman cried out: "Let some one give me one of my machines." The
+Roman in terror immediately killed him, an unsound weak old man, but
+marvelous through his works. Marcellus straightaway mourned on learning
+this, buried him brilliantly in his ancestral tomb, assisted by the
+noblest citizens and all the Romans, and the man's murderer, I trow, he
+slew with an axe. Dio and Diodorus have written the story. (Tzetzes,
+Hist. 2, 103-149. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 4.)
+
+32. Proculus sings of having forged fire-producing mirrors and of having
+hung them from the wall opposite the enemy's ships. Then when the rays
+of the sun fell upon these, fire was struck out of them that consumed
+the naval force of the opponents and the ships themselves,--a device
+which Dio relates Archimedes hit upon long ago, at the time when the
+Romans were besieging Syracuse. (Zonaras, 14, 3.)
+
+33. Though such a disaster at that time had overwhelmed Rome, Hannibal
+neglected to reduce the town, and occupied in triumphs, drinking bouts
+and luxurious living appeared sluggish in the enterprise, until at
+length a Roman army was collected for the Romans.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (_a.u._ 543)] Then was he hindered in three-fold
+manner when he set out for Rome. For of a sudden from the clear sky a
+most violent hail poured down, and a spreading darkness kept him from
+his journey. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 786-792. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
+
+34. Dio in his Roman History 15: "For as a result of their position from
+very early times and their pristine friendship for the Romans, they
+would not endure to be punished, but the Campanians undertook to accuse
+Flaccus and the Syracusans Marcellus. And they were condemned in the
+assembly." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: 'edkaióthaesan'].)
+
+35. Dio in 15th Book: "For fear the Syracusans, in despair of
+assistance, commit some act of rebellion." (Bekker, Anecdota, p. 119,
+121. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
+
+36. ¶ The Romans had made propositions to Hannibal looking to a return
+of the prisoners on both sides, but did not accomplish the exchange
+although they sent, Carthalo to them for this very purpose. For when
+they would not receive him, as an enemy, within the walls, he refused to
+hold any conversation with them, but immediately turned back in anger.
+(Ursinus, p. 379. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
+
+37. ¶ Scipio the prætor, who saved his wounded father, surpassed in
+natural excellence, was renowned for his education, and possessed great
+force both of mind and also of language, whenever the latter was
+necessary. These qualities he displayed conspicuously in his acts, so
+that he seemed to be high-minded and disposed to do great deeds not for
+the sake of an empty boast but as the result of a steadfast tendency.
+For these reasons and because he scrupulously paid honors to the
+heavenly powers, he was elected. He had never had charge of any public
+or private enterprise before he ascended the Capitol and spent some time
+there. On this account also he acquired the reputation of having sprung
+from Jupiter, who had taken the form of a serpent on the occasion of
+intercourse with his mother. [Footnote: Compare the story about Augustus
+(Volume III, page 3 of this translation).] And by this tradition he
+inspired many with a kind of hope in him. (Valesius, p.601. Zonaras, 9,
+7.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (_a.u._ 544)] 38. ¶ Scipio, although he did not
+receive the title of legal commander from those by whom he was elected,
+nevertheless made the army his friend, roused the men from their
+undisciplined state and drilled them, and brought them out of the terror
+with which their misfortunes had filled them. As for Marcius, [Footnote:
+This is L. Marcius, a knight, who at the death of Publius and Gnæus
+Scipio in Spain was chosen commander by the soldiers.] Scipio did not,
+as most men would have done, regard him as unfit because he had acquired
+popularity, but both in word and deed always showed him respect. He was
+the sort of man to wish to make his way not by slandering and
+overthrowing his neighbor, but by his native excellence. And it was this
+most of all that helped him to conciliate the soldiers. (Valesius,
+p.602.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (_a.u._ 545)] 39. ¶ When a mutiny of the soldiers
+took place, Scipio distributed many gifts to the soldiers and designated
+many also for the public treasury. Some of the captives he appointed to
+service in the general fleet and all the hostages he gave back freely to
+their relatives. For this reason many towns and many princes, among them
+Indibilis and Mandonius of the Ilergetes, came over to his side. The
+Celtiberian race, the largest and strongest of those in that region, he
+gained in the following way. He had taken among the captives a maiden
+distinguished for her beauty and it was supposed, on general principles,
+that he would fall in love with her: and when he learned that she was
+betrothed to Allucius, one of the Celtiberian magistrates, he
+voluntarily sent for him and delivered the girl to him along with the
+ransom her kinsfolk had brought. By this deed he attached to his cause
+both them and the rest of the nation. (Valesius, p.602. Zonaras, 9, 8.)
+
+40. ¶ Scipio was clever in strategy, agreeable in society, terrifying to
+his opponents, and humane to such as yielded. Furthermore, through his
+father's and his uncle's reputation he was thoroughly able to inspire
+confidence in his projects, because he was thought to have acquired his
+fame by hereditary excellence and not fortuitously. At this time the
+swiftness of his victory, the fact that Hasdrubal had retreated into the
+interior, and especially the recollection that he had predicted, whether
+through divine inspiration or by some chance information, that he would
+encamp in the enemy's country,--a prediction now fulfilled,--caused all
+to honor him as superior to themselves, while the Spaniards actually
+named him Great King. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 8.)
+
+41. ¶ The king of the Spaniards, taken captive by Scipio, chose to
+follow the Roman cause, surrendered his own sovereignty, and stood ready
+to furnish hostages. Scipio, though he accepted the man's alliance, said
+there was no need of hostages, for he possessed the necessary pledge in
+his own arms. [Footnote: Probably spurious (Melber).] (Mai, p. 545.)
+
+42. Dio in 16: "You all deserve to die: however, I shall not put you all
+to death, but I shall execute only a few whom I have already arrested;
+the rest I shall release." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: edikaióthaesan].
+Zonaras, 9, 10.)
+
+43. Later Hannibal incurred the jealousy of the Sicilians, and when he
+fell in need of grain, as the islanders did not send it, the former
+noble conqueror, now by famine conquered, was put to flight by Scipio
+the Roman, and to the Sicilians became part cause of their utter, dire
+destruction. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 793-797.)
+
+44. Thus these authorities in regard to the Gymnesian islands. Dio
+Cocceianus, however, says they are near the Iberus river and near the
+European Pillars of Hercules,--which islands the Greeks and Romans alike
+call the Gymnesian, but the Spaniards Valerian or Healthful Islands.
+(Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 633. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 10.)
+
+45. ¶ Masinissa was in general among the most prominent men and was
+wont to accomplish warlike deeds, whether by planning or by force, in
+the best manner, and gained the foremost place in the confidence not
+only of the men of his own race (and these are most distrustful as a
+rule) but of those who greatly prided themselves upon their sagacity.
+(Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+46. ¶ Masinissa became mightily enamoured of Sophonis, [Footnote:
+The name appears as Sophoniba in Livy (XXX, 12).] who possessed
+conspicuous beauty,--that symmetry of body and bloom of youth which
+is characteristic of the prime of life,--and had also been trained
+in a liberal literary and musical education. She was of attractive
+manners, coy and altogether so lovable that the mere sight of her or
+even the sound of her voice vanquished every one, however devoid of
+affection he might be. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+47[lacuna]. However he also wished to take revenge on him. For having
+incurred suspicion beforehand he took to flight, and on arriving at
+Libya inflicted many injuries by himself and many with Roman aid upon
+Syphax and the Carthaginians. Scipio, when he had won over the whole
+territory south of the Pyrenees, partly by force, partly by treaty,
+equipped himself for the journey to Libya, as he had received orders to
+do. This business, too, had now been entrusted to him in spite of much
+opposition, and he was instructed to join Syphax. Certainly he would
+have accomplished something worthy of his aspirations: he would have
+either surrounded Carthage with his troops and have captured the place
+or he would have drawn Hannibal from as he later did, had not the Romans
+at home through jealousy of him and through fear stood in his way. They
+reflected that youth without exception always reaches out after greater
+results and good fortune is often insatiate of success, and thought that
+it would be very difficult for a youthful spirit [lacuna] through
+self-confidence [lacuna] [lacuna] it would be of advantage not to treat
+him according to his power and fame but to look to their own liberty and
+safety, they dismissed him; in other words, the man that they themselves
+had put in charge of affairs when they stood in need of him they now of
+their own motion removed because he had become too great for the public
+safety. They were no longer anxious to conduct a destructive warfare
+through his agency against the Carthaginians, but simply to escape
+training up for themselves a self-chosen tyrant. So they sent two of the
+prætors to relieve him and called him home. Also they did not vote him a
+triumph, because he was campaigning as an individual and had been
+appointed to no legal command, but they allowed him to sacrifice a
+hundred white oxen upon the Capitol, to celebrate a festival, and to
+canvass for the consulship of the second year following. For the
+elections for the next year had recently been held.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (_a.u._ 547)] At this same period Sulpicius, too,
+with Attalus captured Oreus by treachery and Opus by main force. Philip
+although in Demetrias was unable to check their encroachments speedily
+because the Ætolians had seized the passes in advance. At last,
+however, he did arrive on the scene and finding Attalus disposing of the
+spoil from Opus (for this had fallen to his lot and that from Oreus to
+the Romans) he hurled him back to his ships. Attalus, accordingly, for
+this reason and also because Prusias, king of Bithynia, had invaded his
+country and was devastating it, hastily sailed away homewards.
+
+Philip, however, far from being elated at this success, even wished to
+conclude a truce with the Romans and especially because Ptolemy, too,
+was sending ambassadors from Egypt and trying to reconcile them. After
+some preliminary discussion [lacuna] he no longer requested peace, but
+[lacuna] drew the Ætolians away from the Roman alliance by some [lacuna]
+and made them friends.
+
+Nothing worthy of remembrance, however, was done either by him or by any
+others either then or in the following year when Lucius Veturius and
+Cæcilius Metellus became consuls: this notwithstanding the fact that
+many signs of ill-omen to the Romans were reported. For example, a
+hermaphrodite lamb was born, and a swarm of [lacuna] was seen, down the
+doors of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter two serpents glided, both
+the doors and the altar in the temple of Neptune ran with copious sweat,
+in Antium bloody ears were seen by some reapers, elsewhere a woman
+having horns appeared and many thunderbolts [lacuna] into temples
+[lacuna] Paris Fragment (10th Century MS.) (See Haase, Rh. Mus., 1839,
+p.458, ff. Zonaras 9, 11.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (_a.u._ 549)]48. ¶ Licinius Crassus, by reason of
+his geniality and beauty and wealth (which gained for him the name of
+Wealthy) and because he was a high priest, was to stay in Italy without
+casting lots for the privilege. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+49. ¶ The Pythian god commanded the Romans to entrust to the best of the
+citizens the conveyance to the city of the goddess from Pessinus, and
+they accordingly honored Publius Scipio, a son of Gnæus who died in
+Spain, above all others by their first preference. The reason was that
+he was in general [lacuna] and was deemed both pious and just. He at
+this time, accompanied by the most prominent women, conducted the
+goddess to Rome and to the Palatine. (Valesius, p. 606.)
+
+50. ¶ The Romans on learning of the actions of the Locrians, thinking it
+had come about through contempt of Scipio, were displeased, and under
+the influence of anger immediately made plans to end his leadership and
+to recall him for trial. They were also indignant because he adopted
+Greek manners, wore his toga thrown back over his shoulder, and
+contended in the palæstra. Furthermore it was said he gave over to the
+soldiers the property of the allies to plunder, and he was suspected of
+delaying the voyage to Carthage purposely, in order that he might hold
+office for a longer time; but it was principally at the instigation of
+men who all along had been jealous of him that they wished to summon
+him. Still, this proposition was not carried out because of the great
+favor, based on their hopes of him, which the mass of the people felt
+for him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+51 [lacuna]. they stopped and pitched a camp in a suitable place and
+fenced it all about with palisades, as they had brought in stakes for
+this very purpose. It had just been finished when a great serpent came
+gliding along beside it on the road leading to Carthage, so that by this
+portent, Scipio, owing to the tradition about his father, was
+encouraged, and devastated the country and assaulted the cities with
+greater boldness. Some of the latter he did succeed in capturing; and
+the Carthaginians not yet [lacuna] prepared remained still, and Syphax
+was by profession their friend, but, as a matter of fact, he held aloof
+from the action; by urging Scipio to come to terms with them he showed
+that he was unwilling that either side should conquer the other and at
+the same time become his master; on the contrary he desired them to
+oppose each other as vigorously as possible but to be at peace with him.
+Consequently, as Scipio was harrying the country, Hanno the cavalry
+commander (he was a son of Hasdrubal) [lacuna] the [lacuna] was
+persuaded on the part of Masinissa [lacuna] to the Carthaginians
+[lacuna] warlike [lacuna] was believed, and, therefore, Scipio, sending
+forward some horsemen on the advice of Masinissa [lacuna] laid an ambush
+in a suitable spot where they were destined [lacuna] making an onset to
+simulate flight. Against [lacuna] those wishing to pursue them. This
+also took place. The Carthaginians attacked them, and when after a
+little by agreement they turned, followed after at full speed while
+Masinissa with his accompanying cavalry lagged behind and got in the
+rear of the pursuers, and Scipio appearing from ambush went to meet
+them: thus they were cut off and overwhelmed with weapons on both sides
+and many were killed and captured [lacuna] and also Hanno. On learning
+this, Hasdrubal arrested the mother of Masinissa. And those captives
+were exchanged, one for the other.
+
+Now Syphax, being well aware that Masinissa would war against him no
+less than against the Carthaginians and fearing that he might find
+himself bereft of allies if they suffered any harm through his desertion
+of their cause, renounced his pretended friendship for the Romans and
+attached himself openly to the Carthaginians. He failed to render the
+wholehearted assistance, however, to the point of actually resisting the
+Romans, and the latter overran the country with impunity, carrying off
+much plunder and recovering many prisoners from Italy who had previously
+been sent to Libya by Hannibal; consequently they despised their foes
+and began a campaign against Utica. When Syphax and Hasdrubal saw this,
+they so feared for the safety of the place that they no longer remained
+passive; and their approach caused the Romans to abandon the siege,
+since they did not dare to contend against two forces at the same time.
+Subsequently the invaders went into winter quarters where they were,
+getting a part of their provisions from the immediate neighborhood and
+sending for a part from Sicily and Sardinia; for the ships that carried
+the spoils to Sicily could also bring them food supplies.
+
+In Italy no great results were accomplished in the war against Hannibal.
+Publius Sempronius in a small engagement was vanquished by Hannibal, but
+later overcame the latter in turn: Livius and Nero, having become
+censors, announced to those Latins who had abandoned the joint
+expedition and had been designated to furnish a double quota of
+soldiers, that a census of persons taxable should be taken; this they
+did in order that others, too, might contribute money, and they made
+salt, which up to that time had been free of tax, taxable. This measure
+was for no other purpose than to satisfy Livius, who designed it, thus
+requiting the citizens for their vote of condemnation; and indeed, he
+received a nickname from it; after this he was called Salinator.
+[Footnote: Salinator = "salt-dealer."] This was one act that caused
+these censors to become notorious; another was that they deprived each
+other of their horses and made each other ærarii [Footnote: Ærarius--a
+citizen of the lowest class, who paid only a poll-tax and had no right
+to vote.] [lacuna] according to the [lacuna] (Paris fragment (p. 460).
+Zonaras, 9, 12.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (_a.u._ 551)] 52. ¶ Scipio captured a Carthaginian
+vessel but released it, inflicting no injury when they feigned to have
+been coming on an embassy to him. He knew that this pretext was invented
+to secure the safety of the captives, but preferred avoiding the
+possibility of being touched by the breath of slander to the retention
+of the ship. Also, when Syphax at that time was still endeavoring to
+reconcile them on the terms that Scipio should sail from Libya and
+Hannibal from Italy, he received his proposition not because he trusted
+him, but to the end that he might ruin him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras,
+9, 12.)
+
+53. ¶ The Romans came bringing to Scipio along with much other property
+Syphax himself. And the commander would not consent to see him remain
+bound in chains, but calling to mind his entertainment at the other's
+court and reflecting on human misfortunes, on the fact that his captive
+had been king over no inconsiderable power and had shown commendable
+zeal in his behalf, and that nevertheless he beheld him in so pitiable a
+plight,--Scipio leaped from his chair, loosed him, embraced him, and
+treated him with great consideration. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9,
+13.)
+
+54. ¶ The Carthaginians made propositions to Scipio through heralds, and
+of the demands made upon them by him there was none that did not promise
+to satisfy, although they never intended to carry out their agreement;
+they did, to be sure, give him money at once and gave back all the
+prisoners, but in regard to the other matters they sent envoys to Rome.
+The Romans would not receive them at that time, declaring that it was a
+tradition in the State not to negotiate a peace with any parties while
+their armies were in Italy. Later when Hannibal and Mago had embarked,
+they granted the envoys an audience and fell into a dispute among
+themselves, being of two minds. At last, however, they voted the peace
+on the terms that Scipio had arranged. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9,
+13.)
+
+55. ¶ The Carthaginians attacked Scipio both by land and by sea. Scipio,
+vexed at this, made a complaint, but they returned no proper answer to
+the envoys and moreover actually plotted against them when they sailed
+back; and had not by chance a wind sprung up and aided them, they would
+have been captured or would have perished. On this account Scipio,
+although at this time the commissioners arrived with peace for the men
+of Carthage, refused any longer to make it. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras,
+9, 13.)
+
+56. Nearly all who conduct a military expedition,--or many, at any
+rate,--perform voluntarily many acts which would not be required of
+them. They look askance at their instructions as something forced upon
+them, but are delighted with the projects of their own minds because
+they feel themselves so far independent. (Valesius, p. 609.)
+
+57. Dio in Book 17: "He suddenly halted in his running." (Bekker,
+Anecd., p. 140, 23. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+58. Dio in _Roman History_ 17: "In general the fortunate party is
+inclined to audacity and the unfortunate to moderate behavior, and
+accordingly, the timid party is wont to show temperance and the
+audacious intemperance. This was to be noted to an especial degree in
+that case." [Footnote: This may conceivably relate to Masinissa's
+marrying Sophoniba without authorization.] (Suidas s. v. [Greek: hôst
+hephipan])
+
+59. Dio in Roman History 17: "And a report about them of same such
+nature as follows was made public." (Suidas and Etymologicum Magnum and
+others s. v. [Greek: hedêmhôthê].)
+
+60. [Greek: henthymixhomenoi] = _calculating_. So Dio in Book 17, Roman
+History. (Suidas or Etym. in Cramer. Anecd., Paris, Vol. IV, p. 169, 8.
+Zonaras, Lex., p. 750.)
+
+61. [Greek: diathithêmi] ("arrange") for [Greek: diaprhattomai]
+("accomplish"), with the accusative in Dio, Book 18: "And culling all
+the best flowers of philosophy." (Bekker, Anecd., p. 133, 29.) [This is
+from two glosses, and there is confusion caused by gaps.--Ed.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u. 553_)]62. [The Carthaginians made overtures
+for peace to Scipio. The terms agreed upon were, that they should give
+hostages, should return the captives and deserters they were holding
+(whether of the Romans or of the allies), should surrender all the
+elephants and the triremes (save ten), and for the future possess
+neither elephants nor ships, should withdraw from all territory of
+Masinissa that they were holding and restore to him the country and the
+cities that were properly in his domain, that they should not hold
+levies, nor use mercenaries, nor make war upon any one contrary to the
+advice and consent of the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+63. ¶ It seemed to Cornelius [Footnote: _Cu. Cornelius Lentulus_.] the
+consul, as well as to many other Romans, that Carthage ought to be
+destroyed, and he was wont to say that it was impossible, while that
+city existed, for them to be free from fear. (Ursinus, p. 381. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+64. In the popular assembly, however, [lacuna] all unanimously voted for
+peace. [_About three obscure lines (fragmentary) follow_.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] And of the elephants the larger number
+were carried off to Rome, and the rest were presented to Masinissa.
+[lacuna] of Carthaginians. And they themselves, immediately after the
+ratification of the peace, abandoned Italy, and the Romans, Libya. The
+Carthaginians who sent commissioners to Rome were allowed by the Romans
+to contribute for the benefit of the captives severally related to them;
+and about two hundred of them were sent back without ransoms to Scipio
+[lacuna] after the treaty [lacuna] and friendship [lacuna] confirmed;
+and they granted peace [lacuna] [Two fragmentary lines.]
+
+Scipio accordingly attained great prominence by these deeds, but
+Hannibal was even brought to trial by his own people; he was accused of
+having refused to capture Rome when he was able to do so, and of having
+appropriated the plunder in Italy. He was not, however, convicted, but
+was shortly after entrusted with the highest office in Carthage [lacuna]
+[One fragmentary line.] (Paris Fragment, p. 462. Zonaras, 9, 14. Livy,
+30:42, 43, 45.) [Frag. LVII]
+
+1[lacuna]. Marcus [lacuna] sent to Philip by the generals [lacuna] from
+them either [lacuna] was successful; embassy [lacuna] of Philip and
+[lacuna] and some [lacuna] which he himself [lacuna] had sent to the
+Carthaginians [lacuna] not at all peace [lacuna] having vanquished
+[lacuna] enemies by the [lacuna] rendered them of no less importance in
+reputation. (Paris Fragment, p. 463. Cp. Zonaras, 9. 15 = Livy 30:42.)
+
+[Frag. LVII]
+
+2. I found the Dardanians to be a race dwelling above the Illyrians and
+Macedonians. And the city of Dardanus is there. (Isaac Tzetzes on
+Lycophron, 1128. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]3. And they [Footnote: I.e., the Romans
+and the Macedonians.]delayed for several days, not meeting in battle
+array but conducting skirmishes and sallies of the light-armed troops
+and the horse. The Romans, for their part, were eager to join battle
+with all speed: their force was a strong one, they had little provision,
+and consequently would often go up to the foe's palisade. Philip, on the
+other hand, was weaker in point of armed followers, but his supply of
+provisions was better than theirs because his own country was close by;
+so he waited, expecting that they would become exhausted without a
+conflict, and if he had possessed self-control he certainly would have
+accomplished something. As it was, he acquired a contempt for the
+Romans, thinking that they feared him because they had transferred their
+camp to a certain spot from which they could get food better: he
+thereupon attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in
+plundering and managed to kill a few. Galba on perceiving this made a
+sortie from the camp, fell upon him while off his guard, and slew many
+more in return. Philip, in view of his defeat and the further fact that
+he was wounded, no longer held his position but after a truce of some
+days for the taking up and burial of the corpses withdrew the first part
+of the night. Galba, however, did not follow him up; he was short of
+provisions, he did not know the country, and particularly he was
+ignorant of his adversary's strength; he was also afraid that if he
+advanced inconsiderately he might come to grief. For these reasons he
+was unwilling to proceed farther, but retired to Apollonia.
+
+During this same time Apustius with the Rhodians and with Attalus
+cruised about and subjugated many of the islands [lacuna] (Paris
+Fragment, p. 464. Zonaras, 9, 15. Cp. Livy, 31:21 ff.)
+
+4. The Insubres were thrown into confusion. For Hamilcar, a
+Carthaginian, who had made a campaign with Mago and remained secretly in
+those regions, after a term of quiet, during which he was satisfied
+merely to elude discovery, as soon as the Macedonian war broke out,
+caused the Gauls to revolt from the Romans; then in company with the
+rebels he made an expedition against the Ligurians and won over some of
+them. Later they had a battle with the prætor Lucius Furius, were
+defeated, and sent envoys asking peace. This the Ligurians obtained;
+then others [lacuna] [Five fragmentary lines.] (Paris Fragment, p. 465.
+Zonaras, 9, 15.)
+
+5[lacuna]. he thought he ought to be granted a triumph, and many
+arguments were presented on both sides. Some, especially in view of the
+malignity of Aurelius, eagerly furthered his cause and magnified his
+victory, using many illustrations. Others declared he had contended with
+the help of the consular army and had no individual and independent
+appointment, and furthermore they even demanded an accounting from him
+because he had not carried out his instructions. However, he won his
+point. And he in that place [lacuna] before Aurelius [lacuna] Vermis
+[lacuna] from the [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 465. Cp. Livy, 31:47 ff.)
+
+[Frag. LVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] ¶ Philip after his defeat sent heralds
+to Flamininus. The latter, however eagerly he coveted Macedonia and
+desired the fullest results from his good fortune of the moment,
+nevertheless made a truce. The cause lay in the fear that, if Philip
+were out of the way, the Greeks might recover their ancient spirit and
+no longer pay them court, that the Ætolians, already filled with great
+boasting because they had contributed the largest share to the victory,
+might become more vexatious to them, and that Antiochus might, as was
+reported, come to Europe and form an alliance with Philip. (Ursinus, p.
+381. Zonaras, 9, 16.)
+
+[Frag. LIX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._ 562)] 1. ¶ Antiochus and his generals were
+ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and his passion for a
+certain girl he had drifted into luxurious living and had at the same
+time rendered the rest unfit for warfare. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9,
+19.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] 2. ¶ Seleucus [Footnote: Probably an
+error of the excerptor, for Antiochus himself.] the son of Antiochus
+captured the son of Africanus, who was sailing across from Greece, and
+had given him the kindest treatment. Although his father many times
+requested the privilege of ransoming him, his captor refused, yet did
+him no harm: on the contrary, he showed him every honor and finally,
+though he failed of securing peace, released him without ransom.
+(Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)
+
+[Frag. LX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] ¶ Many were jealous of the Scipios
+because the two brothers of excellent stock and trained in virtue had
+accomplished all that has been related and had secured such titles. That
+these victors could not be charged with wrongdoing is made plain by my
+former statements and was shown still more conclusively on the occasion
+of the confiscation of the property of Asiaticus,--which was found to
+consist merely of his original inheritance,--or again by the retirement
+of Africanus to Liternum and the security that he enjoyed there to the
+end of his life. At first he did appear in court, [Footnote: Political
+enemies of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus summoned him to court on
+trumped-up charges.] thinking that he would be saved by the genuineness
+of his good behavior. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)
+
+[Frag. LXI]
+
+¶ The Romans, when they had had a taste of Asiatic luxury and had
+spent some time in the possessions of the vanquished amid the
+abundance of spoils and the license granted by success in arms,
+rapidly came to emulate their prodigality and ere long to trample
+under foot their ancestral traditions. Thus this terrible influence,
+arising from that source, fell also upon the city. (Valesius, p. 609.)
+
+[Frag. LXII]
+
+¶ Gracchus was thoroughly a man of the people and a very fluent public
+speaker, but his disposition was very different from Cato's. Although
+he had an enmity of long standing against the Scipios, he would not
+endure what was taking place but spoke in defence of Africanus, who
+was accused while absent, and exerted himself to prevent any smirch
+from attaching to that leader; and he prevented the imprisonment of
+Asiaticus. Consequently the Scipios, too, relinquished their hatred of
+him and made a family alliance, Africanus bestowing upon him his own
+daughter. (Valesius, p. 610.)
+
+[Frag. LXIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (_a.u._ 567)] ¶ Some youths who had insulted the
+Carthaginian envoys that had come to Rome were sent to Carthage and
+delivered up to the people; they received no injury, however, at the
+hands of the citizens and were released. (Ursinus, p. 381.)
+
+[Frag. LXIV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (_a.u._ 571)] ¶ He himself [i.e. Hannibal] died by
+drinking poison near Bithynia, in a certain place called Libyssa by
+name; though he thought to die in Libyssa his own proper country. For an
+oracle had once been written down for Hannibal to the following effect:
+"A Libyssan clod shall hide the form of Hannibal." Later the Roman
+Emperor Severus, being of Libyan birth, interred in a tomb of white
+marble this man, the general Hannibal. (Tzetzes. Hist. 1, 798-805. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 21.)
+
+[Frag. LXV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 169 (_a.u._ 585)] 1. ¶ Perseus hoped to eject the Romans
+from Greece completely, but through his excessive and inopportune
+parsimony and the consequent contempt of his allies he became weak once
+more. When Roman influence was declining slightly and his own was
+increasing, he was filled with scorn and thought he had no further need
+of his allies, but believed that either they would assist him free of
+cost or he could prevail by himself. Hence he paid neither Eumenes nor
+Gentius the money that he had promised, thinking that they must have
+reasons of their own strong enough to insure hostility towards the
+Romans. These princes, therefore, and the Thrasians--they, too, were not
+receiving their full pay--became indifferent; and Perseus fell into such
+depths of despair again as actually to sue for peace. (Valesius, p. 610.
+Zonaras, 9, 22.)
+
+2. ¶ Perseus sued for peace at the hands of the Romans, and would have
+obtained it but for the presence in his embassy of the Rhodians, who
+joined it through fear that a rival to the Romans might be annihilated.
+Their language had none of the moderation which petitioners should
+employ, and they talked as if they were not so much asking peace for
+Perseus as bestowing it, and adopted a generally haughty tone: finally
+they threatened those who should be responsible for their failing to
+come to a satisfactory agreement by saying that they would fight on the
+opposite side. They had previously been somewhat under the ban of Roman
+suspicion, but after this many more hard things were said of them and
+they prevented Perseus from obtaining peace. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras,
+9, 22.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (_a.u._ 586)]3. ¶ When Perseus was in the temple at
+Samothrace, a demand was made upon him for the surrender of one Evander,
+of Cretan stock, a most faithful follower who had assisted him in many
+schemes against the Romans and had helped to concoct the plot carried
+out at Delphi against Eumenes. The prince, fearing that he might declare
+all the intrigues to which he had been privy, did not deliver him but
+secretly slew him and spread abroad the report that he had made way with
+himself in advance. The associates of Perseus, fearing his treachery
+and blood-guiltiness, then began to desert his standard. (Valesius, p.
+610. Zonaras, 9, 23.)
+
+4. ¶ Perseus allowed himself [Footnote: Cp. Livy, XLV, 6.] to be found,
+and upon his being brought to Amphipolis Paulus accorded him no harsh
+treatment by deed or word, but on the contrary made way for him when he
+approached, entertained him in various ways and had him sit at his
+table, keeping him, meanwhile, although a prisoner, unconfined and
+showing him every courtesy. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 23.)
+
+[Frag. LXVI]
+
+¶ Paulus was not only good at generalship but most inaccessible to
+bribes. Of this the following is proof. Though he had at that time
+entered for a second term upon the consulship and had gained possession
+of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great indigence that when
+he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to his wife. Such was
+the nature of the man and such were his deeds. The only thing regarded
+as a blemish that attaches to his character is his turning over the
+possessions [of the Epirots?] to his soldiers for pillage: for the rest,
+he showed himself a man not devoid of charm and temperate in good
+fortune, who was seen to be extremely lucky and at the same time full of
+wise counsel in dealing with the enemy. As an illustration: he was not
+cowardly or heedless in waging war against Perseus, but afterward did
+not assume a pompous or boastful air toward him. (Valesius, p. 613.
+Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+[Frag. LXVII]
+
+1. ¶ The Rhodians, who formerly had possessed a vast amount of
+self-esteem, thinking that they, too, ranked as conquerors of Philip and
+Antiochus, and were stronger than the Romans, fell into such depths of
+terror as to despatch an ambassador to Antiochus, king of Syria, and
+summon Popilius, in whose presence they condemned all those opposed to
+the Roman policy and then sent such as were arrested to punishment.
+(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+2. ¶ The same persons, though they had often sent envoys to them, as
+frequently as they wanted anything, now ceased to bring to their
+attention any of the former enterprises, but mentioned only those cases
+which they could cite pertaining to services once rendered which might
+be useful in diverting Roman ill-will. They were especially anxious at
+this time to secure the title of Roman allies. Previously they had
+refused to accept it. They had wished to inspire some fear in
+Rome,--for, not being bound to friendship by any oath, they had power to
+transfer their allegiance at any time,--and furthermore to be courted by
+such states as from time to time might be engaged in war with that city.
+But now they were looking to confirm the favor of the Romans and to the
+consequent honor that was sure to be accorded to them by others.
+(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+[Frag. LXVIII]
+
+¶ Prusias himself entered the senate-house at Rome and covered the
+threshold with kisses. The senators he termed gods, and worshiped them.
+Thus, then, he obtained an abundance of pity, though he had fought
+against Attalus contrary to the Roman decision. It was said that at
+home, too, whenever their envoys came to him, he worshiped them, calling
+himself a freedman of the people, and often he would put on a slave's
+cap. (Ursinus, p. 383. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+[Frag. LXIX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] ¶ Scipio Africanus excelled in
+planning out at leisure the requisite course, but excelled also in
+discovering at a moment's notice what needed to be done, and knew how to
+employ either method on the proper occasion. The duties that lay before
+him he reviewed boldly but accomplished their fulfillment as if with
+timidity. Therefore by his fearless detailed investigation he obtained
+accurate knowledge of the fitting action in every emergency, and by his
+good judgment in doubtful cases met these emergencies safely.
+Consequently, if he was ever brought face to face with some need that
+admitted of no deliberation,--as is wont to happen in the contradictions
+of warfare and the turns of fortune--not even then did he miss the
+proper course. Through accustoming himself to regard no happening as
+unreasonable he was not unprepared for the assault of sudden events,
+but through his incessant activity was able to meet the unexpected as if
+he had forseen it long before. As a result he showed himself daring in
+matters where he felt he was right, and ready to run risks where he felt
+bold. In bodily frame he was strong as the best of the soldiers. This
+led to one of his most remarkable characteristics: he would devise
+movements that looked advantageous as if he were merely going to command
+others, and at the time of action would execute them as if they had been
+ordered by others. Besides not swerving from the ordinary paths of
+rectitude, he kept faith scrupulously not only with the citizens and his
+acquaintances, but with foreign and most hostile nations. This, too,
+brought many individuals as well as many cities to his standard. He
+never spoke or acted without due consideration or through anger or fear,
+but as a result of the certainty of his calculations he was ready for
+all chances: he had thought out practically all human possibilities; he
+never did anything unexpected, but deliberated every matter beforehand,
+according to its nature. Thus he perceived very easily the right course
+to follow even before there was any necessity, and pursued it with
+firmness.
+
+These are the reasons, or chiefly these--I should mention also his
+moderation and amiability--that he alone of men escaped the envy of his
+peers, or of any one else. He chose to make himself like to his
+inferiors, not better than his equals, weaker than greater men, and so
+passed beyond the power of jealousy, which harasses only the noblest
+men. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 27.)
+
+[Frag. LXX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 148 (_a.u._ 606)] Dio in Book 21: "Phameas, despairing
+of the Carthaginian cause" [lacuna] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 124, 9a. Zonaras,
+9, 27.)
+
+[Frag. LXXI]
+
+What age limit, pray, is imposed upon those who from their very boyhood
+set their faces toward obtaining a right state of mind? What number of
+years has been settled upon with reference to the fulfillment of duties?
+Is it not true that all who enjoy an excellent nature and good fortune
+both think and do in all things what is right from the very beginning,
+whereas those who at this age of their life have little sense would
+never subsequently grow more prudent, even if they should pass through
+many years? A man may continue to improve upon his former condition as
+he advances in age, but not one would turn out wise from being foolish,
+or sensible from being silly. Do not, therefore, put the young into a
+state of dejection through the idea that they are actually condemned to
+a state of inability to perform their duties. On the contrary, you ought
+to urge them to practice zealously the performance of all that they are
+required to do, and to look for both honors and offices even before they
+reach old age. By this course you will render their elders better,
+too,--first, by confronting them with many competitors, and next by
+making clear that you are going to establish not length of years but
+innate excellence as the test in conferring positions of command upon
+any citizens, even more than you do in the case of ordinary benefits.
+[Footnote: These words would appear to be taken from the speech before
+the senate of some such person as a tribune of the plebs, and to relate
+either to the consulship of Scipio Æmilianus (B.C. 148) or to the
+Spanish appointment of Scipio Africanus (B.C. 211), preferably the
+former.] (Mai, p. 547, and also Excerpts from a Florentine MS. of John
+of Antioch's _Parallela_. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 29.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Dio's Rome, Vol VI., by Cassius Dio
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Dio's Rome, Vol VI.
+       An Historical Narrative Originally Composed In Greek During The
+       Reigns Of Septimius Severus, Geta And Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus
+       And Alexander Severus
+
+
+Author: Cassius Dio
+
+Release Date: April 16, 2004 [EBook #12061]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOL VI. ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Ted Garvin, Jayam Subramanian and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                   DIO'S ROME
+
+
+                       AN
+
+              HISTORICAL NARRATIVE
+          ORIGINALLY COMPOSED IN GREEK
+              DURING THE REIGNS OF
+             SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, GETA
+             AND CARACALLA, MACRINUS,
+         ELAGABALUS AND ALEXANDER SEVERUS:
+
+                       AND
+
+
+          NOW PRESENTED IN ENGLISH FORM
+
+
+                        BY
+
+
+             HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,
+      A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins),
+  Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University
+
+
+
+
+                   SIXTH VOLUME
+
+
+
+
+I.   Books 77-80 (A.D. 211-229).
+
+II.  Fragments of Books 1-21 (Melber's Arrangement).
+
+III. Glossary of Latin Terms.
+
+IV.  General Index.
+
+
+
+                    1905
+
+
+           PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY
+               TROY NEW YORK
+
+
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+77
+
+
+Antoninus begins his reign by having various persons assassinated,
+among them his brother Geta (chapters 1-3).
+
+Cruelty of Antoninus toward Papinianus, Cilo, and others (chapters
+4-6).
+
+Antoninus as emulator of Alexander of Macedon (chapters 7, 8).
+
+His levies and extravagance (chapters 9-11).
+
+His treachery toward Abgarus of Osrhoene, toward the Armenian king,
+the Parthian king, and the Germans (chapters 12, 13).
+
+The Cenni conquer Antoninus in battle (chapter 14).
+
+He strives to drive out his disease of mind by consulting spirits and
+oracles (chapter 15).
+
+Slaughter of vestals, insults to the senate, demise of others contrary
+to his mother's wishes (chapters 16-18).
+
+Antoninus's Parthian war (chapters 19-21).
+
+Massacres of Alexandrians caused by Antoninus (chapters 22-24).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+Q. Epidius Rufus Lollianus Gentianus, Pomponius Bassus (A.D. 211 = a.
+u. 964 = First of Antoninus, from Feb. 4th).
+
+C. Iulius Asper (II), C. Iulius Asper. (A.D. 212 = a.u. 965 = Second
+of Antoninus.)
+
+Antoninus Aug. (IV), D. Coelius Balbinus (II). (A.D. 213 = a.u. 966 =
+Third of Antoninus.)
+
+Silius Messala, Sabinus. (A.D. 214 = a.u. 967 = Fourth of Antoninus.)
+
+Laetus (II), Cerealis. (A.D. 215 = a.u. 968 = Fifth of Antoninus.)
+
+C. Attius Sabinus (II), Cornelius Annullinus. (A.D. 216 = a.u. 969 =
+Sixth of Antoninus.)
+
+
+(_BOOK 78, BOISSEVAIN_.)
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 211 (_a.u._ 964)] [Sidenote:--1--] After this Antoninus
+secured the entire power. Nominally he ruled with his brother, but in
+reality alone and at once. With the enemy he came to terms, withdrew
+from their country, and abandoned the forts. But his own people he
+either dismissed (as Papinianus the prefect) or else killed (as Euodus,
+his nurse, Castor, and his wife Plautilla, and the latter's brother
+Plautius). In Rome itself he also executed a man who was renowned for no
+other reason than his profession, which made him very conspicuous. This
+was Euprepes, the charioteer; he killed him when the man dared to show
+enthusiasm for a cause that the emperor opposed. So Euprepes died in
+old age after having been crowned in an endless number of horse-races.
+He had won seven hundred and eighty-two of them,--a record equaled by
+none other.
+
+Antoninus had first had the desire to murder his brother while his
+father was still alive, but had been unable to do so at that time
+because of Severus, or later, on the road, because of the legions. The
+men felt very kindly toward the younger son, especially because in
+appearance he was the very image of his father. But when Antoninus
+arrived in Rome, he got rid of this rival also. The two pretended to
+love and commend each other, but their actions proved quite the reverse
+to be true, and anybody could see that some catastrophe would result
+from their relations. This fact was recognized even prior to their
+reaching Rome. When it had been voted by the senate to sacrifice in
+behalf of their harmony both to the other gods and to Harmony herself,
+the assistants made ready a victim to be sacrificed to Harmony and the
+consul arrived to do the slaughtering; yet he could not find them, nor
+could the assistants find the consul. They spent nearly the whole night
+looking for each other, so that the sacrifice could not be performed on
+that occasion. The next day two wolves climbed the Capitol, but were
+chased away from that region: one of them was next encountered somewhere
+in the Forum, and the other was later slain outside the pomerium. This
+is the story about those two animals.
+
+[Sidenote:--2---] It was Antoninus's wish to murder his brother at the
+Saturnalia, but he was not able to carry out his intention. The danger
+had already grown too evident to be concealed. As a consequence, there
+were many violent meetings between the two,--both feeling that they were
+being plotted against,--and many precautionary measures were taken on
+both sides. As many soldiers and athletes, abroad and at home, day and
+night, were guarding Geta, Antoninus persuaded his mother to send for
+him and his brother and have them come along to her house with a view to
+being reconciled. Geta without distrust went in with him. When they were
+well inside, some centurions suborned by Antoninus rushed in a body.
+Geta on seeing them had run to his mother, and as he hung upon her neck
+and clung to her bosom and breasts he was cut down, bewailing his fate
+and crying out: "Mother that bore me, mother that bore me, help! I am
+slain!!"
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 212 (_a.u._ 965)] Tricked in this way, she beheld her son
+perishing by most unholy violence in her very lap, and, as it were,
+received his death into her womb whence she had borne him. She was all
+covered with blood, so that she made no account of the wound she had
+received in her hand. She might neither mourn nor weep for her son,
+although, untimely he had met so miserable an end (he was only
+twenty-two years and nine months old): on the contrary, she was
+compelled to rejoice and laugh as though enjoying some great piece of
+luck. All her words, gestures, and changes of color were watched with
+the utmost narrowness. She alone, Augusta, wife of the emperor, mother
+of emperors, was not permitted to shed tears even in private over so
+great a calamity.
+
+[Sidenote:--3--] Antoninus, although it was evening, took possession of
+the legions after bawling all the way along the road that he had been
+the object of a plot and was in danger. On entering the fortifications,
+he exclaimed: "Rejoice, fellow-soldiers, for now I have a chance to
+benefit you!" Before they heard the whole story he had stopped their
+mouths with so many and so great promises that they could neither think
+nor speak anything decent. "I am one of you," he said, "it is on your
+account alone that I care to live, that so I may afford you much
+happiness. All the treasuries are yours." Indeed, he said this also: "I
+pray if possible to live with you, but if not, at any rate to die with
+you. I do not fear death in any form, and it is my desire to end my days
+in warfare. There should a man die, or nowhere!"
+
+To the senate on the following day he made various remarks and after
+rising from his seat he went towards the door and said: "Listen to a
+great announcement from me. That the whole world may be glad, let all
+the exiles, who have been condemned on any complaint whatever in any way
+whatever, be restored to full rights." Thus did he empty the islands of
+exiles and grant pardon to the worst condemned criminals, but before
+long he had the isles full again.
+
+[Sidenote:--4--] The Caesarians and the soldiers that had been with Geta
+were suddenly put to death to the number of twenty thousand, men and
+women alike, wherever in the palace any of them happened to be.
+Antoninus slew also various distinguished men, among them Papinianus.
+
+  ¶While the Pretorians accused Papianus (_sic_) and Patruinus
+  [Footnote: This is Valerius Patruinus.] for certain actions,
+  Antoninus allowed the complainants to kill them, and added the
+  following remark: "I hold sway for your advantage and not for my
+  own; therefore, I defer to you both as accusers and as judges."
+
+He rebuked the murderer of Papinianus for using an axe instead of a
+sword to give the finishing stroke.
+
+He had also desired to deprive of life Cilo, his nurse and benefactor,
+who had served as prefect of the city during his father's reign, whom he
+had also often called father. The soldiers sent against him plundered
+his silver plate, his robes, his money, and everything else that
+belonged to him. Cilo himself they conducted along the Sacred Way,
+making the palace their destination, where they prepared to give him his
+quietus. He had low slippers [Footnote: Reading [Greek: blahytast] in the
+place of the MS. [Greek: chlhapast]. This emendation is favored by Cobet
+(Mnemosyne, N.S., X, p. 211) and Naber (Mnemosyne, N.S., XVI, p. 113).]
+on his feet, since he had chanced to be in the bath when apprehended,
+and wore an abbreviated tunic. The men rent his clothing open and
+disfigured his face, so that the people and the soldiers stationed in
+the city made clamorous objections. Therefore Antoninus, out of respect
+and fear for them, met the party, and, shielding Cilo with his cavalry
+cloak,--he was wearing military garb,--cried out: "Insult not my father!
+Strike not my nurse!" The tribune charged with slaying him and the
+soldiers in his contingent lost their lives, nominally for making plots
+but really for not having killed their victim.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] [But Antoninus was so anxious to appear to love Cilo
+that he declared: "Those who have plotted against him have plotted
+against me." Commended for this by the bystanders, he proceeded: "Call
+me neither Hercules nor the name of any other god;" not that he was
+unwilling to be termed a god, but because he wished to do nothing worthy
+of a god. He was naturally capricious in all matters, and would bestow
+great honors upon people and then suddenly disgrace them, quite without
+reason. He would save those who least deserved it and punish those whom
+one would never have expected.
+
+Julianus Asper was a man by no means contemptible, on account of his
+education and good sense as well. He exalted him, together with his
+sons, and after Asper had walked the streets surrounded by I don't know
+how many fasces he without warning insulted him outrageously and
+dismissed him to his native place [Footnote: I.e., Tusculum.] with abuse
+and in mighty trepidation. Laetus, too, he would have disgraced or even
+killed, had this man not been extremely sick. So the emperor before the
+soldiers called his sickness "wicked," because it did not allow him to
+display wickedness in one more case.
+
+Again he made way with Thrasea Priscus, a person second to none in
+family or intelligence.
+
+Many others also, previously friends of his, he put to death.]
+
+[Sidenote:--6--]
+
+  "Nay, I could not recite nor give the names all over"
+
+[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, II, verse 488.] of the distinguished men
+whom he killed without any right. Dio, because the slain were very well
+known in those days, even makes a list of them. For me it suffices to
+say that he crushed the life out of everybody he chose, without
+exception,
+
+  "whether the man was guilty or whether he was not ";
+
+[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XV, verse 137.] and that he simply
+mutilated Rome, by rendering it bereft of excellent men. [Antoninus was
+allied to three races. And he possessed not a single one of their good
+points, but included in himself all their vices. The lightness, the
+cowardice, and recklessness of Gaul were his, the roughness and cruelty
+of Africa, the abominations of Syria (whence he was on his mother's
+side).] Veering from slaughter to sports, he pursued his murderous
+course no less in the latter. Of course one would pay no attention to
+an elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, and hippotigris being killed in the
+theatre, but he took equal pleasure in having gladiators shed the
+greatest amount of one another's blood. One of them, Bato, he forced
+to fight three successive men on the same day, and then, when Bato
+met death at the hands of the last, he honored him with a conspicuous
+burial.
+
+[Sidenote:--7--] He had Alexander on the brain to such an extent that he
+used certain weapons and cups which purported to have belonged to the
+great conqueror, and furthermore he set up many representations of him
+both among the legions and in Rome itself. He organized a phalanx,
+sixteen thousand men, of Macedonians alone, named it "Alexander's
+phalanx," and equipped it with the arms which warriors had used in his
+day. These were: a helmet of raw oxhide, a three-ply linen breastplate,
+a bronze shield, long pike, short spear, high boots, sword. Not even
+this, however, satisfied him, but he called his hero "The Eastern
+Augustus." Once he wrote to the senate that Alexander had come on earth
+again in, the body of the Augustus, [Footnote: Antoninus meant
+himself.] so that when he had finished his own brief existence he might
+enjoy a larger life in the emperor's person. The so-called Aristotelian
+philosophers he hated bitterly, wishing even to burn their books, and he
+abolished the common messes they had in Alexandria and all the other
+privileges they enjoyed: his grievance, as stated, was the tradition
+that Aristotle had been an accomplice in the death of Alexander.
+
+This was the way he behaved in those matters. And, by Jupiter, he took
+around with him numbers of elephants, that in this respect, too, he
+might seem to be imitating Alexander, or rather, perhaps, Dionysus.
+
+[Sidenote:--8--] On Alexander's account he was fond of all the
+Macedonians. Once after praising a Macedonian tribune because the latter
+had shown agility in jumping upon his horse, he enquired of him first:
+"From what country are you?" Then, learning that he was a Macedonian, he
+pursued: "What is your name?" Having thereupon heard that it was
+Antigonus, he further questioned: "How was your father called?" When
+the father's name was found to be Philip, he declared: "I have all my
+desire." He straightway bestowed upon him the whole series of exalted
+military honors and before a great while appointed him one of the
+senators with the rank of an ex-praetor.
+
+There was another man who had no connection with Macedonia, but had
+committed many dreadful crimes, and for this reason was tried before him
+in an appealed case. His name proved to be Alexander, and when the
+orator accusing him said repeatedly "the bloodthirsty Alexander, the
+god-detested Alexander," the emperor became angry, as if he were
+personally slandered, and spoke out: "If Alexander doesn't suit you, you
+may regard yourself as dismissed."
+
+[Sidenote:--9--] Now this great Alexandrophile, Antoninus, [kept many
+men about him, alleging reasons after reasons, all fictitious, and wars
+upon wars. He had also this most frightful characteristic, that he was
+fond of spending money not only upon the soldiers but for all other
+projects with one sole end in view,--to] strip, despoil and grind down
+all mankind, and the senators by no means least. [In the first place,
+there were gold crowns that he kept demanding, on the constant pretext
+that he had conquered some enemy or other (I am not speaking about the
+actual manufacture of the crowns,--for what does that amount to?--but
+the great sums of money constantly being given under that name by the
+cities, for the "crowning" (as it is called) of their emperors). Then
+there was the provisions which we were all the time levying in great
+abundance from all quarters, sometimes seizing them without compensation
+and sometimes spending a little something on them: all this supply he
+presented or else peddled to the soldiers. And the gifts, which he
+demanded from wealthy individuals and from states. And the taxes, both
+the new ones which he published and the ten per cent. tax that he
+instituted in place of the twenty per cent. to apply to the emancipation
+of slaves, to bequests left to any one, and to all gifts; for he
+abolished in such cases the right of succession and exemption from taxes
+which had been accorded to those closely related to persons deceased.
+This accounts for his giving the title of Romans to all the men in his
+empire. Nominally it was to honor them, but his real purpose was to get
+an increased income by such means, since foreigners did not have to pay
+most of those taxes. But aside from all these] we were also compelled to
+build at our own expense all sorts of dwellings for him whenever he took
+a trip from Rome, and costly lodgings in the middle of even the very
+shortest journeys. Yet not only did he never live in them but he had no
+idea of so much as looking at a single one. Moreover, without receiving
+any appropriation from him we constructed hunting-theatres and
+race-courses at every point where he wintered or expected to winter.
+They were all torn down without delay and apparently the sole purpose of
+their being called into existence was to impoverish us.
+
+[Sidenote:--10--] The emperor himself kept spending the money upon the
+soldiers (as we said) and upon beasts and horses. He was forever
+killing great collections of wild beasts, of horses, and also of
+domestic animals, forcing us to contribute the majority of them, though
+now and then he bought a few. One day he slew a hundred boars at once
+with his own hands. He raced also in chariots, and then he would wear
+the Blue costume. In all undertakings he was exceedingly hot-headed and
+exceedingly fickle, and besides this he possessed the rascality of his
+mother and of the Syrians, to which race she belonged. He would put up
+some kind of freedman or other wealthy person as director of games
+merely that in this occupation, too, the man might spend money. From
+below he would make gestures of subservience to the audience with his
+whip and would beg for gold pieces like one of the lowliest citizens. He
+said that he used the same methods of chariot-driving as the Sun god,
+and he took pride in the fact. Accordingly, during the whole extent of
+his reign the whole earth, so far as it yielded obedience to him, was
+plundered. Hence the Romans once at a horse-race uttered this among
+other cries: "We are destroying the living in order to bury the dead."
+The emperor would often say: "No man need have money but me, and I want
+it to bestow it on the soldiers." Once when Julia chided him for his
+great outlays upon them and said: "No longer is any resource, either
+just or unjust, left to us," he replied, exhibiting his sword: "Cheer
+up, mother: for, as long as we have this, money is not going to fail
+us."
+
+[Sidenote:--11--] To those who flattered him, however, he distributed
+possessions and money.
+
+  ¶Julius Paulus [Footnote: Undoubtedly a mistake for the _Julius
+  Paulinus_ subsequently mentioned.] was a man of consular rank,
+  who was a great chatterer and joker and would not refrain from
+  aiming his shafts of wit at the very emperors: therefore Severus
+  had him taken into custody, though without constraints. When he
+  still continued, even under guard, to make the sovereigns the
+  objects of his jests, Severus sent for him and swore that he
+  would cut off his head. But the man replied: "Yes, you can cut it
+  off, but as long as I have it, neither you nor I can restrain
+  it," and so Severus laughed and released him.
+
+He granted to Julius Paulinus twenty-five myriads because the man, who
+was a jester, had been led, though involuntarily, to make a joke upon
+him. Paulinus had said that he actually resembled a man getting angry,
+for somehow he was always assuming a fierce expression. [Footnote: None
+of the editors, any more than the casual reader, has been able to find
+anything of a sidesplitting nature in this joke. The trouble is, of
+course, that the utterance sounds like a plain statement of fact.
+Caracalla's natural disposition was harsh and irritable. Some have
+changed the word "man" to "Pan (in anger)", but without gaining very
+much. I offer for what it is worth the suggestion that a well-known
+truth, especially in the case of personal characteristics, may sound
+very amusing when pronounced in a quizzical or semi-ironical fashion by
+a person possessing sufficient _vis comica_. Thus we may conceive
+Paulinus, a professional jester, on meeting Antoninus to have blurted
+out in a tone of mock surprise: "Why, anybody would really think you are
+angry. You look so cross all the time!" There would then be a point in
+the jest, but the point would lie not in the words but in the voice and
+features of the speaker. Apart from this explanation of the possible
+humor of the remark an excerpt of Peter Patricius (Exc. Vat. 143) gives
+us to understand that it would be taken as a compliment by Antoninus
+from the mouth of a person to whom he was accustomed to accord some
+liberties, since Antoninus made a point of maintaining at all times this
+character of harshness and abruptness.]--Antoninus made no account of
+anything excellent: he never learned anything of the kind, as he himself
+admitted. So it was that he showed a contempt for us, who possessed
+something approaching education. Severus, to be sure, had trained him in
+all pursuits, bar none, that tended to inculcate virtue, whether
+physical or mental, so that even after he became emperor he went to
+teachers and studied philosophy most of the day. He also took oil
+rubbings without water and rode horseback to a distance of seven hundred
+and fifty stades. Moreover, he practiced swimming even in rough water.
+In consequence of this, Antoninus was, as you might say, strong, but he
+paid no heed to culture, since he had never even heard the name of it.
+Still, his language was not bad, nor did he lack judgment, but he showed
+in almost everything a keen appreciation and talked very readily. For
+through his authority and recklessness and his habit of saying right out
+without reflection anything at all that occurred to him, and not being
+ashamed to air his thoughts, he often stumbled upon some felicitous
+expression. [But the same Antoninus made many mistakes through his
+headstrong opinions. It was not enough for him to know everything: he
+wanted to be the only one who knew anything. It was not enough for him
+to have all power: he would be the only one with any power. Hence it
+was that he employed no counselor and was jealous of such men as knew
+something worth while. He never loved a single person and he hated all
+those who excelled in anything; and most did he hate those whom he
+affected most to love. Many of these he destroyed in some way or other.
+Of course he had many men murdered openly, but others he would send to
+provinces not suited to them, fatal to their physical condition, having
+an unwholesome climate; thus, while pretending to honor them
+excessively, he quietly got rid of them, exposing such as he did not
+like to excessive heat or cold. Hence, though he spared some in so far
+as not to put them to death, yet he subjected them to such hardships
+that the stain [Footnote: This is very likely an incorrect translation of
+an incorrect reading. The various editors of Dio have a few substitutes
+to propose, but as all the interpretations seem to me extremely
+lumbering I have turned the MS. [Greek] chelidoysthai (taken as a
+passive) in a way that may be not quite beyond the bounds of
+possibility. The noun [Greek] chelhist like the English "stain," often
+passes from its original sense of "blemish" to that of the consequent
+"disgrace."] of murder still rested on him.
+
+The above describes him in general terms.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 213(?)] [Sidenote:--12--] Now we shall state what sort
+of person he showed himself in war. [Abgarus, king of the Osrhoeni, when
+he had once got control of the kindred tribes, inflicted the most
+outrageous treatment upon his superiors. Nominally he was compelling
+them to change to Roman customs, but in fact he was making the most of
+his authority over them in an unjustifiable way.] He tricked the king of
+the Osrhoeni, Abgarus, inducing him to visit him as a friend, and then
+arrested and imprisoned him. This left Osrhoene without a ruler and he
+subdued it.
+
+The king of the Armenians had a dispute with his own children and
+Antoninus summoned him in a friendly letter with the avowed purpose of
+making peace between them: he treated these princes in the same fashion
+as he had Abgarus. The Armenians, however, instead of yielding to him
+had recourse to arms and not one of them thereafter would trust him in
+the slightest particular. Thus he was brought by experience to
+understand how great the penalty is for an emperor's practicing deceit
+toward friends. [The same ruler assumed the utmost credit for the fact
+that at the death of Vologaesus, king of the Parthians, his children
+proceeded to fight about the sovereignty; what was purely accidental he
+pretended had come about through his own connivance. He ever took
+vehement delight in the actions and dissensions of the brothers and
+generally in the mutual slaughter of foreign potentates.] He did not
+hesitate, either, to write to the senate regarding the rulers of the
+Parthians (who were brothers and at variance) that the brothers' quarrel
+would work great harm to the Parthian state. Just as if barbarian
+governments could be destroyed by such procedure and yet the Roman state
+had been preserved! Just as if it had not been, on the contrary, almost
+utterly overthrown! It was not merely that the great sums of blood money
+given under such conditions to the soldiers for his brother's murder
+served to demoralize mankind: in addition, vast numbers of citizens had
+information laid against them,--not only those who had sent the brother
+letters or had brought him presents [Footnote: Reading [Greek:
+dorophorhesantest] (Reimar) for the MS. [Greek: doruphoraesantes].] when
+he was still Caesar or again after he had become emperor, but all the
+rest who had never had any dealings with him. If anybody even so much as
+wrote the name of Geta, or spoke it, that was the end of him then and
+there. Hence the poets no longer used it even in comedies. [Footnote:
+Geta was a common name for slaves in Latin comedy. It came into Rome
+through Greek channels and was originally merely the national adjective
+applied to a tribe of northern barbarians.] The property, too, of all
+those in whose wills the name was found written was confiscated.
+
+[Many of his acts were committed with a view to getting money. And he
+exhibited his hatred for his dead brother by abolishing the honor paid
+to his birthday, by getting angry at the stones which had supported his
+images, and by melting up the coinage that displayed his features. Not
+even this sufficed him, but more than ever from this time he began his
+practice of unholy rites and often forced others to share his pollution
+by making a kind of annual offering to his brother's Manes.]
+
+  [Sidenote: A.D. 213 (_a.u._ 966)] [Sidenote:--13--] Though
+  holding such views and behaving in such a way with regard to the
+  latter's murder he took delight in the dissension of the
+  barbarian brothers, on the ground that the Parthians would suffer
+  some great injury as a result of it.
+
+[The Celtic nations, however, afforded him neither pleasure nor any
+pretence of cleverness or courage but proved him to be nothing more nor
+less than a cheat, a simpleton, and an arrant coward. Antoninus made a
+campaign among the Alamanni and wherever he saw a spot suitable for
+habitation he would order: "There let a fort be erected: there let a
+city be built." To those spots he applied names relating to himself, yet
+the local designations did not get changed; for some of the people were
+unaware of the new appellations and others thought he was joking.
+Consequently he came to entertain a contempt for them and would not keep
+his hands off this tribe even; but, whereas he had been saying that he
+had come as an ally, he accorded them treatment to be expected of a most
+implacable foe. He called a meeting of their men of military age under
+promise that they were to receive pay, and then at a given signal,--his
+raising aloft his own shield,--he had them surrounded and cut down; he
+also sent cavalry around and arrested all others not present.
+
+¶Antoninus commended in the senate by means of a letter Pandion, a
+fellow who had previously been an understudy of charioteers but in the
+war against the Alamanni drove his chariot for him and in this capacity
+was his comrade and fellow soldier. And he asserted that he had been
+saved by this man from a portentous danger and was not ashamed to evince
+greater gratitude to him than to the soldiers, whom in their turn he
+regarded as our superiors.[Footnote: There is a gap of a word or two
+here (Dindorf text), filled by reading [Greek: helen hechon] (with
+Boissevain).]
+
+¶Some of the most distinguished men whom Antoninus slew he ordered to be
+cast out unburied.
+
+¶He made a search for the tomb of Sulla and repaired it, and reared a
+cenotaph to Mesomedes, who had written a compilation of citharoedic
+modes. He honored the latter because he was himself learning to sing to
+the zither and the former because he was emulating his cruelty.]
+
+Still, in cases of necessity and urgent campaigns, he was simple and
+frugal, toiling with painstaking care in menial offices as much as the
+rest. He trudged beside the soldiers and ran beside them, not taking a
+bath nor changing his clothing, but helping them in every labor and
+choosing absolutely the same food as they had. Often he would send to
+distinguished champions on the enemy's side and challenge them to single
+combat. The details of generalship in which he certainly ought to have
+been most versed he managed least well, as if he thought that victory
+lay in the performance of those services mentioned and not in this
+science of commanding.
+
+[Sidenote:--14--] He conducted war also against a certain Celtic tribe
+of Cenni. These warriors are said to have assailed the Romans with the
+utmost fierceness, using their mouths to pull from their flesh the
+missiles with which the Osrhoeni wounded them, that they might give
+their hands no respite in slaughtering the foe. Nevertheless even they,
+after selling the name of defeat at a high figure, made an agreement
+with him to go into Germany on condition of being spared. Their women
+[and those of the Alamanni] all who were captured [would not, in truth,
+await a servile doom, but] when Antoninus asked them whether they
+desired to be sold or slain, chose the latter alternative. Afterward, as
+they were offered for sale, they all killed themselves and some of their
+children as well. [Many also of the people dwelling close to the ocean
+itself, near the mouth of the Albis, sent envoys to him and asked his
+friendship, when their real concern was to get money. For after he had
+done as they desired, they would frequently attack him, threatening to
+begin a war; and with all such he came to terms. Even though his offer
+was contrary to their principles, yet when they saw the gold pieces they
+were captivated. To them he gave true gold pieces, but the silver and
+gold money with which he provided the Romans was alloyed.] He
+manufactured the one of lead with a silver plating and the other of
+bronze with a gold plating.
+
+[Sidenote:--15--] [The same ruler published some of his devices
+directly, pretending that they were excellent and worthy of
+commendation, however base their actual character. Other intentions he
+rather unwillingly made known through the very precautions which he took
+to conceal them, as, for example, in the case of the money. He plundered
+the whole land and the whole sea and left nothing whatever unharmed. The
+chants of the enemy made Antoninus frenzied and beside himself, hearing
+which some of the Alamanni asserted that they had used charms to put him
+out of his mind.] He was sick in body, partly with ordinary and partly
+with private diseases, and was sick also in mind, suffering from
+distressing visions; and often he thought he was being pursued by his
+father and his brother, armed with swords. Therefore he called up
+spirits to find some remedy against them, among others the spirit of his
+father and of Commodus. But not one would speak a word to him except
+Commodus. [Geta, so they say, attended Severus, though unsummoned. Yet
+not even he offered any suggestion to relieve the emperor, but on the
+contrary terrified him the more.] This is what he said:
+
+  "Draw nearer judgment, which the gods demand of thee [Footnote:
+  Emended (by Fabricius and Reiske) from a corruption in the MS.]
+  for Severus,"
+
+then something else, and finally--
+
+  "having in secret places a disease hard to heal."
+
+[For letting these facts become public many suffered unseemly outrage.
+But to Antoninus not one of the gods gave any response pertaining to the
+healing of either his body or his mind, although he showered attention
+upon all the most distinguished shrines. This showed in the clearest
+light that they regarded not his offerings, nor his sacrifices, but only
+his purposes and his deeds. He got no aid from Apollo Grannus [Footnote:
+Grannus was really a Celtic god, merely identified with Apollo. He was
+honored most in Germany and Dacia (also known in Rhaetia, Noricum), and,
+inasmuch as many inscriptions bearing his name have been found near the
+Danube, it may probably be conjectured that he had a temple of some
+importance in that vicinity. For further details see Pauly, II, p. 46;
+Roscher, I, col. 1738.] nor Asclepius nor Serapis, in spite of his many
+supplications and his unwearying persistence. Even when abroad he sent
+to them prayers and sacrifices and votive offerings and many runners
+traveled to them daily, carrying things of the sort. He also went
+himself, hoping to prevail by appearing in person, and he performed all
+the usual practices of devotees, but he obtained nothing that would
+contribute to health.
+
+[Sidenote:--16--] While declaring that he was the most scrupulous of all
+mankind, he ran to an excess of blood-guiltiness,] killing four of the
+vestal virgins, one of whom--so far as he was able--he had forcibly
+outraged. For latterly all his sexual power had disappeared, as a result
+of which it was reported that he satisfied his vileness in a different
+way; and associated with him were others of similar inclinations, who
+not only admitted that they were given to such practices but maintained
+that they did so for the sake of their ruler's welfare.
+
+A young knight carried a coin with his image into a brothel and people
+informed against him.[Footnote: Conjecture, on the basis of Reiske and
+Bekker.] For this he was at the time imprisoned to await execution, but
+later was released, as the emperor died before he did.] This maiden of
+whom I speak was named Clodia Laeta. She, crying out loudly, "Antoninus
+himself knows that I am a virgin, [he himself knows that I am pure,]"
+was buried alive. [Three others shared her sentence. Two of them,
+Aurelia Severa and Pomponia Rufina, met a similar death, but Cannutia
+Crescentina threw herself from the top of the house.
+
+And in the case of adulterers he did the same. For though he showed
+himself the most adulterous of men (so far, at least, as he was
+physically able) he both detested others who bore the same charge and
+killed them contrary to established laws.--Though displeased at all good
+men, he affected to honor some few of them after their death.--
+
+¶Antoninus censured and rebuked them all because they asked nothing of
+him. And he said, in the presence of all: "It is evident from the fact
+that you ask nothing of me that you lack confidence in me. And if you
+lack confidence, you are suspicious of me; and if you are suspicious of
+me, you fear me; and if you fear me, you hate me." He made this an
+excuse for severe measures.
+
+¶Antoninus being about to cause Cornificia to take leave of earth bade
+her (as a token of honor) choose what death she wished to die. She,
+after many lamentations, inspired by the memory of her father, Marcus,
+her grandfather, Antoninus, and her brother, Commodus, ended with this
+speech: "Pining, unhappy soul of mine, shut in a vile body, make forth,
+be free, show them that you are Marcus's daughter, whether they will or
+no!" Then she laid aside all the adornment in which she was arrayed,
+and having composed her limbs in seemly fashion severed her veins and
+died.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 214 (_a.u._ 967)] Next, Antoninus arrived in Thrace,
+paying no further heed to Dacia. Having crossed the Hellespont, not
+without danger, he did honor to Achilles with sacrifices and races, in
+armor, about the tomb, in which he as well as the soldiers participated.
+For this he gave them money, assuring them that they had won a great
+success and had in very truth captured that famous Ilium of old, and he
+set up a bronze statue of Achilles himself.] ¶Antoninus by arriving at
+Pergamum, while there was some dispute about it, [Footnote: The sense of
+these words is not clear. Boissevain conjectures that there may have
+been some who doubted whether an emperor so diseased would ever live to
+reach Mysia.] seemed to bring to fulfillment the following verse,
+according to some oracle:
+
+  "O'er the Telephian land shall prowl the Ausonian beast."
+
+He took a lasting delight and pride in the fact that he was called
+"beast," and his victims fell in heaps. The man who had composed the
+verse used to laugh and say that he was in very truth himself the
+verse-maker (thereby indicating that no one may die contrary to the will
+of fate, but that the common saying is true, which declares that liars
+and deceivers are never believed, even if they tell the truth).
+
+[Sidenote:--17--] He held court but little or not at all. Most of his
+leisure he devoted to meddlesomeness as much as anything. People from
+all quarters brought him word of all the most insignificant occurrences.
+For this reason he gave orders that the soldiers who kept their eyes and
+ears wide open for these details should be liable to punishment by no
+one save himself. This enactment, too, produced no good result, but we
+had a new set of tyrants in them. But the thing that was especially
+unseemly and most unworthy, both of the senate and of the Roman
+people,--we had a eunuch to domineer over us. He was a native of Spain,
+by name Sempronius Rufus, and his occupation that of a sorcerer and
+juggler (for which he had been confined on an island by Severus). This
+fellow was destined to pay the penalty for his conduct, as were also the
+rest who laid information against others. As for Antoninus, he would
+send word that he should hold court or transact any other public
+business directly after dawn; but he kept putting us off till noon and
+often till evening, and would not even admit us to the ante-chamber, so
+that we had to stand about outside somewhere. Usually at a late hour he
+decided that he would not even exchange greetings with us that day.
+Meanwhile he was largely engaged in gratifying his inquisitiveness, as I
+said, or was driving chariots, killing beasts, fighting as a gladiator,
+drinking, enjoying the consequent big head, mixing great bowls (beside
+their other food) for the soldiers that kept guard over him within, and
+sending round cups of wine (this last before our very face and eyes). At
+the conclusion of all this, once in a while he would hold court.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 214-215] [Sidenote:--18--] That was his behavior while
+in winter-quarters at Nicomedea. He also trained the Macedonian phalanx.
+He constructed two very large engines for the Armenian and for the
+Parthian war, so that he could take them to pieces and carry them over
+on boats into Syria. For the rest, he was staining himself with more
+blood and transgressing laws and using up money. Neither in these
+matters nor in any others did he heed his mother, who gave him much
+excellent advice. This in spite of the fact that he entrusted to her the
+management of the books and letters both, save the very important ones,
+and that he inscribed her name with many praises in his letters to the
+senate, mentioning it in the same connection as his own and that of his
+armies, i.e., with a statement that she was _safe_. Need it be mentioned
+that she greeted publicly all the foremost men, just as her son did? But
+she continued more and more her study of philosophy with these persons.
+He kept declaring that he needed nothing beyond necessities, and gave
+himself airs over the fact that he could get along with the cheapest
+kind of living. Yet there was nothing on earth or in the sea or in the
+air that we did not keep furnishing him privately and publicly. [Of
+these articles he used extremely few for the benefit of the friends with
+him (for he no longer cared to dine with us), but the most of them he
+consumed with his freedmen. Such was his delight in magicians and
+jugglers that he commended and honored Apollonius [Footnote: The famous
+Apollonius of Tyana.] of Cappadocia, who had flourished in Domitian's
+reign and was a thoroughgoing juggler and magician; and he erected a
+heroum to his memory.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 215 (_a.u._ 968)] [Sidenote:--19--] The pretext for his
+campaign against the Parthians was that Vologaesus had not acceded to his
+request for the extradition of Tiridates and a certain Antiochus with
+him. Antiochus was a Cilician and pretended at first to be a philosopher
+of the cynic school. In this way he was of very great assistance to the
+soldiers in warfare. He strengthened them against the despair caused by
+the excessive cold, for he threw himself into the snow and rolled in it;
+and as a result he obtained money and honors from Severus himself and
+from Antoninus. Elated at this, he attached himself to Tiridates and in
+his company deserted to the Parthian prince.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] [Antoninus surely maligned himself in asserting that
+he had overcome by slyness the audacity, rapacity and faithlessness of
+the Celtae, against which arms were of no avail. The same man commended
+Fabricius Luscinus because he had refused to let Pyrrhus be
+treacherously murdered by his friend.--He took pride in having put
+enmity between the Vandili and Marcomani, who were friends, and in
+having executed Gaiobomarus, the accused king of the Quadi. And since
+one of the latter's associates, under accusation at the same time with
+him, hanged himself before execution, Antoninus delivered his corpse to
+the barbarians to be wounded, that the man might be regarded as having
+been killed in pursuance of a sentence instead of dying voluntarily
+(which was deemed a creditable act among them).
+
+He killed Caecilius AEmilianus, governor of Baetica, on suspicion that he
+had asked an oracular reply from Hercules at Gades.]
+
+[Sidenote:--19--] Before leaving Nicomedea the emperor held a
+gladiatorial contest there in honor of his birthday, for not even on
+that day did he refrain from slaughter. Here it is said that a
+combatant, being defeated, begged for his life, whereupon Antoninus
+said: "Go and ask your adversary. I am not empowered to spare you."
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 216 (_a.u._ 969)] And so the wretch, who would probably
+have been allowed by his antagonist to go, if the above words had not
+been spoken, lost his life. The victor did not dare release him for fear
+of appearing more humane than the emperor.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] For all that, while so engaged and steeped in the
+luxury of Antioch even to the point of keeping his chin wholly bare, he
+gave utterance to laments, as if he were in the midst of great toils and
+dangers. And he reproved the senate, saying for one thing that they were
+slothful, did not understand readily, and did not give their votes
+separately. Finally he wrote: "I know that my behavior doesn't please
+you. But the reason for my having arms and soldiers alike is to enable
+me to disregard anything that is said about me."
+
+[Sidenote:--21--] When the Parthian monarch in fear surrendered both
+Tiridates and Antiochus, he disbanded the expedition at once. But he
+despatched Theocritus with an army into Armenian territory and suffered
+defeat amounting to a severe reverse at the hands of the inhabitants.
+Theocritus was of servile origin and had been brought up in the
+orchestra; [he was the man who had taught Antoninus dancing and had been
+a favorite of Saoterus, and through the influence thus acquired he had
+been introduced to the theatre at Rome. But, as he was disliked there,
+he was driven out of Rome and went to Lugdunum, where he delighted the
+people, who were rather provincial. And, from a slave and dancer, he
+came to be an army leader and prefect.] He advanced to such power in the
+household of Antoninus that both the prefects were as nothing compared
+to him. Likewise Epagathus, himself also a Caesarian, had equal influence
+with him and committed equal transgressions. Thus Theocritus, who kept
+traveling back and forth in the interest of securing provisions and
+selling them at retail, proved the death of many persons because of his
+authority and for other reasons. One victim was Titianus Flavius. The
+latter, while procurator in Alexandria, offended him in some way,
+whereupon Theocritus, leaping from his seat, drew his sword. At that
+Titianus remarked: "This, too, you have done like a dancer." Hence the
+other in a rage ordered him to be killed.
+
+[Sidenote:--22--] Now Antoninus, in spite of his declaration that he
+cherished an overwhelming love for Alexander, all but destroyed utterly
+the whole population of Alexander's city. Hearing that he was spoken
+against and ridiculed by them for various reasons, and not least of all
+for murdering his brother, he set out for Alexandria, concealing his
+wrath and pretending to long to see them. But when he reached the
+suburbs whither the leading citizens had come with certain mystic and
+sacred symbols, he greeted them as if he intended to entertain them at a
+banquet and then put them to death. After this he arrayed his whole
+force in armor and marched into the city; he had sent previous notice to
+all the people there to remain at home and had occupied all the streets
+and in addition all the roofs in advance. And, to pass over the details
+of the calamities that then befell the wretched city, he slaughtered so
+many individuals that he dared not even speak about the number of them,
+but wrote the senate that it was of no interest how many of them or who
+had died, for they all deserved to suffer this fate. Of the property,
+part was plundered and part destroyed.
+
+[Sidenote:--23--] With the people perished also many foreigners, and
+not a few who had accompanied Antoninus were destroyed for want of
+identification. As the city was large and persons were being murdered
+all over it by night and by day, it was impossible to distinguish
+anybody, no matter how much one might wish it. They simply expired as
+chance directed and their bodies were straightway cast into deep
+trenches to keep the rest from being aware of the extent of the
+disaster.--That was the fate of the natives. The foreigners were all
+driven out except the merchants, and even they had all their wares
+plundered. Also some shrines were despoiled. In the midst of most of
+these atrocities Antoninus was present and looked on and personally took
+a hand, but sometimes he issued orders to others from the temple of
+Serapis. He lived in this god's precinct even during the nights and days
+that witnessed the shedding of Egyptian blood. [And he sent word to the
+senate that he was observing purity during the days when he was in
+reality sacrificing there domestic beasts and human beings at the same
+time to the god.] Yet why should I have spoken of this, when he actually
+dared to devote to the god the sword with which he had killed his
+brother?
+
+Next he abolished the spectacles and the public messes of the
+Alexandrians and ordered Alexandria to be broken up [Footnote: The
+reading is [Greek: dioikisthaenai].] into villages, with a wall fully
+garrisoned bisecting the city, that the inhabitants might no longer
+visit one another with security. Such was the treatment accorded unhappy
+Alexandria by the _Ausonian Beast_, as the tag of the oracle about him
+called him; and he said he liked the title and was glad to be
+distinguished by the honorific appellation of "Beast." Never mind how
+many persons he murdered on the pretext that they had fulfilled the
+oracle.
+
+[Sidenote:--24--] [The same man gave prizes to the soldiers for their
+campaign, allowing those stationed in the pretorian guard to get some
+six thousand two hundred and fifty [Footnote: The common reading is
+"twelve hundred and fifty," but since it seems incredible that the
+Pretorians should have obtained less, instead of more, than the ordinary
+soldiers, Lange with much reason proposed the change carried out
+above,--a change which requires the insertion (or restitution) of but
+one Greek numeral-letter that might easily have been overlooked by some
+copyist.] and the rest five thousand [lacuna]
+
+[That model of temperance (as he was wont to put it), the rebuker of
+licentiousness in others, at the consummation of a most vile and at the
+same time most dangerous outrage, appeared, in truth, to be indignant;
+but by not giving that indignation sufficient free play and further by
+allowing the youths to do what no one had ever yet dared to propose, he
+greatly corrupted the latter, who had imitated the habits of women of
+the demi-monde and of professional male buffoons.]
+
+[On the occasion of the Culenian [Footnote: Nobody knows what the
+Culenian games were; Valois guesses that they may have been an
+Alexandrian festival. The text of this whole chapter is in a very ragged
+condition, and should not be held too strictly accountable in the matter
+of sense or cohesion.] spectacle severe censure was passed, not only
+upon those who there carried on their accustomed pursuits, but also upon
+the spectators.]
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+78
+
+
+Antoninus's treacherous campaign against Artabanus, the Parthian
+(chapters 1-3).
+
+Antoninus's death (chapters 4-6). Foreshadowings of his death, and
+the abuse heaped upon him dead (chapters 7-10).
+
+About Macrinus Augustus, and his excellencies and faults (chapters
+11-15).
+
+His letters and commands to the senate, and other official acts
+(chapters 16-22).
+
+Death of Julia Augusta (chapters 23, 24).
+
+Inauspicious signs: peace arranged with Artabanus after submitting to
+a defeat (chapters 25-27).
+
+Uprising of the soldiers: Pseudantoninus is proclaimed as emperor by
+the soldiers (chapters 28-31).
+
+How Macrinus, conquered in battle, took to flight and was cut down
+after the capture of his son (chapters 32-41).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+C. Attius Sabinus (II), Cornelius Annullinus (A.D. 216 = a.u. 969 =
+Sixth of Antoninus.)
+
+C. Bruttius Praesens, T. Messius Extricatus (II). (A.D. 217 = a.u.
+970 = Seventh of Antoninus, from Feb. 4th to April 8th.)
+
+M. Opellius Macrinus Aug., Q.M. Coclatinus Adventus. (A.D. 218 = a.u.
+971. The first year of Macrinus ends April 11th and his second year
+is abruptly terminated June 8th.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 79, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 216 (_a.u._ 969)] [Sidenote:--1--] The next thing was a
+campaign against the Parthians and the pretext that was used was that
+Artabanus had refused to view favorably his wooing and give him his
+daughter in marriage. (But he knew well enough that, while pretending to
+want to marry her, he in fact was anxious to detach the Parthian
+kingdom.) So he damaged a large section of the country around Media by
+means of a sudden incursion, sacked many citadels, won over Arbela, dug
+open the royal tombs of the Parthians, and flung the bones about. The
+Parthians would not engage him at close quarters, and therefore I have
+had nothing of especial interest to record concerning the doings of that
+expedition except, perhaps, one anecdote. Two soldiers who had seized a
+skin of wine came to him, each claiming the booty as entirely his own.
+Being bidden by him to divide the wine equally they drew their swords
+and cut the wine skin in two, apparently expecting each to get a half
+with the wine in it. They so dreaded their emperor that they troubled
+him even with such details and showed such scrupulousness as to lose
+both wineskin and wine.
+
+Now the barbarians took refuge in the mountains and across the Tigris in
+order to perfect their preparations. But Antoninus suppressed this fact
+and, assuming that he had utterly vanquished a foe whom he had not even
+seen, he displayed becoming pride; and, as he himself wrote, he was
+particularly gratified because a lion ran down from the mountains and
+fought on his side.
+
+[Sidenote:--2--] Not only in other ways did he live unnaturally and
+transgress laws, but in his very campaigns [[lacuna] but truth; [Footnote:
+Here begins the parchment codex, Vaticanus 1288. See Volume I, page 8.]
+for I have run across the book written by him about it. He understood so
+well how he stood with all the senators that, in spite of many protests,
+their slaves and freedmen and intimate friends were arrested by him and
+were asked under torture whether "so-and-so loves me" or "so-and-so
+hates me." For the charts of the stars under which any of his foremost
+courtiers had been born gave evidence, he said, as to who was friendly
+to him and who was hostile. And on this basis he honored many persons
+and destroyed many others.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 217 (_a.u._ 970)] [Sidenote:--3--] When the Parthians and
+the Medes, greatly enraged at the treatment they had received, equipped
+a large body of troops, he fell into an ecstasy of terror. He was very
+bold in threats and very reckless in daring, but very cowardly in
+following a slow course involving danger, and very weak in hard labor.
+He could no longer bear either great heat or armor, and consequently
+wore sleeved tunics made in such a shape as more or less to resemble
+breastplates. Thus having the appearance of armor without its weight he
+could be safe from plots and also arouse admiration. He often used these
+garments when not in battle. He wore also a cavalry cloak, now all
+purple, now purple with white threads, and again of white with purple
+threads, and also red. In Syria and in Mesopotamia he used Celtic
+clothing and shoes. He furthermore invented a costume of his own by
+cutting out cloth and stitching it up, barbaric fashion, into a kind of
+cloak. He himself wore it very constantly, so that it led to his being
+called Caracalla, [Footnote: A word of Celtic origin, signifying a long,
+ulster-like tunic plus a hood. This was a Gallic dress.] and he
+prescribed it by preference as the dress for the soldiers. The
+barbarians saw what sort of person he was and also heard that his men
+were enervated through their previous luxury; for, to give an instance
+of their behavior, the Romans passed the winter in houses, making use of
+everything belonging to their entertainers as if it were their own.
+[They further perceived that their opponents had become so physically
+worn and so dejected in spirit by their toils and by the hardships which
+they were now undergoing that they no longer heeded the presents which
+they kept receiving from their commander.] Elated, therefore, to think
+that they should find them rather helpers than foes, they made ready to
+attack. [Footnote: The last five words are a conjecture of Bekker's.]
+
+[Sidenote:--4--] Antoninus made preparations in his turn, but it did not
+fall to his lot to enter upon the war: he was struck down in the midst
+of his soldiers, whom he most honored and in whom he reposed vast
+confidence. A seer in Africa had declared (in such a way that it became
+noised abroad) that both Macrinus the prefect and his son Diadumenianus
+[Footnote: His full name was M. Opellius Diadumenianus.] must reign.
+Macrinus, sent to Rome, had revealed this to Flavius Maternianus, who at
+the time commanded the soldiers in the city, and he had at once sent
+word to Antoninus. It happened that this letter was diverted to Antioch
+and came to [his mother] Julia, since she had been given orders to read
+over everything that arrived and thus prevent a mass of unimportant
+letters being sent to him while in a hostile country. Another letter
+written by Ulpius Julianus, who then had charge of appraisements, went
+by other carriers straight to Macrinus and informed him of the state of
+the case. It was in this way that the letter to the emperor suffered a
+delay and the despatch to his rival came to the attention of the latter
+in good season. Now Macrinus, becoming afraid that he might be put to
+death by Antoninus on account of all this, especially since a certain
+Egyptian Serapio had told the prince to his face that Macrinus should
+succeed him, did not find it well to delay.--Serapio had first been
+thrown to a lion for his pains, but when he merely held out his hand, as
+is reported, and the animal did not touch him, he was slain. He might
+have escaped even this fate (or so he declared) by calling upon certain
+spirits, if he had lived one day longer.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] Macrinus came to no harm but hastened his preparations,
+having a presentiment that otherwise he should perish, especially since
+Antoninus had suddenly, one day before [Footnote: "One day before" is a
+conjecture of Bekker's. (The birthday of Antoninus seems to have been on
+the sixth of April.)] his birthday, removed those of Macrinus's
+companions that were in the latter's company, alleging one reason in one
+case and another in another with the general pretext of doing them
+honor. Not but [lacuna] expecting that it was fated for him to get it
+he had also made a name which owed its origin to this fact. Accordingly,
+he suborned two tribunes stationed in the pretorian guard, Nemesianus
+and Apollinarius, brothers belonging to the Aurelian gens, and Julius
+Martialius, who was enrolled among the evocati and had a private grudge
+against Antoninus for not giving him the post of centurion on request.
+Thus he made his plot, and it was carried out as follows. On the eighth
+of April, when the emperor had set out from Edessa to Carrhae and had
+dismounted from his horse to go and ease himself, Martialius approached
+as if he wanted to say something to him and struck him smartly with a
+small knife. The assassin at once fled and would have escaped detection,
+had he thrown away the sword. The weapon led to his being recognized by
+one of the Scythians on the staff of Antoninus, and he was brought down
+with a javelin. As for Martialius [lacuna] the military tribunes pretending
+to come to the rescue slew [lacuna]
+
+[This Scythian attended him, not merely to be an ally of his, but as
+keeping guard over him to a certain extent. [Sidenote:--6--] For he
+maintained Scythians and Celtae about him, free and slaves alike, whom he
+had taken away from children and wives and had equipped with arms; and
+he affected to place more dependence upon them than upon the soldiers.
+To illustrate, he kept honoring them with posts as centurions, and he
+called them "lions." Moreover, he would often converse with emissaries
+sent from the very provinces, and in the presence of no one else but the
+interpreters would urge them, in case any catastrophe befell him, to
+invade Italy and march upon Rome, assuring them that it was very easy to
+capture. And to prevent any inkling of his talk spreading to our ears he
+would immediately put to death the interpreters. For all that, we did
+ascertain it later from the barbarians themselves: and the matter of the
+poisons we learned from Macrinus.] It seemed that he partly sent for and
+partly bought quantities of all kinds of poisons from the inhabitants of
+Upper Asia, spending altogether seven hundred and fifty myriads upon
+them, in order that he might secretly kill in different ways great
+numbers of men,--in fine, whomsoever he would. They were subsequently
+discovered in the royal apartments and were all consumed by fire. [At
+this time the soldiers, both for this reason and, beyond other
+considerations, because they were vexed at having the barbarians
+preferred to themselves, were not altogether so enthusiastic over their
+leader as of yore and did not aid him when he became the victim of a
+plot.] Such was the end that he met after a life of twenty-nine years
+[and four days (for he had been born on the fourth of April)], and after
+a reign of six years, two months, and two days.
+
+[Sidenote:--7--] There are many things at this point, too, in the story
+that occur to excite my surprise. When he was about to start from
+Antioch on his last journey, his father confronted him in a vision, girt
+with a sword and saying: "As you killed your brother, so will I smite
+you unto death;" and the soothsayers told him to beware of that day,
+using so direct a form of speech as this: "The gates of the victim's
+liver are shut." After this he went out through some door, paying no
+heed to the fact that the lion, which he was wont to call "Rapier," and
+had for a table companion and bedfellow, knocked him down as he went
+out, and, moreover, tore some of his clothing. He kept many other lions
+besides and always had some of them around him, but this one he would
+often caress even publicly. It was thus that these events occurred.
+
+And a little before his death, as I have heard, a great fire suddenly
+fastened upon the entire interior of the temple of Serapis in
+Alexandria, and did no other harm whatever save only to destroy that
+sword with which he had slain his brother. [Later, when it stopped, many
+stars shone out.] In Rome, too, [a spirit wearing the likeness of a man
+led an ass up the Capitol and later up the Palatine, seeking, as he
+said, its master and stating that Antoninus was dead and Jupiter
+reigned. Arrested for his behavior, he was sent by Maternianus to
+Antoninus, and he declared: "I depart, as you bid, but I shall face not
+this emperor but another." Afterwards on coming to Capua he vanished.
+
+[Sidenote:--8--] This took place while the prince was still alive.] At
+the horse-race [held in memory of Severus's reign] the statue of Mars,
+while being carried in procession, fell down. This perhaps would not
+arouse such great wonder, but listen to the greatest marvel of all. The
+Green faction had been defeated, whereupon, catching sight of a jackdaw,
+which was screeching very loud on the tip of a javelin, they all gazed
+at him and all of a sudden, as if by previous arrangement, cried out:
+"Hail Martialius, Martialius hail, long it is since we beheld thee!" It
+was not that the jackdaw was ever so called, but through him they were
+greeting, apparently under some divine inspiration, Martialius, the
+assassin of Antoninus. To some, indeed, Antoninus seemed to have
+foretold his own end, inasmuch as in the last letter that he sent to the
+senate he had said: "Cease praying that I may reign a hundred years."
+The petition mentioned had always been uttered from the beginning of his
+sovereignty and this was the first and only time that he found fault
+with it. Thus, while his words were simply meant to chide them for
+offering a prayer impossible of accomplishment, he was really indicating
+that he should no longer rule for any length of time. And when certain
+persons had once called attention to this fact, it also came to my mind
+that when he was giving us a banquet in Nicomedea at the Saturnalia and
+had talked a good deal, as was usual at a symposium, then on our rising
+to go he had addressed me and said: "With great acumen and truth, Dio,
+has Euripides remarked that
+
+  "'Neath divers forms the spirit world is lurking,
+  Much passing hope the gods are ever working.
+  Oft disappointment strikes down sure ambition:
+  The unthought chance God brings to full fruition.
+  This story leaves things in just that condition.'"
+
+[Footnote: Lines that occur at the end of several of Euripides's
+dramas.]
+
+At the time this quotation seemed to have been mere nonsense, but when
+not long after he perished the fact that this was the last speech he
+uttered to me was thought to infuse into it a certain truly oracular
+significance with regard to what was to befall him. Similar importance
+was attached to the utterance of Jupiter called Belus, [Footnote: The
+same as Baal.] a god revered in Apamea [Footnote: This is the Apamea on
+the Orontes, built by Seleucus Nicator.] of Syria. He, years before,
+when Severus was still a private citizen, had spoken to him these
+verses:
+
+   "Touching eyes and head, like Zeus, whose delight is in thunder,
+  Like unto Ares in waist, and in chest resembling Poseidon."
+  [Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, II, verses 478-9.]
+
+And later, after his accession as emperor, the god had made this
+response to an enquiry: "Thy house shall perish utterly in blood."
+[Footnote: Adapted from Euripides, Phoenician Maidens, verse 20.]
+
+[Sidenote:--9--] [Accordingly the body of Antoninus was then burned, and
+his bones, brought secretly by night into Rome, were deposited in the
+mausoleum of the Antonines. All the senators and private individuals,
+men and women, without exception entertained so violent a hatred of him
+that all their words and actions relating to him were such as would
+befit the downfall of a most implacable foe. He was not officially
+disgraced, because the soldiers did not get from Macrinus the state of
+peace which they had hoped to secure by a change. Deprived of the
+profits which they were wont to receive from Antoninus, they began to
+long for him again. Indeed, their wishes subsequently prevailed to the
+extent of having him enrolled among the heroes: of course this was voted
+by the senate.]
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 217, _a.u._ 970] In general, abundant ill was
+consistently spoken of him by everybody. They would no longer term him
+Antoninus, but [some called him Bassianus, [Footnote: He was originally
+Septimius Bassianus, named after his maternal grandfather.] his old
+name, others] Caracalla, as I have mentioned, [Footnote: In chapter 3.]
+[others] also Tarautas, from the appellation of a gladiator who was [in
+appearance] very small and very ugly and [in spirit very audacious and]
+very bloodthirsty.
+
+[Sidenote:--10--] Now his affairs, however one may name him, were in
+this state. As for me, even before he came to the throne, it was
+foretold me in a way by his father that I should write this account.
+Just after his death methought I saw in a great plain the whole power of
+Rome arrayed in arms, and it seemed as if Severus were sitting [on a
+knoll there and] on a lofty tribunal conversing with them. And, seeing
+me standing by to hear what was said, he spoke out: "Come hither, Dio,
+to this spot; approach nearer, that you may both ascertain accurately
+and write a history of all that is said and done."--Such was the life
+and the overthrow of Tarautas. [After him there perished also those who
+had shared in the plot against him, some at once and others before a
+great while. His intimate companions and the Caesarians likewise
+perished. He had been, as it were, coupled with a spirit of murder that
+operated equally against enemies and against friends.]
+
+[Sidenote:--11--] Macrinus, by race a Moor from Caesarea, came from most
+obscure parents [so that with considerable justice he was likened to the
+ass that was led to the Palatine by the apparition]. For one thing his
+left ear had been bored, according to the custom [generally] in vogue
+among the Moors. His affability was even more striking. As to duties,
+his comprehension of them was not so accurate as his performance of them
+was faithful. [Thus it was, thanks to the advocacy of a friend's cause,
+that he became known to Plautianus, and at first he took the position of
+manager of the latter's property; subsequently he ran a risk of
+perishing together with his employer, but was unexpectedly saved by the
+intercession of Cilo and was given charge of the vehicles of Severus
+that passed back and forth along the Flaminian Way.] From Antoninus
+[after securing some titles of a short-lived procuratorship] he obtained
+an appointment as prefect and administered the affairs of this
+responsible position excellently and with entire justice, [so far as he
+was free to act independently. This, then, was his general character and
+these the steps of his advancement. Even during the life of Tarautas he
+was led, in the way that I have described, to harbor in his mind the
+hope of empire;] and at his death [he did not, to be sure, either that
+day or the two following days occupy the office, in order to avoid the
+imputation of having killed him with such intentions: but for that space
+of time the Roman state remained completely bereft of a ruler possessing
+authority, though without the people's knowing it. He communicated with
+the soldiers in every direction,--that is to say, the ones who were in
+Mesopotamia on account of the war but instead of being in one body were
+scattered all about; and he won their allegiance through the agency of
+his [Footnote: Reading [Greek: ohi] (Dindorf) instead of [Greek: hos].]
+friends], among his various offers being a suggestion that they might
+secure a respite from the war, which was an especial cause of
+dissatisfaction to them: and so on the fourth day [the anniversary of
+Severus's birthday] he was chosen emperor by them [after making a show
+of resistance].
+
+[Sidenote:--12--] [He delivered an address full of good points and held
+out hopes of many advantages to the rest of mankind as well. Those who
+had been doomed to some life punishment for an act of impiety, of the
+kind that is so named with reference to attitude toward emperors, were
+absolved from their sentence; and complaints of that nature which were
+pending were dismissed. He rescinded the measures enacted by Caracalla
+relating to inheritances and emancipations and, by asseverating that it
+was a sacrilege to kill a senator, he succeeded in his appeal for the
+pardon of Aurelianus, whose surrender was demanded by the soldiers
+because he had proved most obnoxious to them in many previous campaigns.
+Not for long, however, was it in his power to behave as an honest man
+[lacuna] and Aurelianus [lacuna] soldiers [lacuna] this man [lacuna] by
+him [lacuna] absolute power [lacuna] wrath [lacuna] and two hundred and
+fifty denarii [lacuna] there had been public notice of giving more
+[lacuna] fearing that [lacuna] Aurelianus, the only one then present not
+only of ex-consuls but of those who were senators at all [lacuna] by aid
+of money [lacuna] upon him [lacuna] glad to divert the blame for
+Caracalla's death [lacuna] and about the [lacuna] them [lacuna] the
+[lacuna] the [lacuna] great masses both of furniture and of property of
+the emperors. But as not even this on account of the soldiers sufficed
+for the [lacuna] of senators [lacuna] kill [lacuna] no one, but putting
+some under guard [lacuna] of the knights and the freedmen and the
+Caesarians and [lacuna] causing those who erred in even the slightest
+respect to be punished, so that to all [lacuna] of them [lacuna] the
+procuratorships and the excessive expenditures and the majority of the
+burdens recently laid upon them by Tarautas [lacuna] of the games
+[lacuna] multitude [lacuna], gathering the presents which had
+unnecessarily been bestowed upon any persons, and he forbade any silver
+image of him being made over five pounds in weight, or any golden image
+of over three. Greatest of all, the hire of those serving in the
+pretorian guard [lacuna] to that appointed [lacuna] by Severus [lacuna]
+
+[Sidenote:--13--] Though in truth he was praised by some for this (and
+not without reason), still he incurred (on the part of the sensible) a
+censure that quite counterbalanced it. The adverse sentiment in question
+was due to the fact that he enrolled certain persons in the ranks of
+ex-consuls and immediately assigned them to governorships of provinces.
+Yet he refused the following year to have the reputation of being consul
+twice because he had the honors of ex-consul: this was a practice begun
+during the reign of Severus and followed also by the latter's son. This
+procedure, however, both in his own case and in that of Adventus was
+lawful enough, but he showed great folly in sending Marcius Agrippa
+first into Pannonia and later into Dacia to govern. The previous
+officials of the districts mentioned,--Sabinus and Castinus,--he
+summoned at once to his side, pretending that he wanted their company,
+but really because he feared their surpassing spirit and their
+friendship for Caracalla. It was in this way that he came to despatch
+Agrippa to Dacia and Deccius Triccianus [Footnote: _AElius Deccius
+Triccianus_.] to Pannonia. The former had been a slave acting as master
+of wardrobe for some woman and for this cause [Footnote: It is hard to
+see why, unless in the age of Severus slaves were forbidden to have
+charge of women's attire.] had been tried by Severus, although at the
+time he was attached to the fiscus; he had then been driven out to an
+island for betraying some interest, was subsequently restored, together
+with the rest, by Tarautas, had taken charge of his decisions and
+letters, and finally had been degraded to the position of senator, with
+ex-consular rank, because he had admitted overgrown lads into the army.
+Triccianus served in the rank and file of the Pannonian contingent, had
+once been porter to the governor of that country, and was at this time
+commanding the Alban legion.
+
+[Sidenote:--14--] These were some of the grounds that led many persons
+to find fault with him. Another was his elevation of Adventus. Adventus
+had drawn pay as one of the spies and detectives, had left his position
+there and served among the letter-carriers, had later been appointed
+cubicularius, and still later was advanced to a position as procurator.
+Now although old age prevented him from seeing, lack of education from
+reading, and want of experience from being able to accomplish anything,
+the emperor made him senator, fellow-consul, and prefect of the city.
+This upstart had dared to say to the soldiers after the death of
+Caracalla: "The sovereignty properly belongs to me, since I am elder
+than Macrinus: but inasmuch as I am extremely old, I make way for him."
+His behavior was regarded as nonsensical, as was also that of Macrinus,
+in granting the greatest dignity of the senate to such a man, who could
+not when consul carry on a plain conversation with anybody in the
+senate, and consequently on the day of elections pretended to be sick.
+Hence, before long Macrinus assigned the direction of the city to Marius
+Maximus in his stead. It looked as if he had made him praefectus urbi
+with the sole purpose of polluting the senate-house. And this pollution
+took place not only in virtue of the fact that he had served in the
+mercenary force and had performed the duties belonging to executioners,
+scouts, and centurions, but in that he had secured control of the city
+prior to fulfilling the demands of the consulship. In other words, he
+became city prefect before senator. Macrinus connived at his promotion
+with the definite intention of blinding the public in regard to his own
+record, which would have shown that he had seized the imperial office
+while yet a knight.
+
+[Sidenote:--15--] Besides these not unmerited censures that some passed
+upon him, he also attracted adverse criticism for designating as
+prefects Ulpius Julianus and Julianus Nestor, who possessed no
+particular excellence and had not been tested in many undertakings, but
+had become quite notorious for rascality in Caracalla's reign; for,
+being at the head of the late prince's messengers [Footnote: Mommsen
+thinks that by this expression Dio probably means the position of
+_princeps peregrinorum_.] they had been of great assistance to him in
+his unholy meddling. However, only a few citizens took account of these
+details, which did not tend wholly to encourage them. The majority of
+individuals, in view of their having recently got rid of Tarautas, which
+was more than they could have hoped, and comparing the new ruler in the
+few indications afforded with the old, and in view of all the other
+considerations and expectations, did not deem it fitting to condemn him
+so soon. And for this reason they mourned him exceedingly when he was
+killed, though they would certainly have felt hatred for him had he
+lived longer.]
+
+For he began to live rather more luxuriously and he took official notice
+of those who reproved him. His putting Maternianus and Datus out of the
+way was not reasonable,--for what wrong had they done in being attentive
+to their emperor?--but it was not unlike human nature, since he had been
+involved in great danger. But he made a mistake in venting his wrath
+upon the rest, who were suspected of disliking his low birth and his
+unexpected attempt upon the sovereign power. He ought to have done
+precisely the opposite; realizing what he had been at the outset and
+what his position then was, he should not have been supercilious, but
+should have behaved moderately, cultivated the genius of his household,
+and encouraged men by good deeds and a display of excellence unchanged
+by circumstances.
+
+[Sidenote:--16--] These things [lacuna] in regard to him [lacuna] have
+been said by me [lacuna] in detail [lacuna] of any [lacuna] just as
+[lacuna] nominally throughout his entire reign [lacuna] of all [lacuna]
+of it [lacuna] that he said in conversation with the soldiers [lacuna]
+it was proved [lacuna] and he dared to utter not a few laudations of
+himself and to send still more of them in letters, saying among other
+things: "I have been quite sure that you also would agree with the
+legions, since I enjoy the consciousness of having conferred many
+benefits upon the commonwealth." He subscribed himself in the letter as
+Caesar and emperor and Severus, adding to the name of Macrinus the titles
+of Pious, and Fortunate, and Augustus, and Proconsul, of course without
+awaiting any vote on our part. He sent the letter without being ignorant
+that he was, on his own responsibility, assuming so many and great
+designations nor [lacuna] name [lacuna] of Pretorians as formerly some
+[lacuna] not but what [lacuna] so wrote [lacuna] in the beginning
+[lacuna] war chiefly [lacuna] of barbarians [lacuna] near [lacuna] in
+the letter he used simply the same terms as the emperors before
+Caracalla, and this he did the whole year through [lacuna] memoranda
+found among the soldiers. Thus [lacuna] of things accustomed to be said
+with a view to flattery and not inspired by truthfulness they became so
+suspicious as to ask that they be made public, and he sent them to us,
+and the quaestor read them aloud, as he did other similar documents in
+their turn. And a certain praetor, as the senate was then in session and
+none of the quaestors was present, also read an epistle once composed by
+Macrinus himself.
+
+[Sidenote:--17--] The first letter having been read, appropriate
+measures were passed with reference to both Macrinus and his son. He was
+designated Patrician, and Princeps Iuventutis, and Caesar. He accepted
+everything save the horse-race voted in honor of the beginning of his
+reign; from this he begged to be excused, saying that the event had been
+sufficiently honored by the spectacle on the birthday of Severus. Of
+Tarautas he made no mention at this time, in the way of either honor or
+dishonor, save only that he called him Emperor. He ventured to term him
+neither Hero nor Foe, and, as I conjecture, it was because the deeds of
+his predecessor and the hatred of much of mankind made him shrink from
+the former epithet, and the thought of the soldiers restrained him from
+the latter. Some suspected that it was because he wanted the disgracing
+to be the act of the senate and the people rather than his own,
+especially since he was in the midst of the legions. He did say that
+Tarautas by his wrongdoing had been chiefly responsible for the war and
+had terribly burdened the public treasury by increasing the money given
+to the barbarians, inasmuch as it was of equal amount with the pay of
+the soldiers under arms. No one dared, however, to give utterance
+publicly to any such statement against him and vote that he was an
+enemy, for fear of immediate annihilation at the hands of the soldiers
+in the City. Still, they abused him in their own fashion and heaped
+insults upon him as much as they could, going over the list of his
+bloody deeds, with the name of each victim, and ranging him alongside
+all the evil tyrants that had ever held sway over them.
+
+[Sidenote:--18--] At the same time the public demanded that the
+horse-race given on his birthday be abolished, that absolutely all the
+statues, both gold and silver, erected [Footnote: Supplying, with Reiske,
+[Greek: hidruthentas].] in his honor be melted down, and that those who
+had served with him in any capacity as informers be made known and
+punished with the utmost speed. For great numbers, not only slaves and
+freedmen and soldiers and Caesarians, but likewise knights and senators
+and numerous very distinguished women, were believed to have given
+secret hints during his reign and to have blackmailed various persons.
+And although they did not attach to Antoninus the name of Enemy, they
+did keep vociferating that Martialius (on account of the similarity of
+his name to that of Mars, as they pretended,) ought to be honored with
+enconiums and with statues for worship. They also showed for the moment
+no indication of annoyance at Macrinus], the reason being that they were
+so overwhelmed by joy on account of the death of Tarautas as not to have
+leisure to think anything about his humble origin, and they were glad to
+accept him as emperor. They were less concerned about whose slaves they
+should be next than about whose yoke they had shaken off, and were
+impressed with the idea that any chance comer who might present himself
+would be preferable to their former master. [All the unusual
+expenditures were rehearsed that had been made, not only by the Roman
+Treasury but privately for any persons and on the part of any foreign
+nations as a result of the former sovereign's direction: and thus the
+overthrow of those charged with carrying out the enactments made by him
+and the hope that in the future nothing similar would be done inclined
+people to be satisfied with the existing arrangement.
+
+[Sidenote:--19--] However, they soon learned that Aurelianus was dead
+and that Diadumenianus, son of Macrinus, had been appointed Caesar. This
+last was nominally the act of the soldiers, through whose ranks he
+passed when summoned from Antioch to meet his father, but really it was
+accomplished by Macrinus. People further learned that their ruler had
+assumed the name of Antoninus. (He had done this to win the favor of the
+soldiers, partly to avoid seeming to dishonor his predecessor's memory
+entirely, especially in view of the fact that he had secretly thrown
+down some of the statues offered to him in Rome by Alexander and set on
+pedestals by Antoninus himself: and again he wanted to get an excuse for
+promising them seven hundred and fifty denarii more.) So persons began
+to think differently and reflected that previously they had held him in
+no esteem. Taking account, furthermore, of all the additional ignoble
+manifestations on his part that they suspected and thought likely, they
+began to be ashamed and did not [lacuna] Caracalla any more than
+[lacuna] things pertaining to him differently [lacuna] by deprecating
+the [lacuna] of Severus [lacuna] of Antoninus [lacuna] they displayed
+[lacuna] and hero and what befitted his reign, not to be sure [lacuna]
+and wholly the judgments of all men in Rome [lacuna] underwent a change
+[lacuna] senate [lacuna] to him [lacuna] me [lacuna] however, when all
+were questioned man by man regarding his honors, both others answered
+ambiguously and [lacuna] Saturninus [lacuna] in a way attributing
+[lacuna] praetors [lacuna] that it was not permissible for him to put any
+vote about anything, in order that they might avoid the consul's
+jealousy. This procedure was contrary to precedent, for it was not
+lawful that there should take place in the senate-chamber an inquiry
+into any matter, except at the command of the emperor.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] The crowd, because they could obscure their identity
+at the contest and by their numbers, gained the greater boldness, raised
+a loud cry at the horse-race on the birthday of Diadumenianus, which
+fell on the fourteenth of September: they uttered many lamentations,
+asserting that they alone of all mankind were destitute of a leader,
+destitute of a king; and they invoked the name of Jupiter, declaring
+that he alone should be their leader and uttering aloud these words: "As
+a master thou wert angry, as a father take pity on us." Nor would they
+pay any heed at first to either the equestrian or the senatorial order
+[lacuna] and commending the emperor and the Caesar to the extent of
+[lacuna] in Greek saying: "Ah, what a glorious day is to-day! What noble
+kings!" and desiring that the others also should share their opinion.
+But they stretched out their arms toward the sky and exclaimed:
+"[lacuna]. this is the Roman Augustus: having him we have all!" So true
+it is that among mankind respect is a distinct characteristic of the
+better element and contempt a characteristic of the worse. For these two
+now regarded Macrinus and Diadumenianus as henceforth absolutely
+non-existent and trampled upon their claims as though they were already
+dead. This was one great reason why his soldiers despised him, and paid
+no heed to what was done to win their favor. Another still more
+important cause lay in the frequent and extraordinary insolence shown
+toward him by the Pergamenians, who were deprived of what they had
+formerly received from Tarautas; and for this conduct he imposed upon
+them public sentence of loss of citizenship. [Sidenote:--21--] The
+attitude of the soldiers is straightway to be described. At this time
+Macrinus neither sent to the senate, as they were demanding, nor
+published otherwise any document of the informers, saying either truly
+or falsely (to avoid a great disturbance) that none such had been found
+in the royal residence. For Tarautas had either destroyed the majority
+of those containing any accusation or had returned them to the senders
+themselves, as I have stated, [Footnote: The passage to which Dio refers
+is lost.] to the end that no proof of his baseness should be left. But
+he did reveal the names of three senators whom, from what he had himself
+discovered, he deemed to be especially deserving of hatred. These were
+Manilius and Julius, and moreover Sulpicius Arrhenianus, who had
+blackmailed, among others, Bassus, the son of Pomponius, whose
+lieutenant he had been when Bassus was governor of Moesia. These men
+were banished to islands, as the emperor expressly forbade their being
+put to death. "We would avoid,"--he wrote--these were his very
+words,--"ourselves appearing to do the things for which we censure
+them."--And Lucius Priscillianus [whose name was presented by the senate
+itself,] was as much renowned for his insulting behavior as he was for
+his killing of wild beasts. [He fought them at Tusculum every now and
+then, and contended with so many each time that he bore the scars of
+their bites.] Once he, unassisted, joined battle with a bear and
+panther, a lioness and lion at once, but far more numerous were the men,
+both knights and senators, whom he destroyed as a result of his
+slanders. [For both of these achievements] he was greatly honored by
+Caracalla [was enrolled among the ex-praetors and became (contrary to
+precedent) governor of Achaea. He incurred the violent hatred of the
+senate, was summoned for trial] and was confined upon an island. These
+men, then, came to their end as described.
+
+[Sidenote:--22--] And Flaccus was entrusted also with the dispensation
+of food stuffs,--an office which Manilius had formerly held,--for he had
+secured [Footnote: Reading [Greek: eilaephos] (Reimar).] it (with the
+added ratification of Macrinus) as a reward of his information against
+him; and he was subsequently made superintendent of the distribution of
+dole which took place at the games given by the major praetors, save
+those celebrated in honor of Flora [lacuna] moreover the iuridici
+possessing authority in Italy had to stop rendering decisions outside
+the traditional limits set by Marcus. [Footnote: The text of the early
+part of this chapter may be characterized as "jagged." The sentences
+lack clearness and the relation of the individual words is not always
+certain. The reader may be interested to see a translation of
+Hirschfeld's interpretation of the section, taken from his book entitled
+_Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der Roemischen Verwaltungsgeschichte_
+(pp. 117-120).
+
+a [Flaccus]--It is here a question of a high senatorial office, which
+can only be the _praefectura alimentorum_.
+
+b [The iuridici]--Perhaps the person entrusted with the execution of
+this ruling was C. Octavius Sabinus, who had the title of _electus ad
+corrigendum statum Italiae_.
+
+c [The orphans]--Probably during the latter portion of Caracalla's
+reign, as also under Commodus, the funds for food had been available
+either not at all or at irregular intervals, and therefore the
+restitution of district prefects was determined upon.
+
+From these Food Prefects for a particular district those officials must
+be distinguished who bear the general title of _praefectus alimentorum_
+without any local limitation, and show a marked difference from the rest
+in that they are invariably of consular rank, whereas the position of
+district prefect, like that of curator of roads, was usually held by a
+candidate that had only passed the praetorship. The inscriptions of these
+_consular_ prefects begin not earlier than the end of the reign of
+Marcus Aurelius, perhaps not till Commodus, and extend to the time of
+Macrinus, while during this whole time (a period, that is, of about
+forty years) all trace of the district prefects vanishes. Under these
+circumstances the conclusion seems to me inevitable that towards the end
+of the second century (probably from the first years of Marcus Aurelius
+on) the district prefecture was abolished and the administration was
+centralized in Rome under a consular _praefectus alimentorum_, whose
+authority extended over the whole of Italy.
+
+Now very probably it was the introduction under Marcus Aurelius of the
+_iuridici_ which occasioned this change, even if not immediately, and
+that these duties of distribution, as well as other administrative
+functions, were placed in their hands; one thing that would seem to
+recommend this view particularly is that their position in general
+tended to make them official examiners of the affairs of the
+_municipia_. When, in addition, we have evidence that Macrinus in the
+year 217 reduced the authority of the _iundici_ to the limits originally
+imposed by Marcus Aurelius and that further the same emperor instituted
+certain rulings for the amelioration of food distribution; when,
+moreover, we consider in connection with this the coincidence of the
+disappearance of the _consular food prefects_ for Italy on the one hand
+and the reappearance of the _pretorial district prefects_ on the other,
+it will not appear overbold to suppose that Macrinus, in the course of
+the reform affecting the _iuridici_, also detached from them the right
+to supervise foods, restored it to the curators of roads (as in the
+original arrangement) and abolished the central bureau in Rome.]--A
+certain Domitius Florus had formerly had charge of the senate records
+and ought to have been next appointed aedile, but before entering upon
+office had been deprived of all hope on account of Plautianus; he now
+had recourse to sedulous office-seeking, recovered his lost standing and
+was appointed tribune. Anicius Faustus was sent into Asia to govern in
+place of Asper. The latter had at first obtained very great honor from
+Macrinus, who thought he could settle affairs in Asia: afterwards, when
+he was already _en route_ and was approaching the province (Macrinus had
+not accorded a favorable reception to the petition forwarded to
+Caracalla and delivered to him, in which the inhabitants begged that
+Asper be not sent them as proconsul), the emperor offered him a terrible
+affront in rejecting him. It was reported to the prince that Asper had
+made some improper remarks, and moreover he affected to think that old
+age and disease constituted a second reason for relieving him of his
+duties, and therefore he delivered Asia into the keeping of Faustus, a
+man who had been overlooked in the order of allotment by Severus. As the
+time for him to govern turned out to be short, Macrinus bade him hold
+the office for the following year in place of Aufidius Fronto. To the
+latter he would entrust neither Africa (which he had drawn by lot),
+because the Africans begged that he be not allowed to come, nor yet
+Asia, though he had first transferred him thither. As a fitting
+recognition, however, Macrinus proposed that twenty-five myriads be
+given him to stay at home. Fronto, however, would not accept that,
+saying that he wanted not money but a position of authority, and
+accordingly later he received the province from Sardanapalus.
+
+Besides these events aid was extended to the orphans, whose hopes of
+support were small, from the [lacuna] age of childhood to military
+years. [Footnote: See note 2c, page 58.]
+
+[Sidenote:--23--] Now Julia, the mother of Tarautas, chanced to be in
+Antioch, and at the first information of her son's death she was so
+affected that she struck herself violently and undertook to starve
+herself to death. The presence of this very same man, whom she hated
+alive, became the object of her longings now that he had ceased to
+exist; yet not because she desired him to live, but because she was
+furious at having to return to private life; and this led her to abuse
+Macrinus also long and bitterly. Subsequently, as no change was made in
+her royal suite or in the guard of Pretorians attending her, and the new
+emperor sent her a kind message (not having yet heard what she had
+said), she took courage, laid aside her longing for death, and, without
+writing him any response, held some negotiations with the soldiers she
+had about her, especially [lacuna] and as they were angry with Macrinus
+[lacuna] as they had a pleasanter remembrance of her son, how she might
+attain the imperial position, rendering herself the peer of Semiramis
+and Nitocris, since she came in a way from the same regions as
+they; [Footnote: Boissevain's conjecture for the succeeding sentences
+(valuable, of course, only as the guess of an expert) is the following:
+
+But when nobody would cooperate with her and letters came from Macrinus
+making certain announcements at which, in view of her circumstances, she
+felt herself depressed in spirits, she renounced her ambitions out of
+fear that she might be deprived of the title of Augusta and be forced to
+depart to her native land, and al [lacuna] drea [lacuna] wom [lacuna] ad
+[lacuna] eake [lacuna] and mos [lacuna] any one behol [lacuna] she
+decided to do just the reverse and submit lest she be forced eventually
+to return to Rome and be there compelled by Macrinus to remain at home
+for the future for appearing to be opposed to his policy. Afterwards,
+however, she was intending to take measures that would enable her to get
+away by ship, if possibility still offered, when he ordered her, etc.]
+as [lacuna] cooeperated [lacuna] and letters [lacuna] of Macrinus
+[lacuna] some for which [lacuna] judgment [lacuna] fearing that she
+might be deprived of the title of Augusta and to [lacuna] native country
+be forced to return [lacuna] to fear [lacuna] go to Rome [lacuna]
+Macrinus [lacuna] seeming to do the opposite [lacuna] how [lacuna] might
+depart and he ordered her to depart from Antioch with all speed and go
+whithersoever she would. [And when she heard what was said in Rome about
+her son] she no longer cared to live. The cancer in her breast, which,
+for a very long time had remained stationary in its progress, had been
+made angry and inflamed by the blow which she struck her chest on
+hearing of her son's death; this helped to undermine her constitution
+and she made sure of her demise by voluntary starvation.
+
+[Sidenote:--24--][And so this queen, sprung from a family of common
+people and raised to a high station, who had lived during her husband's
+reign in great unhappiness on account of Plautianus, who had beheld her
+younger son butchered in her own lap and had borne ill-will to her elder
+son while he lived, finally receiving such tidings of his assassination,
+withdrew from power while in the full flush of life and thereafter did
+herself to death. Hence a person reviewing her career could not deem
+infallibly happy all those who attain great authority; indeed, in no
+case unless some true and undefiled pleasure in life belongs to them,
+and unswerving, permanent good fortune.--This, then, was the fate of
+Julia. Her body was taken to Rome and placed in the tomb of Gaius and
+Lucius. Later, however, both her bones and those of Geta were
+transferred by her sister Maesa to the precinct of Antoninus.
+
+[Sidenote:--25--] Nor was Macrinus destined to survive for long,--a fact
+of which he doubtless had previous indications. A mule bore a mule in
+Rome and a sow had a little pig with four ears and two tongues and eight
+feet. A great earthquake occurred, blood flowed from a pipe, and bees
+formed honeycombs in the Forum Boarium. The hunting-theatre was smitten
+with thunderbolts on the very day of the Vulcanalia [Footnote: August
+twenty-third.] and such a blaze ensued that all its upper circumference
+and the whole circuit of construction and the ground-level were burned
+and thereupon the rest of it caught fire and fell in ruins. No human aid
+availed against the conflagration, though every possible stream of water
+was directed upon the blaze, nor could the downpour from the sky, which
+came in great amount and violence, accomplish anything. The force of
+both kinds of water was exhausted by the power of the thunderbolts, and
+to a certain extent, at least, the building only received additional
+injury; [Footnote: Reading [Greek: prosesineto](Bekker).] wherefore the
+gladiatorial spectacle was held in the stadium for many years.
+
+This naturally seemed to foreshow what was to be. There were other fires
+besides and imperial possessions were burned especially often during his
+reign,--a thing which in itself has always been regarded as of ill omen;
+but the fact that it seemed to have overthrown the horse-race of Vulcan
+had a direct bearing upon the emperor. This accordingly gave rise to a
+feeling that something out of the ordinary was in process of
+consummation, and the idea was strengthened by the behavior on that same
+day of the Tiber, which rose until it invaded the Forum and the roads
+leading to it with such impetus as to sweep away even human beings. And
+a woman, as I have heard, grim and gigantic, was seen by some persons
+and declared that these disasters were insignificant as compared with
+what was destined to befall them.
+
+[Sidenote:--26--] And so it proved, for the evil did not confine itself
+to the City alone, but took possession of the whole world under its
+dominion, with whose inhabitants the theatre was customarily filled. The
+Romans, defeated, gave up their war against the barbarians and likewise
+received great detriment from the greed and factional differences of the
+soldiers. The progress of both these evils I am now to describe.]
+Macrinus, seeing that Artabanus was exceedingly angry at the way he had
+been treated and had invaded Mesopotamia with a large force, at first of
+his own accord sent him the captives and used friendly language, urging
+him to accept peace and laying the blame for the past upon Tarautas. But
+the other would not entertain his proposition and furthermore bade him
+build up the forts and demolished cities, abandon Mesopotamia entirely
+and offer satisfaction in general, but particularly for the damage to
+the royal tombs. [For, trusting in the large force that he had gathered
+and despising Macrinus as an unworthy emperor, he gave reign to his
+wrath and expected that even without the Roman's consent he could
+accomplish whatever he wished.] Macrinus had no opportunity to think it
+over, but, meeting the enemy already on the way to Nisibis, was defeated
+in a battle begun by the soldiers about water, while encamped opposite
+each other. And he came very near losing the rampart itself, but some
+armor-bearers and baggage-carriers happened along and saved it. In their
+confidence, they had started out ahead and made a rush upon the
+barbarians; and the unexpectedness of their sally was of advantage to
+them, making them appear to be armed soldiers and not mere helpers. But
+the [lacuna] both was not present then and [lacuna] the night [lacuna]
+the camps [lacuna] and the Romans followed on. The enemy, perceiving the
+noise that they made in going out, suspected [lacuna] flight, but seeing
+them at a glance [lacuna] the Romans barbarians [lacuna] forced by their
+[lacuna] and the flight of Macrinus, they became dejected and were
+conquered. And as a result [lacuna] from Mesopotamia especially [lacuna]
+they overran Syria [lacuna] he abandoned.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 218 (_a.u._ 971)] This took place at the season under
+consideration: but in the autumn and winter, during which Macrinus and
+Adventus became consuls, they no longer came to blows with each other
+but kept up an interchange of envoys and heralds until they had reached
+an agreement.
+
+[Sidenote:--27--] For Macrinus, through native cowardice (being a Moor
+he was tremendously timorous) and by reason of the soldiers' lack of
+discipline, did not dare to begin a war. On the contrary] he expended
+for the sake of peace enormous amounts, in the shape of both gifts and
+money, to Artabanus himself and to his assistants in the government, so
+that the entire outlay came to five thousand myriads. [And the emperor
+was not unwilling to effect a reconciliation, both for the reasons
+mentioned and because his soldiers were extremely restive,--a condition
+due to their having been away from home an unusual length of time, as
+well as to the scarcity of food. No supplies were to be had from stores,
+since there were no stores ready, nor from the country itself, because
+part had been devastated and part was controlled by forts. Macrinus,
+however, did not forward an exact account of all their proceedings to
+the senate and consequently triumphal sacrifices were voted him and the
+name of Parthicus was bestowed. But this he would not accept, being
+apparently ashamed to adopt the appellation of an enemy by whom he had
+been defeated.
+
+Moreover, the war that had been waged in the regions of the Armenian
+king subsided. Tiridates received the diadem sent him by Macrinus, and
+got back his mother (whom Tarautas had confined in prison eleven
+months), together with the booty captured from Armenia and all the
+territory that his father possessed in Cappadocia, with hopes of
+obtaining the annual payment often furnished by the Romans. And the
+Dacians, after damaging parts of Dacia, held their hands in spite of a
+desire for further conflict, and got back the hostages that Caracalla,
+under the name of an alliance, had taken from them. This was the course
+of these events.
+
+[Sidenote:--28--] But a new war broke upon the heads of the Romans, and
+no longer a foreign but a civil strife. It was the soldiers who were
+responsible for the outbreak. They were somewhat irritated by their
+setbacks, but their behavior was owing still more to the fact that they
+would no longer endure any hard work if they could help it, but were
+thoroughly out of training in every respect and wanted to have no
+emperor that ruled with a firm hand but demanded that they get
+everything without stint, and chose to perform no task that was fitting
+for them. They were further angered by the cutting off of their pay and
+the deprivation of prizes and exemptions (these last among the
+privileges of the military), which they had gained from Tarautas, even
+though they personally were not destined to be affected by these
+measures. Their resolution was definitely strengthened by the delay
+which they had undergone in practically one and the same spot while
+wintering in Syria on account of the war. It should be stated that
+Macrinus seemed to have shown good generalship and to have acted
+sensibly in debarring the men in arms from no privilege, but preserving
+to them intact all the rights allowed by his predecessor, whereas he
+gave notice to such as intended to enlist anew that they would be
+enrolled only upon the old schedule published by Severus. He hoped that
+these recruits, entering the army a few at a time, would hold aloof from
+rebellion, at first through peaceful inclinations and fear and later
+through the influence of time and custom, and that by having no
+corrupting effect upon the rest they would quiet them.
+
+[Sidenote:--29--] If this had been done after the members of the army
+had retired to their individual fortresses and were consequently
+scattered, it would have been a correct move. Perhaps some of them would
+not have shown indignation, believing that they would really be put at
+no disadvantage because temporarily they suffered no loss: and even if
+they had been vexed, yet, each body being few in number and subservient
+to the commanders sent by the senate, they could have accomplished no
+great harm. But, united in Syria, they suspected that they should be
+liable to innovations if they separated;--for the time being they could
+well believe they were being pampered on account of the demands of war.
+And again [lacuna] So the others killed certain soldiers and ravaged
+portions of Mesopotamia, and these men butchered not a few of their own
+number and also overthrew their emperor; and, what is still worse, they
+set up another similar ruler, by whom nothing was done save what was
+evil and base. [Sidenote:--30--] It seems to me that this occurrence had
+been foreshadowed more clearly, perhaps, than any previous event. A
+very distinct eclipse of the sun [had taken place] about that time, [and
+the comet-star was seen for a considerable period. And another]
+luminary, whose tail extended from the west to the east, for several
+nights caused us terrible alarm, so that this verse of Homer's was ever
+on our lips:
+
+ "Rang the vast welkin with clarion calls, and Zeus heard the tumult."
+  [Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XXI, verse 388.]
+
+It was brought about in the following way:
+
+Maesa, the sister of Julia Augusta, had two daughters, Soaemias and
+Mammaea, by her husband Julius, an ex-consul. She had also two male
+grandchildren. One was Avitus, the child of Soaemias and Varius
+Marcellus, a man of the same race,--he was from Apamea,--who had been
+occupied in procuratorships, had been enrolled in the senate, and soon
+after died. The other was Bassianus, the child of Mammaea and Gessius
+Marcianus, who was himself also a Syrian, from a city called Arca, and
+had been assigned to various positions as procurator. Now Maesa at home
+in Emesa her life [lacuna] her sister Julia, with whom she had made her
+abode during the entire period of the latter's reign, having perished.
+For Avitus, after governing in Asia, sent by Caracalla from Mesopotamia
+into Cyprus, was seen to be limited to the position of adviser to some
+magistrate who suffered from old age and sickness; and again [lacuna]
+him, when [lacuna] he died, one Eutychianus, that had given satisfaction
+in games and exercises, and for that reason [lacuna] who [lacuna]
+[Sidenote:--31--] [lacuna] upon [lacuna] becoming aware of the strong
+dislike of the soldiers for Macrinus [lacuna] wall [lacuna] and partly
+persuaded by the Sun, whom they name Elagabalus and worship devotedly,
+and by some other prophecies, he undertook to overthrow Macrinus and put
+up Avitus, the grandson of Maesa and a mere child, as emperor in his
+stead. And he accomplished both projects, although he had himself as yet
+not fully reached manhood and had as helpers only a few freedmen and
+soldiers [lacuna] and Emesenian senators [lacuna] pretending that he was
+a natural son of Tarautas and arraying him in clothing which the latter
+had worn when a child, Caesar by the [lacunae] introduced into the camp at
+night, without the knowledge of his mother or his grandmother, and at
+dawn on the sixteenth of May he persuaded the soldiers, who were eager
+to get some starting-point for an uprising, to revolt. Julianus, the
+prefect, learning this (for he happened to be not far distant), caused
+both a daughter and a son-in-law of Marcianus, together with some
+others, to be assassinated. Then, after collecting as many of the
+soldiers remaining as he could in the short time at his disposal, he
+made an attack upon what was, to all intents and purposes, a most
+hostile fortress. [Sidenote:--32--] He might have taken it that very
+day, for the Moors sent to Tarautas according to the terms of alliance
+fought most valiantly for Macrinus, who was a countryman of theirs, and
+even broke through some of the gates. But he refused the opportunity,
+either because he was afraid to rush in or because he expected that he
+could win the men inside to surrender voluntarily. As no propositions
+were made to him, and they furthermore built up all the gates during the
+night, so that they were now in a securer position, he again assaulted
+the place but effected nothing. For they carried Avitus (whom they were
+already saluting as "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus") all about upon the
+ramparts, and exhibited some likeness of Caracalla when a child as
+bearing some resemblance to their new ruler, declaring that the latter
+was truly Caracalla's child and his proper successor in the imperial
+office. "Why do you do this, fellow-soldiers?" they exclaimed. "Why do
+you thus fight against your benefactor's son?" By this means they
+corrupted all the soldiers with Julianus, especially as the troops were
+anxious to have a change, so that the attackers killed their commanders,
+save Julianus (for he effected his escape), and surrendered themselves
+to the False Antoninus. For when an attempt to restrain them was made by
+their centurions and the other subordinates, and they were, as a result,
+hesitating, Eutychianus sent Festus (thus--according to the cubicularius
+of Tarautas--was one of the Caesarians named) [Footnote: The text is
+emended in accordance with a tentative suggestion of Boissevain.] and
+persuaded them to kill all such officers and offered as a prize to each
+soldier who should slay his man the victim's property and military rank.
+The boy also harangued them from the wall with fictitious statements,
+praising his "father" and [lacuna] Macrinus, as [lacuna]
+
+[Fourteen lines are lacking.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Sidenote:--33--] [lacuna] those left to be restored to their original
+property and status as citizens. But the most effective means by which
+he attached them to himself was his promise to give each and every one
+unlimited amounts of money, and to restore the exiles,--an act which
+would seem to make him out in truth a legitimate son of Tarautas
+[lacuna]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Fourteen lines are lacking.]
+
+[Sidenote:--34--] [lacuna] Marcianus [lacuna] Macrinus [lacuna] (for
+Marcellus was dead) he put this person to death; but, lacking courage to
+proceed further on his own responsibility without Macrinus, he sent for
+the latter. Macrinus came quickly to the Alban soldiers at Apamea and
+appointed his son emperor in spite of the lad's being but ten years old,
+in order that with this excuse he might mollify the soldiers by various
+means, chief among which should be the promise of five thousand denarii;
+he assigned them a thousand each on the spot and restored to the rest
+complete allowances of food and everything else of which they had been
+deprived: in this way he hoped to appease them. With this same end in
+view he bestowed upon the populace a dinner worth one hundred and fifty
+denarii a head before revealing to them anything about the uprising; for
+he wanted it to be thought that he was banqueting them not because of
+that event but to show honor to his son. And on that occasion first one
+of the revolted soldiers approached him carrying the head of Julianus
+(who had been found somewhere in hiding and slain), in many linen cloths
+and tied up very strongly indeed with ropes, pretending it was the head
+of the False Antoninus. He had sealed the package with the finger ring
+of Julianus. After doing that the soldier ran out when the head was
+uncovered. Macrinus, upon discovering what had been done, no longer
+dared either to stay where he was or to assault the fortification, but
+returned to Antioch with all speed. So the Alban legion and the rest who
+were wintering in that region likewise revolted. The opposing parties
+continued their preparations and both sides sent messengers and letters
+to the provinces and to the legions. As a result perturbation was caused
+in many places by the first communication of each side about the other
+and by the constant messages contradicting each other. In the course of
+the uncertainty numerous letter-carriers on both sides lost their lives,
+and numbers of those who had slain the followers of Antoninus, or had
+not immediately attached themselves to their cause, were censured. Some
+perished on this account and some merely incurred a small loss. Hence I
+will pass over most of this (it is all very much alike and permits of no
+considerable description in detail) and will give a summary of what took
+place in Egypt.
+
+[Sidenote:--35--] The governor of that country was Basilianus, whom
+Macrinus had also made prefect in place of Julianus. Some interests were
+managed also by Marius Secundus, although he had been created senator by
+Macrinus and was at the head of affairs in Phoenicia. In this way both
+of them were dependent upon Macrinus and for that reason put to death
+the runners of the False Antoninus. As long, therefore, as the outcome
+of the business was still in dispute, they and the soldiers and the
+individuals were in suspense, some wishing and praying and reporting one
+thing and others the opposite, as always in factional disturbances. When
+the news of the defeat of Macrinus arrived, a riot of some magnitude
+followed, in which many of the populace and not a few of the soldiers
+were destroyed. Secundus found himself in a dilemma; and Basilianus,
+fearing that he should lose his life instanter, effected his escape
+from Egypt. After coming to the vicinity of Brundusium in Italy he was
+discovered, having been betrayed by a friend in Rome to whom he had sent
+a secret message asking for food. So he was later taken back to
+Nicomedea and executed.
+
+[Sidenote:--36--] Macrinus wrote also to the senate about the False
+Antoninus [as he did also to the governors everywhere], calling him
+"boy" and saying that he was mad. He wrote also to Maximus, the
+praefectus urbi, giving him such information as one might expect, and
+further stating that the soldiers recently enlisted insisted upon
+receiving all that they were wont to have before, and that the rest, who
+had been deprived of nothing, made common cause with them in their anger
+at what was withheld. And to omit a recital, he said, of all the many
+means devised by Severus and his son for the ruin of rigid discipline,
+it was impossible for the troops to be given their entire pay in
+addition to the donatives which they were receiving; for the increase in
+their pay granted by Tarautas amounted to seven thousand myriads
+annually, and could not be given, partly because the soldiers and again
+because [lacuna] righteous [lacuna] but the recognized expenditures
+[lacuna] and the [lacuna] could he himself and the child as [lacuna]
+himself [lacuna] and he commiserated himself upon having a son, but said
+that he found it a solace in his disaster to think that he had outlived
+the fratricide who attempted to destroy the whole world. He also added
+to the missive something like the following: "I know that there are
+many who are more anxious to have emperors killed than to have them
+live, but this is one thing I can not say in respect to myself, that any
+one could either desire or pray that I should perish." At which Fulvius
+Diogenianus exclaimed: "We have all prayed for it!"
+
+[Sidenote:--37--] The speaker was one of the ex-consuls, but not of very
+sound mind, and consequently he caused himself as much exasperation as
+he did other people. He also [lacuna] the subscription [lacuna] of
+letter [lacuna] and to the [lacuna] leather it had been entrusted to
+read [lacuna] and those [lacuna] and [lacuna] others and also [lacuna]
+be sent [lacuna] directly as [lacuna] hesitating [lacuna] ordering
+[lacuna] by the [lacuna] and both to others [lacuna] of foremost to the
+[lacuna] any care for the common preserver [lacuna] over [lacuna] that
+the False Antoninus finding in the chests of Macrinus not yet [lacuna]
+he himself voluntarily [lacuna] published [lacuna] calumny [lacuna]
+making with reference to the soldiers. And he marched so quickly against
+him that Macrinus could with difficulty encounter him in a village of
+the Antiochians one hundred and fifty stades distant from the city.
+There, so far as the zeal of the Pretorians went, he had him conquered
+(he had taken from them their breastplates scales and their grooved
+shields and had thus rendered them lighter for the battle): but he was
+beaten by his own cowardice, as Heaven had foreshown to him. For on that
+day when his first letter about the imperial office was read to us a
+pigeon had lighted upon an image of Severus (whose name he had applied
+to himself) that stood in the senate-chamber. [And subsequently, when
+the communication about his son was sent, we had convened, not at the
+bidding of the consuls or the praetors (for they did not happen to be
+present) but of the tribunes,--a practice which by this time had fallen
+more or less into disuse. And he had not written even his name in the
+preface of the letter, though he termed him Caesar and emperor and
+indicated that the contents emanated from them both. Also, in the
+rehearsal of events, he mentioned the name Diadumenianus, but left out
+that of Antoninus, though he had this title too. Such was the state of
+these [Sidenote:--38--] affairs; and, by Jupiter, when he sent word
+about the uprising of the False Antoninus, the consuls uttered certain
+formulae against him, as is regularly done under such circumstances, and
+one of the praetors and another of the tribunes did the same. War was
+declared and solemnly proclaimed against the usurper and his cousin and
+their mothers and their grandmother, and immunity was granted to those
+that had taken part in the uprising, in case they should submit,
+according as Macrinus had promised them. For the conversation he had had
+with the soldiers was read aloud.] As a result of this, we all condemned
+still more strongly his abasement and folly. [For one thing] he was most
+constantly calling himself "father" and Diadumenianus his "son," and he
+kept holding up to reproach the age of the False Antoninus, though he
+had designated as emperor his son, who was much younger. [Now in the
+battle Gannys hurriedly took possession of the narrow place in front of
+the village and disposed his soldiers in good order for warfare,
+regardless of the fact that he was most inexperienced in military
+matters. Of such surpassing importance is good fortune in comparison
+with other qualifications, that it actually bestows understanding upon
+the ignorant.] But his army made a very weak fight and the men would not
+have stood their ground, had not Maesa and Soaemias [for they were already
+in the boy's retinue] leaped down from their vehicles and, rushing among
+the fugitives, by their lamentations restrained them from flight, and
+had not the lad himself been seen by them (by some divine disposition of
+affairs) with drawn sword on horseback charging the enemy. Even so they
+would have turned their backs again, had not Macrinus fled at sight of
+their resistance.
+
+[Sidenote:--39--] The latter, having been thus defeated on the eighth of
+June, sent his son in charge of Epagathus and some other attendants, to
+Artabanus, king of the Parthians. He himself went to Antioch, giving out
+that victory was his, to the end that he might be offered shelter there.
+Then, when the news of his defeat became noised abroad, in the midst of
+many consequent slaughters both along the roads and in the city,
+springing from somebody's favoring the one side or the other, he made
+his escape. From Antioch he proceeded by night, on horseback, with his
+head and whole chin shaved, and attired in a dark garment worn over his
+purple robe in order that he might, so far as possible, resemble an
+ordinary citizen. In this way, with a few companions, he reached AEgae in
+Cilicia, and there, by pretending to be one of the soldiers that carried
+messages, he got a wagon, on which he drove through Cappadocia and
+Galatia and Bithynia as far as the shipyard of Eribolus, which is
+opposite the city of Nicomedea. It was his intention to make his way
+back to Rome, expecting that there he could gain some assistance from
+the senate and from the people. And, if he had escaped thither, he would
+certainly have accomplished something. For their disposition was
+decidedly more favorable to him, in view of the hardihood of the
+Syrians, the age of the False Antoninus, and the uncontrolledness of
+Gannys and Comazon, so that even the soldiers would either
+voluntarily [Footnote: Reading [Greek: 'hechhontast'] instead of
+[Greek: thnheschontast].] have changed their attitude or, refusing to do
+so, would have been overpowered. As it turned out, however, if any one
+recognized him in the course of his journey so far described, at least
+no one ventured to lay hands on him: but he came to grief on his voyage
+from Eribolus to Chalcedon. He did not dare to enter Nicomedea [through
+fear of the governor of Bithynia, Caecilius Aristo], and so he sent to
+one of the procurators asking for money, and in this way he became
+known. He was overtaken [while still] in Chalcedon and, on the arrival
+of those sent by the False Antoninus in order that [lacuna] now if ever
+[lacuna] he was arrested [by Aurelius Celsus, a centurion,] and taken to
+Cappadocia [like a man held in no honor]. Ascertaining there that his
+son had also been captured [(Claudius Pollio, the centurion of the
+legion, had arrested him while driving through Zeugma, where, in the
+course of a previous journey, he had been designated Caesar)], he threw
+himself from the conveyance (for he had not been bound) and at the time
+suffered a fracture of his shoulder; but subsequently (though not a
+great deal later) being sentenced to die before entering Antioch, he was
+slain by Marcianus Taurus, a centurion, and his body remained unburied
+until the False Antoninus could come from Syria into Bithynia and gloat
+over it.
+
+[Sidenote:--40--] So Macrinus, when an old man,--for he was fifty-four
+years of age [lacking three or five days],--and eminent in experience of
+affairs, displaying some degree of excellence and commanding so many
+legions, was overthrown by a mere child of whose very name he had
+previously been ignorant,--even as the oracle had foretold to him;
+[[lacuna]] for upon his applying [to Zeus Belus] it had answered him:
+
+  "Old man, verily warriors young harass and exhaust thee:
+  Utterly spent is thy strength, and a grievious eld comes upon thee!"
+  [Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, VIII, verses 102-103.]
+
+And fleeing [lacuna] or [lacuna], having played part of runaway slave
+through the provinces which he had ruled, arrested like some robber by
+common officers, beholding himself with villains most dishonored
+[lacuna] guarded before whom often many senators had been brought; and
+_his_ death was ordered who had the authority to punish or to release
+any Roman whomsoever, and he was arrested and beheaded by centurions,
+when he had authority to put to death both them and others, inferior and
+superior. And his son likewise perished.
+
+[Sidenote:--41--] This proves that no one, even of those whose
+foundations seem unshakable, is sure of his position, but the exceeding
+prosperous, equally with the rest, are poised in the balance.
+
+And this man would have been lauded beyond all mankind, if he had not
+himself desired to become emperor, but had chosen some person enrolled
+in the senate to stand at the head of the Roman empire and had
+appointed him emperor; and only in this way could he have avoided blame
+for the plot against Caracalla, for by such action he would have
+demonstrated that he resorted to it to secure his own safety and not on
+account of a desire for supremacy. Whereas, instead, he got himself into
+disrepute and ruined his career, becoming subject to reproach, and
+finally falling a victim to a disaster that he richly deserved. And
+having grasped at sole sovereignty before he had even the title of
+senator, he lost it very quickly and in the most disappointing way. He
+had ruled only a year and two months, lacking three days (a result
+obtained by reckoning to the date of the battle).
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+79
+
+
+Dio's Roman History 79:--
+
+About Avitus, called also Pseudantoninus, and the slaughter that he
+wrought (chapters 1-7).
+
+About his transgression of law and how he married the Vestal (chapters
+8-10).
+
+About Eleogabalus [Footnote: It will be noted that the spelling of this
+word in the Greek "arguments" of the MSS. differs from that in the
+Greek text of the same.] and how he summoned Urania to Rome and united
+her in bonds of wedlock with Eleogabalus (chapters 11-12).
+
+About his licentiousness (chapters 13-16).
+
+How he adopted his cousin and also renamed him Alexander (chapters 17,
+18).
+
+How he was overthrown and slain (chapters 19-21).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+The remainder of the consulship of Macrinus and Adventus, together with
+four additional years, in which there were the following magistrates,
+here enumerated. Pseudantoninus (II) and Q. Tineius Sacerdos. (A.D. 219
+= a.u. 972 = Second of Eleogabalus, from June 8th.)
+
+Pseudantoninus (III) and M. Valerius Comazon. (A.D. 220 = a.u. 973 =
+Third of Elagabalus.)
+
+C. Vettius Gratus Sabinianus and M. Flavius Vitellius Seleucus. (A.D.
+221 = a.u. 974 = Fourth of Elagabalus.)
+
+Pseudantoninus (IV) and M. Amelius Severus Alexander. (A.D. 222 = a.u.
+975 = Fifth of Elagabalus to March 11th.)
+
+
+(BOOK 80, BOISSEVAIN.)
+
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 218 (_a.u._ 971)] [Sidenote:--1--] Now Avitus, alias
+False Antoninus, alias Assyrian or again Sardanapalus and also Tiberinus
+(he secured the last appellation after he had been slain and his body
+thrown into the Tiber) [on the very next day after the victory entered
+Antioch, first promising the soldiers attending him five hundred denarii
+apiece on condition that they should not sack the town,--a thing which
+they were very anxious to do. This amount he levied upon the people. And
+he sent to Rome such a despatch as might have been expected, speaking
+much evil of Macrinus, especially with reference to his low birth and
+his plot against Antoninus. Here is a sample of what he said: "He who
+was not permitted to enter even the senate-house after the proclamation
+debarring everybody other than senators from doing so, this man, I say,
+dared treacherously to murder the emperor whom he had been trusted to
+guard, dared to appropriate his office and to become emperor before he
+was senator." About himself he made many promises, not only to the
+soldiers but also to the senate and the people. He asserted that he
+should do everything without exception to emulate Augustus (to whose
+youth he likened his own) and also Marcus Antoninus. Yes, and he wrote
+also the following, alluding to the derogatory remarks made about him
+by Macrinus: "He undertook to censure my age, when he himself appointed
+a five-year old son."
+
+[Sidenote:--2--] Besides forwarding this communication to the senate, he
+sent to the senate the records discovered among the soldiers and the
+letters of Macrinus written, to Maximus, and sent them likewise to the
+legions, hoping that these would cause them to hold the preceding
+emperor's memory in greater detestation, and to feel greater affection
+for him. In both the despatch to the senate and the letter to the people
+he subscribed himself as emperor and Caesar, son of Antoninus, grandson
+of Severus, Pius, Felix, Augustus, proconsul, and holder of the
+tribunician power, assuming these titles before they were voted,[lacuna]
+the [lacuna] not the [lacuna] but the [lacuna] of [lacuna]
+used [Footnote: Illegible MS.--Boissevain conjectures: "And he used not
+the name of Avitus, but that of his father."] [lacuna] the records of
+the soldiers [lacuna] for of Macrinus [lacuna] Caesar [lacuna] Pretorians
+and Alban legionaries who were in Italy [lacuna] and as consul should
+proclaim [Footnote: "He sent another letter to the Pretorians and to the
+Alban legionaries who were in Italy, in which he stated incidentally
+that he was consul and high-priest." (Boissevain's conjecture.)]
+[lacuna] and the [lacuna] Marius Censorinus [lacuna] superintendence
+[lacuna] accepted [lacuna] Macrinus [lacuna] himself since not
+sufficiently by his own voice [lacuna] public [lacuna] read [lacuna] the
+letters of Sardanapalus [lacuna] registered among the ex-consuls and
+gave him injunctions that if any one should resist him he should use the
+band of soldiers. As a consequence, though against its will, it read
+everything to those [lacuna] [Footnote: "Most of it Marius Censorinus,
+who was their commandant, read aloud, but the news about Macrinus he
+suppressed, because he thought that his single voice could not give it
+sufficient publicity; at the same time, however, he took it upon himself
+to have the letter of Sardanapalus read to the senate through the medium
+of Claudius Pollio, who had been enrolled among the ex-consuls; thus, if
+any opposition should develop, he would be in a position to use the band
+of soldiers. As a consequence the senate, though against its will, read
+everything to those enlisted." (Boissevain's conjecture.)]
+
+For, by reason of the necessity thrust upon them, they were not able to
+do anything that they should or had better have done [lacuna] but were
+panic-stricken by fear [lacuna] and Macrinus, whom they had often
+commended, they voted should be regarded as a public enemy and they
+abused him, together with his son; and Tarautas, whom they had often
+wished to declare an enemy, they now exalted and of course prayed that
+his son might be like him.
+
+[Sidenote:--3--] This was in Rome. And Avitus assigned [lacuna] Pollio
+to govern [lacuna] Germany [lacuna] since the latter had very rapidly
+reduced Bithynia to subjection. He himself, after sojourning some months
+in Antioch until he had established his authority there in every
+direction, went into Bithynia, coadjutor [lacuna] often [lacuna] making
+Gannys, as had been his custom in the case of Antioch.
+
+Having passed the winter here he proceeded into Italy through Thrace and
+Moesia and both the Pannonias, and there he abode to the end of his
+life. One action of his was worthy of a thoroughly good emperor: for,
+whereas many individuals and communities alike,
+
+  including the Romans themselves,
+  both knights and senators,
+
+had privately and publicly, by word and deed, heaped insults upon [both
+Caracalla and] himself as a result of the letters of Macrinus, he
+[neither threatened to make reprisals] in the case of a single person,
+nor did he make reprisals. But on the other hand he drifted into all the
+most obscene and lawless and bloodthirsty practices. [Some of them never
+before known in Rome, took root and grew like ancestral institutions.
+Others, taken up tentatively from one time [Footnote: Reading [Greek:
+allote] (Bekker, Dindorf) in place of [Greek: alla te].] to another by
+various individuals] flourished for the three years and nine months and
+four days during which he ruled (to compute from the battle in which he
+gained supreme control). [In Syria, he caused the assassination of
+Nestor and Fabius Agrippinus, the governor of the country, as well as of
+the foremost knights belonging to the party of Macrinus; but he
+inflicted a similar fate upon men in Rome who were on most friendly
+terms with him. In Arabia, he executed Pica Caesianus, [Footnote: _P.
+Numicius Pica Caesianus_.] entrusted with the administration, because he
+had not immediately declared his allegiance; and, in Cyprus, Claudius
+Attalus, because he had fallen out with Comazon. Attalus had once been
+governor of Thrace, had been expelled from the senate by Severus in the
+war with Niger, but was restored to it by Tarautas, and had at this time
+been assigned to Cyprus, as the lot directed. He had incurred Comazon's
+ill-will by having formerly reduced him to the position of rower in a
+trireme as a punishment for some villany which the latter committed
+while serving in Thrace.]
+
+[Sidenote:--4--] This incident sheds some light on the character of
+Comazon, who got this name from mimes and buffoonery. [Footnote: This
+statement is an error on the part of Xiphilinus, who thought that
+"Comazon" (in Greek=The Reveler) was a nickname for a certain
+Eutychianus. Investigations, however, show that there was a M. Valerius
+Comazon prominent at this time and that the word should be taken as a
+proper and not as a vulgar noun.] He commanded the Pretorians and,
+though holding no position of management or superintendence whatever,
+except over the camp, [he obtained the consular honors] and subsequently
+actually became consul. [Also he became city prefect] not merely once,
+but twice and thrice, as could be recorded in no other case. Wherefore
+this, too, must be enumerated among the most illegal proceedings. [It
+was on his account, then, that Attalus was put to death.
+
+Triccianus came to his end on account of the Alban legion, which he
+commanded with good discipline during Macrinus's reign, and Castinus
+[Footnote: _C. Iulius Septimius Castinus_.] because he was energetic and
+was known to many soldiers in consequence of the commands he had held
+and his association with Antoninus. He had accordingly been sent out in
+advance by Macrinus without reference to other events and was living in
+Bithynia. The emperor put him to death in spite of having written
+concerning him to the senate that Triccianus had been banished from
+Rome, like Julius Asper, by Macrinus, and that he had restored him. He
+took similar vengeance on Sulla, who had been governing Cappadocia but
+had relinquished it, because Sulla both meddled in some matters that did
+not concern him and when summoned to Rome by Elagabalus had managed to
+meet the Celtic soldiers returning home after their winter in Bithynia,
+a period during which they had raised some little disturbance. These men
+perished for the reasons specified and no statements about them were
+communicated to the senate. Seius Carus, the descendant of Fuscianus,
+who had been city prefect, was killed because he was rich, great, and
+sensible, on the pretext that he was forming a league of some of the
+soldiers belonging to the Alban legion; and, on the basis of some
+charges preferred by the emperor alone, he was accused in the palace,
+where he was also slain.] Valerianus Paetus lost his life because he had
+stamped some likeness of himself upon gold pieces to serve as ornaments
+for his mistresses. [This led to the accusation that he intended to
+remove to Cappadocia, a country bordering on his own (he was a Gaul),
+for the purpose of starting a revolution, and that this was why he made
+gold pieces bearing his own figure.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] On these charges] Silius Messala and Pomponius Bassus
+[also were condemned to death by the senate: they] incurred blame
+because they were not pleased with what he was doing. He did not
+hesitate to write this statement about them to the senate, and called
+them investigators of his habits of life and censors of proceedings in
+the palace. ["The proofs of their plot I have not sent you," he said,
+"because it would be useless to read them, in view of the fact that the
+men are already dead."] There was another cause of dislike underlying
+[the case against Messala,--the point, namely, that he sturdily made
+public many facts in the senate. This was what led the emperor at the
+outset to send for him to come to Syria, pretending to have very great
+need of him, whereas his real fear was that Messala might bring about a
+change of attitude on the part of the senators.
+
+
+The cause in] the case of Bassus was that he had a wife both fair to
+look upon and of noble rank; she was a descendant of Claudius Severus
+and of Marcus Antoninus. Indeed, the prince married her, not allowing
+her even to mourn the catastrophe. Now of his marriages, in which he
+both married and was bestowed in marriage, an account will be given
+presently. He appeared both as man and as woman, and performed the
+functions of both in the most licentious fashion [lacuna] about [lacuna]
+and [lacuna] by whom [lacuna] own [lacuna] Sergius [lacuna] and [lacuna]
+out of [lacuna] any [lacuna] making [lacuna] him [lacuna] blame for
+[lacuna] slaughter the [Sidenote:--6--] [lacuna] and of knights [lacuna]
+Caesarians [lacuna] [lacuna] were destroyed [lacuna] nothing [lacuna] but
+by killing in Nicomedea at the very start of his reign Gannys, who had
+arranged the uprising, who had introduced him into the camp and had
+likewise caused [the soldiers to revolt, who had presented him with the
+victory over Macrinus, one who had reared and managed him,--by this act
+he came to be regarded as the most impious of men. To be sure, Gannys
+was living rather luxuriously and was fond of accepting bribes, but for
+all that he brought no injury upon anybody and bestowed many benefits
+upon many people. Most of all, he always showed a deep respect for the
+emperor, and he was thoroughly satisfactory to Maesa and Soaemias, suiting
+the former because she had brought him up and the latter because he
+practically lived with her. But these were not the reasons why the
+emperor put him out of the way, seeing that he was willing to give him a
+marriage contract and appoint him Caesar. It was rather that Gannys
+compelled him to live temperately and prudently. And his own hand was
+the first to give his minister a mortal blow, since no one of the
+soldiers had the hardihood to take the initiative in his murder.--These
+events, then, took place in this way.
+
+[Sidenote:--7--] [lacuna] Another pair executed were Verus, who had
+likewise mustered courage to make an attempt upon the sovereignty while
+in the midst of the third (Gallic) legion, which he was commanding; and
+Gellius Maximus, on the same sort of charge, though he was lieutenant in
+Syria proper and at the head of the fourth (Scythian) legion. For to
+such an extent had everything got upside down, that these men, too, one
+of whom had been enrolled in the senate from the ranks of the centurions
+and the other of whom was the son of a physician, took it into their
+heads to aim at the imperial office. I have mentioned them alone by
+name, not so much because they were the only ones who appeared entirely
+insane as because they belonged to the senate; for other attempts were
+made. A certain centurion's son undertook to throw into disorder the
+same Gallic legion, and another, a worker in wool, tampered with the
+Fourth, and a third, a private citizen, with the fleet in harbor at
+Cyzicus when the False Antoninus was wintering at Nicomedea. And there
+were many others elsewhere, so that it became a very ordinary thing for
+those who so wished to hazard the chance of fomenting rebellion and
+becoming emperor. They were encouraged partly by the fact that many
+persons had entered upon the supreme office without expecting or
+deserving it. Let no one be incredulous of my statements, for the facts
+about the private citizens I ascertained from men who are worthy of
+confidence, and of what I have written about the fleet I gained an exact
+knowledge in Pergamum, close at hand, the affairs of which, as also of
+Smyrna, I managed, having been assigned to duty there by Macrinus. And
+in view of this attempt none of the others seemed at all incredible to
+me.
+
+[Sidenote:--8--] This is what he did in the way of murders. His acts
+which varied from our ancestral precedents, however, were of simple
+character and inflicted no great harm upon us. Some noteworthy
+innovations were his applying to himself certain titles connected with
+his sovereignty before they had been voted, as I have already described,
+[Footnote: See Chapter 2.] and again his enrolling himself in the
+consulship in place of Macrinus when he had not been elected to it and
+did not enter upon any of its duties (the time expiring too soon): yet
+at first, in three letters, he had referred to the year by the name of
+Adventus, as if assuming that the latter had been sole consul. Other
+points were that he undertook to be consul a second time, without having
+secured any office previously or the privileges of any office, and that
+while consul in Nicomedea he did not employ the triumphal costume on the
+Day of Vows. [Footnote: Translated by Sturz "_votivorum ludorum die_."
+What festival is meant is uncertain, but it is probably _not_ the
+Compitalia (III. Non. Ian.). [Sidenote:--11--] With his infractions of
+law is connected also the matter of Elagabalus. The offence consisted,
+not in his introducing a foreign god into Rome, or in his exalting him
+in very strange ways, but in his placing him before even Jupiter and
+having himself voted his priest, in his circumcising his foreskin and
+abstaining from swine's flesh [on the ground that his devotion would be
+purer by this means. He had thought of cutting off his genitals
+altogether, but that was an idea prompted by salaciousness; the
+circumcision which he actually accomplished was a part of the priestly
+requirements of Elagabalus. Hence he mutilated in like manner numerous
+of his associates.] A further offence was his being frequently seen in
+public clad in the barbaric dress which the Syrian priests employ, a
+circumstance which had more to do than anything else with his getting
+the name of "The Assyrian."
+
+[Sidenote:--12--] ¶ A golden statue of False Antoninus was erected,
+distinguished by its great and varied adornment.
+
+¶ Macrinus, though he found considerable money in the treasury,
+squandered it all, and incomes did not suffice for expenditures.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 219 (_a.u._ 972)] [Sidenote:--9--] As to his marriage.
+He espoused Cornelia Paula in order that he might sooner (these are his
+words) become a father,--he, who could not even be a man. On the
+occasion of his marriage not only the senate and the equestrian order
+but also the wives of the senators received some distribution of
+presents. The people were given a banquet at the per capita rate of one
+hundred and fifty denarii, and the soldiers had one that cost a hundred
+more. There were contests of gladiators at which the prince wore a
+purple-bordered toga, the same as he had done at the ludi votivi.
+Various beasts were slain, among them an elephant and fifty-one tigers,
+a greater number than had ever yet been despatched at one time.
+Afterwards he dismissed Paula on the pretext that she had some blemish
+on her person and cohabited with Aqulia Severa,--a most flagrant breach
+of law. She was consecrated to Vesta and yet he most sinfully ravished
+her and actually dared to say: "I did it in order that godlike children
+may spring from me, the high-priest, and from her, the high-priestess."
+He felicitated himself on an act which was destined to lead to his being
+maltreated in the Forum and thrown into prison and subsequently put to
+death. However, he did not keep even this woman for long, but married a
+second, and then a third, and still another; after that he went back to
+Severa.
+
+[Sidenote:--10--] Portents had been taking place in Rome, one of them on
+the statue of Isis, which is borne upon a dog above the pediment of her
+temple: it consisted in her turning her face towards the
+interior.--Sardanapalus was conducting games and numerous spectacles,
+in which Helix, the athlete, won renown. How far he surpassed his
+adversaries is shown by his wishing to contend in both wrestling and
+pancratium at Olympia, and by his winning victories in both at the
+Capitolina. The Eleans, being jealous of him, and through fear that he
+might prove the eighth from Hercules (as the saying is), [Footnote:
+The history and significance of this proverb are not known.] would not
+call any wrestler into the stadium, in spite of their having inscribed
+this contest on the bulletin-board. But in Rome he won each of the two
+games,--a feat that no one else had accomplished.
+
+[Sidenote:--11--] And here I must omit mention of the barbaric chants
+which Sardanapalus chanted to Elagabalus, and his mother and
+grandmother, all three, as also of the secret sacrifices that he offered
+to him: at these he slaughtered boys, and used charms, besides shutting
+up in the god's temple a live lion and monkey and snake, throwing in
+among them human genitals, and practicing other unholy rites, while he
+wore invariably innumerable amulets. [Sidenote:--12--] But to run
+briefly over these matters, he actually (most ridiculous of all) courted
+a wife for Elagabalus, on the assumption that the god wanted marriage
+and children. Such a wife might be neither poor nor low-born, and so he
+chose the Carthaginian Urania, summoned her to come thence, and
+established her in the palace. He gathered wedding gifts for her from
+all his subjects, as he might have done in the case of his own wives.
+All these presents that were given during his lifetime were exacted
+later, but in the way of dowry he declared that nothing should be
+brought save the gold lions, which were melted down.
+
+[Sidenote:--13--] But this Sardanapalus, who thought it right to make
+the gods cohabit under the form of marriage, himself lived from first to
+last most licentiously. [He married many women] and had liaisons with
+many more [without any lawful title], yet it was not that he cared about
+them; he simply wanted to imitate their actions when he should lie with
+his lovers [and get accomplices in his excesses by returning to them
+indiscriminately]. He used his body for doing and allowing many unheard
+of things which no one would endure telling or hearing, but his most
+conspicuous acts, which it would be impossible to conceal, were the
+following. He would go by night, wearing a wig of long hair, into the
+taverns and ply the trade of a female huckster. He frequented the
+notorious brothels, drove out the prostitutes, and prostituted himself.
+Finally, he set aside a room in the palace and there committed his
+indecencies, standing all the time naked at the door of it, as the
+harlots do, and shaking the curtain, which was fastened by gold rings,
+the while in a soft and melting voice he solicited the passers-by.
+Certain persons had been given special orders to let themselves be
+attracted to his abode. For, as in other matters, so in this business,
+too, he had numerous detectives through whom he sought out the persons
+who could please him most by their foulness. He would collect money from
+his Patrons and put on airs over his gains: he would also dispute with
+his associates in this shameful occupation, saying that he had more
+lovers than they and took in more money. [Sidenote:--14--] This is the
+way he behaved to all alike that enjoyed his services. But he had,
+besides, one chosen man whom he accordingly desired to appoint Caesar.
+
+Also, arrayed in the Green uniform, he drove a chariot privately and at
+home,--if one can call that place home where contests were conducted by
+the foremost of his suite [and knights and Caesarians], the very
+prefects, his grandmother, his mother, his women, and likewise several
+members of the senate, including Leo, the praefectus urbi, and where they
+watched him playing charioteer and begging gold coin like any vagabond,
+and bowing down before the managers of the games and the members of the
+factions.
+
+[Now in trying anybody in court he really did have the appearance of a
+man, but everywhere else his actions and the quality of his voice showed
+the wantonness of youth. For instance, he used to dance not only in the
+orchestra but more or less also while walking, performing sacrifice,
+greeting friends or making speeches.
+
+And finally (to go back now to the story which I began) he was bestowed
+in marriage and was termed wife, mistress, queen. He worked in wool,
+sometimes wore a hair-net, painted his eyes [daubing them with white
+lead and alkanet], and once he shaved his chin and celebrated a festival
+to mark the event. After that he went with smooth face, because it would
+help him appear like a woman, and he often reclined while greeting the
+senators. [Sidenote:--15--] "Her" husband was Hierocles, a Carian slave
+[once the favorite of Gordius], from whom he had learned
+chariot-driving. It was in this connection, also, that by a most
+unexpected chance he won the imperial approbation. At a horse-race
+Heirocles fell out of his chariot just opposite the seat of
+Sardanapalus, losing his helmet in his fall. Being still beardless and
+adorned with a crown of yellow hair, he attracted the attention of the
+prince and was at once carried hastily to the palace; and by his
+nocturnal feats he captivated Sardanapalus more than ever and rose to
+still greater power. Consequently his influence became even greater than
+his patron's and it was thought a small thing that his mother, while
+still a slave, should be brought to Rome by soldiers and be numbered
+among the wives of ex-consuls. Certain other persons, too, were not
+seldom honored by the emperor and became powerful, some because they had
+joined in his uprising and others because they committed adultery with
+him. For he was anxious to have the reputation of committing adultery,
+that in this respect, too, he might imitate the most lascivious women;
+and he would often get caught voluntarily and in the very act. Then, for
+his conduct, he would be brutally abused by his husband and would be
+beaten, so that he had black eyes. His affection for this "husband" was
+no light inclination, but a serious matter and a firmly fixed passion,
+so much so that he did not become vexed at any such harsh treatment, but
+on the contrary loved him the more for it and actually wished to appoint
+him Caesar;--he threatened his grandmother when she interfered, and
+chiefly on this man's account he became at odds with the soldiers. It
+was this that was destined to lead his destruction.
+
+[Sidenote:--16--] As for Aurelius Zoticus, a native of Smyrna, whom they
+also called "Cook" (from his father's trade), he incurred the
+sovereign's thorough love and thorough hatred, and consequently his life
+was saved. This Aurelius had a body that was beautiful all over, as if
+ready for a gymnastic contest, and he surpassed everybody in the size of
+his private parts. The fact was reported to the emperor by those who
+were on the lookout for such features and the man was suddenly snatched
+away from the games and taken to Rome, accompanied by an immense
+procession, larger than Abgarus had in the reign of Severus or Tiridates
+in that of Nero. He was appointed cubicularius before he had been even
+seen by the emperor, [was honored by the name of his grandfather,
+Avitus, was adorned with garlands as at a festival,] and entered the
+palace the center of a great glare of lights. Sardanapalus, on seeing
+him, rose with modesty; the newcomer addressed him, as was usual, "My
+Lord Emperor, hail!" whereupon the other, bending his neck so as to
+assume a ravishing feminine pose, and turning his eyes wide open upon
+him, answered without hesitation: "Call me Not Lord, for I am a Lady."
+Then Sardanapalus immediately took a bath with him, and, finding his
+guest when stripped to correspond to the report of him, burned with even
+greater lust, reposed upon his breast, and took dinner, like some loved
+mistress, in his bosom. Hierocles began to fear that Zoticus would bring
+the emperor into a greater state of subjection than he himself was able
+to effect, and that he might suffer some terrible fate at his hands, as
+often happens in the case of rival lovers. Therefore he had the
+wine-bearers, who were well-disposed to him, administer some drug that
+abated the visitor's ferocity. And so Zoticus after a whole night of
+embarrassment, being unable to secure an erection, was deprived of all
+that he had obtained, and was driven out of the palace, out of Rome, and
+later out of the remainder of Italy; and this saved his life. [However,
+the emperor drove himself to such a frenzy of lewdness that he asked the
+physicians to contrive a woman's vagina in his person by means of an
+incision, and held out to them the hope of great pay for this
+achievement.]
+
+[Sidenote:--17--] Sardanapalus himself was destined not much later to
+receive his well-deserved pay for his own defilement. For his acting in
+this way and for making himself the object of these actions he became
+hated by the populace and by the soldiers to whom he was most attached,
+and at last he was slain by them in the very camp.
+
+¶The False Antoninus was despised and put out of the way by the
+soldiers. When any persons, particularly if armed, have accustomed
+themselves to feel contempt for their rulers, they set no limits on
+their right to do what they please but keep their arms ready to use even
+against the very man who gave them whatever rights they possess.
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 221 (_a.u._ 974)] This is how it happened. He introduced
+his cousin Bassianus before the senate, and, having stationed Maesa and
+Soaemias on either hand, adopted him as his child. Then did he
+congratulate himself on being suddenly the father of so large a child
+(as if he surpassed him in age) and declared that he needed no other
+offspring to keep his house free from despondency.
+
+Elagabalus, he said, had ordered him to do this and further to call his
+son's name Alexander. And I for my part am persuaded that it came about
+in very truth by some divine intention, and I base my inference not upon
+what he said but upon what was said to him by some one, viz., that an
+Alexander would come from Emesa to succeed him, and again on what took
+place in upper Moesia and in Thrace. [Sidenote:--18--] A little before
+this a spirit, declaring that he was the famous Alexander of Macedon,
+wearing his appearance and all his apparatus, started from the regions
+near the Ister, appearing there in I know not what way. It traversed
+Thrace and Asia, reveling in company with four hundred male attendants,
+who were equipped with thyrsi and fawn-skins and did no harm. The fact
+was admitted by all those who lived in Thrace at that time that lodgings
+and all the provisions for It were provided at public expense. And no
+one dared to oppose It either by word or by deed,--no governor, no
+soldier, no procurator, no heads of provinces,--but It proceeded, as if
+in a daylight procession prescribed by proclamation, to the confines of
+Bithynia. Leaving that point, it approached the Chalcedonian land and
+there, after performing some sacred rite by night and burying a wooden
+horse, it vanished. These facts I ascertained while still in Asia, as I
+stated, and before anything at all had been done about Bassianus in
+Rome.
+
+   ¶One day the same man said this: "I have no need of titles
+  derived, from war and blood. It suffices me to have you call me
+  'Pious' and 'Fortunate'."
+
+   ¶The False Antoninus on receiving praise from the senate one
+  day remarked: "Yes, you love me and, by Jupiter, so does the
+  populace and likewise the foreign legions. But I do not satisfy
+  the Pretorians, to whom I keep giving so much."
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 222 (_a.u._ 975)] [Sidenote:--19--] So long as
+Sardanapalus continued to love his cousin, he was safe. But, since he
+was suspicious of all men, and learned that their favor was turning
+solely and absolutely to the boy, he dared to change his mind and worked
+in every way to effect his overthrow.
+
+  ¶Some persons were conversing with the False Antoninus and
+  remarked how fortunate he was to be consul along with his son. He
+  rejoined: "I shall be more fortunate next year, for then I'm
+  going to be consul with my truly-begotten son."
+
+The moment, though, that he tried to destroy him, he not only
+accomplished nothing but ran the risk of being killed himself.
+Alexander was sedulously guarded by his mother and his grandmother and
+the soldiers, and the Pretorians, on becoming aware of the attempt of
+Sardanapalus, raised a terrible tumult. They would not cease their
+rebellious attitude until Sardanapalus, with Alexander, visited the
+camp; and he poured out his supplications and under compulsion gave up
+such of his companions in lewdness as the soldiers demanded. In behalf
+of Hierocles he pled piteously and lamented him with tears, foretelling
+his own death, and adding: "Grant me this one man, whatever you are
+pleased to suspect about him, or else kill me!" and thus with difficulty
+he succeeded in appeasing them. On this occasion, then, he was saved,
+though with difficulty. His grandmother hated him for his practices
+(which seemed to show that he was not the son of Antoninus) and was
+coming to favor Alexander, as being really sprung from him.
+
+[Sidenote:--20--] Later he again made a plot against Alexander and, as
+the Pretorians raised an outcry at this, entered the camp with him.
+Then, he became aware that he was under guard and awaiting execution,
+for the mothers of the two, being more openly at variance with each
+other than before, were stirring up the soldiers to action. He then made
+an attempt to flee, and intended to escape to some point by being placed
+in a box, but was discovered and slain, having reached eighteen years of
+age. His mother, who embraced and clung tightly to him, perished with
+him; their heads were cut off and their bodies, after being stripped
+naked, were first dragged all over the city, and then the woman's trunk
+was cast off in some corner, while his was thrown into the river.
+
+[Sidenote:--21--] With him perished Hierocles, and others, and the
+prefects; and Aurelius Eubulus, who was an Emesenian by race [and had
+gone so far in lewdness and defilement that his surrender had earlier
+been demanded by the populace]. He had been entrusted with the general
+accounts [Footnote: One of the _rationales summarum_.] and there was
+nothing that escaped his confiscations. So now he was torn to pieces by
+the populace and the soldiers, and Fulvius, the city prefect, with him.
+Comazon succeeded the latter, as he had succeeded Fulvius's predecessor.
+Just as a mask used to be carried into the theatres to occupy the stage
+during the intervals in the acting, when it was left vacant by the
+comedians, so was Comazon put in the vacant place of the men who had
+been prefects in his day over the city of Rome.--As for
+Elagabalus, [Footnote: Elagabalus, the god.] he was banished from Rome
+altogether.
+
+Such was the story of Tiberinus: and none of those even who helped him
+arrange the uprising and attained great power in return, save perhaps a
+single individual, [Footnote: This probably refers to Comazon.] survived.
+
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+80
+
+
+Why Dio was not able to relate in detail the history of the reign of
+Alexander (chapter 1).
+
+About Ulpian, Pretorian Prefect, and his death (chapter 2).
+
+Undertakings of Artaxerxes the Persian against the Parthians and Romans
+(chapters 3, 4).
+
+Dio's second consulship, his return to his own country, and conclusion
+of the History (chapter 5).
+
+
+DURATION OF TIME.
+
+Duration of time eight years, in which the following are enumerated as
+consuls.
+
+Antoninus Elagabalus (IV), M. Aurelius Severus Alexander Coss. (A.D. 222
+= a.u. 975 = First of Alexander, from March 11th.)
+
+L. Marius Maximus (II), L. Roscius AElianus. (A.D. 223 = a.u. 976 =
+Second of Alexander.)
+
+Iulianus (II), Crispinus. (A.D. 224 = a.u. 977 = Third of Alexander.)
+
+Fuscus (II), Dexter. (A.D. 225 = a.u. 978 = Fourth of Alexander.)
+
+Alexander Aug. (II), C. Marcellus Quintilianus (II). (A.D. 226 = a.u.
+979 = Fifth of Alexander.)
+
+Lucius Albinus, Max. AEmilius AEmilianus. (A.D. 227 = a.u. 980 = Sixth of
+Alexander.)
+
+T. Manilius Modestus, Ser. Calpurnius Probus. (A.D. 228 = a.u. 981 =
+Seventh of Alexander.)
+
+Alexander Aug. (III), Cassius Dio (II). (A.D. 229 = a.u. 982 = Eighth
+of Alexander.)
+
+[Sidenote: A.D. 222-229 (_a.u._ 975-982)] [Sidenote:--1--] Alexander
+became emperor immediately after him [and at once proclaimed Augusta,
+his own mother, Mammaea, who had in hand the administration of affairs
+and gathered wise men about her son, that by their guidance he might be
+duly trained in morals; and she chose out of the senate the better class
+of counselors, to whom she communicated everything that had to be done].
+He entrusted to one Domitius Ulpianus the command of the Pretorians and
+the remaining business of the empire.--These matters I have set down in
+detail, so far as I was able, in each case, but of the rest I have not
+found it feasible to give a detailed account, for the reason that for a
+long time I did not sojourn in Rome. After going from Asia to Bithynia I
+fell sick, and from there I hurried to my duties as head of Africa. On
+returning to Italy I was almost immediately sent to govern in Dalmatia
+and from there into Upper Pannonia. After that I came back to Rome and
+on reaching Campania at once set out for home.
+
+[Sidenote:--2--] For these reasons, then, I have not been able to
+compile an account of what follows similar to that which precedes. I
+will narrate briefly, however, all the things that were done up to the
+time of my second consulship.
+
+Ulpianus corrected many of the irregular practices instituted by
+Sardanapalus; but, after putting to death Flavianus and Chrestus, that
+he might succeed them, he was himself before long slain by the
+Pretorians, who attacked him in the night; and it availed nothing that
+ran to the palace and took refuge with the emperor himself and the
+latter's mother.--Even during his lifetime a great dispute had arisen
+between the populace and the Pretorians, from some small cause, with the
+result that they fought each other for three days, and many were lost by
+both sides. The soldiers, on getting the worst of it, directed their
+efforts to firing the buildings, and so the populace, fearing that the
+whole city would be destroyed, reluctantly came to terms with them.
+Besides these occurrences, Epagathus, who was believed to have been
+chiefly [Footnote: Reading [Greek: to pleon] (Reimar, Bekker,
+Boissevain).] responsible for the death of Ulpianus, was sent into
+Egypt, supposedly to govern it, but really to prevent any disturbance
+taking place in Rome when he met with punishment. From there he was
+taken to Crete and executed. [Alexander's mother, being a slave to
+money, gathered funds from all sources. She also brought home for her
+son a spouse, whom she would not allow to be addressed as Augusta. After
+a time, however, she separated her from her son and drove her away to
+Libya, in spite of the woman's possessing his affections. Alexander,
+however, could not oppose his mother, for she ruled him absolutely.]
+
+[Sidenote:--3--] Many uprisings were made by many persons, some of which
+caused serious alarm, but they were all checked. But affairs in
+Mesopotamia were still more terrifying, and provoked in the hearts of
+all, not merely the men of Rome but the rest of mankind, a fear that had
+a truer foundation. Artaxerxes, a Persian, having conquered the
+Parthians in three battles and killed their king, Artabanus, [made a
+campaign against Hatra, which he endeavored to take as a base for
+attacking the Romans. He did make a breach in the wall but, as he lost a
+number of soldiers through an ambuscade, he transferred his position
+into Media. Of this district, as also of Parthia, he acquired no small
+portion, partly by force and partly by intimidation, and then] marched
+against Armenia. Here he suffered a reverse at the hands of the natives,
+some Medes, and the children of Artabanus, and either fled (as some say)
+or (as others assert) retired to prepare a larger expedition.
+[Sidenote:--4--] He accordingly became a source of fear to us; for he
+was encamped with a large army over against not Mesopotamia only but
+Syria also and boasted that he would win back everything that the
+ancient Persians had once held, as far as the Grecian Sea. It was, he
+said, his rightful inheritance from his forefathers. He was of no
+particular account himself, but our military affairs are in such a
+condition that some joined his cause and others refused to defend
+themselves. The troops are so distinguished by wantonness, and
+arrogance, and freedom from reproof, that those in Mesopotamia dared to
+kill their commander, Flavius Heracleo, and the Pretorians found fault
+with me before Ulpianus because I ruled the soldiers in Pannonia with a
+strong hand; and they demanded my surrender, through fear that some one
+might compel them to submit to a regime similar to that of the Pannonian
+troops.
+
+[Sidenote:--5--] Alexander, however, paid no attention to them, but
+promoted me in various ways, appointing me to be consul for the second
+time, as his colleague, and taking upon himself personally the
+responsibility of meeting the expenditures of my office. As the
+malcontents evinced displeasure at this, he became afraid that they
+might kill me if they saw me in the insignia of my office, and he bade
+me spend the period of my consulship in Italy, somewhere outside of
+Rome. Later, accordingly, I came both to Rome and to Campania to visit
+him. After spending a few days in his company, during which the soldiers
+saw me without offering to do me any harm, I started for home, being
+released on account of the trouble with my feet. Consequently, I expect
+to spend all the remainder of my life in my own country, as the Divine
+Presence revealed to me most clearly at the time I was in Bithynia.
+Once, in a dream there, I thought I saw myself commanded by it to write
+at the close of my work the following verses:
+
+  "Hector was led of Zeus far out of the range of the missiles,
+  Out of the dust and the slaying of men, out of blood and of uproar."
+
+[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XI, verses 163-4.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+PRESERVED FROM BOOKS
+PRECEDING No. 36.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+(The "Fragments" of Dio.)
+
+[Frag. I]
+
+
+1. Dio says: "I am anxious to write a history of all (that is worth
+remembering) done by the Romans both at peace and in war, so as to have
+nothing essential lacking, either of those matters or of others.
+(Valesius, p. 569.)
+
+2[lacuna] everything about them, so to speak, that has been written
+by any persons, and I have put in my history not everything but what I
+have selected. However, let no one entertain any suspicions (as has
+happened in the case of some other writers), regarding the truth of it
+merely because I have used elaborate diction to whatever extent the
+subject matter permitted; for I have been anxious to be equally perfect
+in both respects so far as was possible. I will begin at the point where
+I have obtained the clearest accounts of what is reported to have taken
+place in this land which we inhabit.
+
+This territory in which the city of Rome has been built" [Lacuna]
+(Mai, p. 135.)
+
+[Frag. II]
+
+1. Ausonia, as Dio Cocceianus writes, is properly the land of the
+Aurunci only, lying between the Campanians and Volsci along the
+sea-coast. Many persons, however, thought that Ausonia extended even as
+far as Latium, so that all of Italy was called from it Ausonia. (Isaac
+Tzetzes on Lycophron, 44. and 615, 702.)
+
+2. Where now Chone is there was formerly a district called Oenotria, in
+which Philoctetes settled after the sack of Troy as Dionysius and Dio
+Cocceianus and all those who write the story of Rome relate. (Idem, v.
+912.)
+
+3. ¶ About the Etruscans Dio says: "These facts about them required to
+be written at this point in the narrative, and elsewhere something else
+and later some still different fact will be told as occasion demands, in
+whatever way the course of the history may chance to prepare the point
+temporarily under discussion. Let this same explanation be sufficient
+[Footnote: The MS. here has [Greek: ekontes] = "being (plural)
+sufficient." I have adopted the reading [Greek: eketo], suggested by
+Melber.] to cover also the remaining matters of importance. For I shall
+recount to the best of my ability all the exploits of the Romans, but as
+to the rest only what has a bearing on the Romans will be written."
+(Mai, p. 136.)
+
+[Frag. III]
+
+1. Dio and Dionysius give the story of Cacus (Tzetzes, History, 5,
+21).
+
+2. In this way the country was called Italy. Picus was the first king of
+it, and after him his son Faunus, when Heracles came there with the rest
+of the kine of Geryon. And he begat Latinus by the wife of Faunus, who
+was king of the people there, and from him all were called Latins. In
+the fifty-fifth year after Heracles this AEneas, subsequent to the
+capture of Troy, came, as we have remarked, to Italy and the Latins. He
+landed near Laurentum, called also Troy, near the River Numicius along
+with his own son by Creusa, Ascanius or Ilus. There his followers ate
+their tables, which were of parsley or of the harder portions of bread
+loaves (they had no real tables), and likewise a white sow leaped from
+his boat and running to the Alban mount, named from her, gave birth to a
+litter of thirty, by which she indicated that in the thirtieth year his
+children should get fuller possession of both land and sovereignty. As
+he had heard of this beforehand from an oracle he ceased his
+wanderings, sacrificed the sow, and prepared to found a city. Latinus
+would not put up with him, but being defeated in war gave AEneas his
+daughter Lavinia in marriage. AEneas then founded a city and called it
+Lavinium. When Latinus and Thurnus, king of the Rutuli, perished in war
+each at the other's hands, AEneas became king. After AEneas had been
+killed in war at Laurentum by the same Rutuli and Mezentius the
+Etruscan, and Lavinia the wife of AEneas was pregnant (of Silvius
+[Footnote: Reimar thinks this word a later interpolation.]), Ascanius
+the child of Creusa was king. He finally conquered Mezentius, who had
+opposed him in war and had refused to receive his embassies but sought
+to command all the dependents of Latinus for an annual tribute. When the
+Latins had grown strong because of the arrival of the thirtieth year,
+they scorned Lavinium and founded a second city named from the sow Alba
+Longa, i. e. "long white,"--and likewise called the mountain there
+Albanus. Only, the images from Troy turned back a second time to
+Lavinium.
+
+After the death of Ascanius it was not Ascanius's son Iulus who became
+king, but AEneas's son by Lavinia, Silvius,--or, according to some
+Ascanius's son Silvius. Silvius again begat another AEneas, and he
+Latinus, and he Capys. Capys had a child Tiberinus, whose son was
+Amulius, whose son was Aventinus.
+
+So far regarding Alba and Albanians. The story of Rome follows.
+Aventinus begat Numitor and Amulius. Numitor while king was driven out
+by Amulius, who killed Numitor's son AEgestes in a hunting party and
+made the sister of AEgestes, daughter of the aforesaid Numitor, Silvia
+or Rhea Ilia, a priestess of Vesta, so that she might remain a virgin.
+He stood in terror of an oracle which foretold his death at the hands
+of the children of Numitor. For this reason he had killed AEgestes and
+made the other a priestess of Vesta, that she might continue a virgin
+and childless. But she while drawing water in Mars's grove conceived,
+and bore Romulus and Remus. The daughter of Amulius by supplication
+rescued her from being put to death, but the babes she gave to
+Faustulus, a shepherd, husband of Laurentia, to expose in the vicinity
+of the river Tiber. These the shepherd's wife took and reared up; for
+it happened that she had about that time brought forth a still-born
+infant.
+
+When Romulus and Remus were grown they kept flocks in the fields of
+Amulius, but as they killed some of the shepherds of their grandfather
+Numitor a watch was set for them. Remus being arrested, Romulus ran
+and told Faustulus, and he ran to narrate everything to Numitor.
+Finally Numitor recognized them to be his own daughter's children.
+They with the assistance of many persons killed Amulius, and after
+bestowing the kingdom of Alba on their grandfather Numitor themselves
+made a beginning of founding Rome in the eighteenth year of Romulus's
+life. Prior to this great Rome, which Romulus founded on the Palatine
+mount about the dwelling of Faustulus, another Rome in the form of a
+square had been founded by a Romulus and Remus older than these.
+
+(Is. Tzetzes on Lycophron, 1232. Consequently Dio must have written
+what is found in Zonaras 7, 3 [vol. II, p. 91, 7-10:])  "Romulus has
+been described as eighteen years old when he joined in settling Rome.
+He founded it around the dwelling of Faustulus. The place had been
+named Palatium."
+
+3. I have related previously at some length the story how AEneas
+founded Lavinium, though these ignorant persons say Rome. See how
+_they_ tell the story. AEneas received an oracle to found the city on
+the spot where his companions should devour their own tables. Now when
+they came to Italy and were in want of tables they used loaves instead
+of tables. Finally they ate also the tables--or the loaves. AEneas,
+consequently, understanding the oracle founded there the Lavinian
+city, even if the ignorant do say Rome. (Is. Tzetz. on Lycophr. 1250.)
+(Cp. Frag. III, 4.)
+
+4. ¶Rome is part of the Latin country and the Latins have the same
+name as Latinus, who is said to be the son of Odysseus and Circe, and
+the Tiber, once called Albulus, received its change of name from the
+fact that King Tiberius lost his life in it; this is proclaimed by
+Dio's history among others. The Tiberius here meant by the history is
+not the one subsequent to Augustus, but another who came earlier. He,
+they say, died in battle and was carried away by the stream, and so
+left his own name to the river. (Eustathius on Dionysius, 350.)
+
+5. Arceisius--Laertes was a son of Arceisius who was so called either
+from [Greek: arkeo arkeso] [Footnote: These are the first two principal
+parts of a Greek verb meaning "to be sufficient."] as if he were able
+merely to be sufficient ([Greek: eparkeo]), whence comes the epithet
+[Greek: podarkaes] (sufficient with the feet) or else because an _arkos_
+or _arktos_ (bear) suckled him, just as some one else was suckled by a
+horse or goat, and still others by a wolf, among whom were also the
+Roman chiefs (according to Dio),--Remus, that is to say, and Romulus,
+whom a wolf (lykaina) suckled, called by the Italians _lupa_; this name
+has been aptly used metaphorically as a title for the _demi-monde_.
+(Eustathius on the Odyssey, p. 1961, 13-16.)
+
+[Frag. IV]
+
+1. [Lacuna] [lacuna] (for it is not possible that one who is a mortal
+should either foresee everything, or find a way to turn aside what is
+destined to occur) children to punish his wrongdoing were born
+[infinitive] of that maiden. [Footnote: I.e., Rhea Sylvia.] (Mai, p.
+136.)
+
+2. ¶Romulus and Remus, by their quarrel together, made it plain that
+some can bear dangers straight through life altogether more easily
+than good fortune. (Mai, p. 136.)
+
+3. On Romulus and Remus Dionysius of Halicarnassus makes remarks in
+his History, and so do Dio and Diodorus. (Scholia of Io. Tzetzes in
+Exeg. Hom. II. p. 141, 20.)
+
+4. After they had set about the building of the city a dispute arose
+between the brothers regarding the sovereignty and regarding the city,
+and they got into a conflict in which Remus was killed. (Zonaras, 7,
+3, vol. II, p-90, 7 sqq.) (Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+5. Whence also the custom arose that he who dared to cross the trench
+of the camp otherwise than by the usual paths should be put to death.
+(Zonaras, ib., p. 90, 16-18.)
+
+ 6. They themselves [Footnote: The Caeninenses, Crustumini, and
+Antemnates are meant (Bekker).--Compare Livy, I, 10, 11.] learned well
+and taught others the lesson that those who take vengeance on others are
+not certainly right merely because the others have previously done
+wrong, and that those who make demands on stronger men do not
+necessarily get them, but often lose the rest besides. (Mai, p. 136.)
+
+7. ¶Hersilia and the rest of the women of her kin on discovering them
+one day drawn up in opposing ranks ran down from the Palatine with
+their little children (children had already been born), and rushing
+suddenly into the space between the armies aroused much pity by their
+words and their actions. Looking now at the one side and now at the
+other they cried: "Why, fathers, do you do this? Why, husbands, do you
+do it? When will you stop fighting? When will you stop hating each
+other? Make peace with your sons-in-law! Make peace with your
+fathers-in-law! For Pan's sake spare your children, for Quirinus's
+sake your grandchildren! Pity your daughters, pity your wives! For if
+you refuse to make peace and some bolt of madness has fallen upon your
+heads to drive you to frenzy, then kill at once us, the causes of
+your contention, and slay at once the little children whom you hate,
+that with no longer any name or bond of kinship between you you may
+gain the greatest of evils--to slay the grandsires of your children
+and the fathers of your grandchildren." As they said this they tore
+open their garments and exposed their breasts and abdomens, while some
+pressed themselves against the swords and others threw their children
+against them. Moved by such sounds and sights the men began to weep,
+so that they desisted from battle and came together for a conference
+there, just as they were, in the _comitium_, which received its name
+from this very event. (Mai, p. 137.)
+
+8. Tribous Trittys; or a third part. Romulus's heavy-armed men, three
+thousand in number (as Dio tells us in the first book of his History),
+were divided into three sections called _tribous_, i. e. trittyes,
+which the Greeks also termed "tribes." Each trittys was separated into
+ten _Curiae_ or "thinking bodies"--_cura_ meaning thoughtfulness--and
+the men who were appointed to each particular _curia_ came together
+and thought out the business in hand.
+
+Among the Greeks the _curiae_ are called _phratriae_ and
+_phatriae_--in other words _associations, brotherhoods unions,
+guilds_--from the fact that men of the same _phratry phrased_ or
+revealed to one another their own intentions without scruple or fear.
+Hence fathers or kinsmen or teachers are _phrators_,--those who share
+in the same _phratry_. But possibly it was derived from the Roman word
+_frater_, which signifies "brother." (--Glossar. Nom. Labbaei.)
+
+9. (And he named the people _populus_.) Hence in the Law Books the
+popular assembly has the name _popularia_. (Zonaras 7, 3 (vol. 11, p.
+91, 17 and 18.) Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+10. She [i. e. Tarpeia] having come down for water was seized and
+brought to Tatius, and was induced to betray the fathers. (Zonaras,
+ib., p. 93, 15-17.)
+
+11. It is far better for them [senate-houses?] to be established anew
+than having existed previously to be named over. (Mai, p. 137.)
+
+12. ¶Romulus assumed a rather harsh attitude toward the senate and
+behaved toward it rather like a tyrant, and the hostages of the Veientes
+he returned [Footnote: Mai supplies the missing verb.] on his own
+responsibility and not by common consent, as was usually done. When he
+perceived them vexed at this he made a number of unpleasant remarks,
+and finally said: "I have chosen you, Fathers, not for the purpose of
+your ruling me, but that I might give directions to you." (Mai, p. 138.)
+
+[What is said of Romulus in John of Antioch, Frag. 32 (Mueller) to
+have been drawn from the extant books of Dio. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_
+XIV.]
+
+13. Dio I: "Thus by nature, doubtless, mankind will not endure to be
+ruled by what is similar and ordinary partly through jealousy, partly
+through contempt of it." [Footnote: This is probably a remark in regard
+to the quarrels of the Roman elders over the kingdom after the death of
+Romulus.--Compare Livy. I, 17.] (--Bekker, Anecd. p. 164, 15.)
+
+14. Dio in I: "What time he threw both body and soul into the balance,
+encountering danger in your behalf." [Footnote: Perhaps a reference to
+the father of Horatius defending his son, or even to Romulus.] (Ib. p.
+165, 27.)
+
+[Frag. V]  1. Romulus had a crown and a sceptre with an eagle on the
+top and a white cloak reaching to the feet striped with purple
+embroideries from the shoulders to the feet: the name of the cloak was
+toga, i. e. "covering," from _tegere_ the corresponding verb (this is
+the word the Romans use for "cover") and a purple shoe which was
+called _cothurnus_, as Cocceius says. (Io. Laur. Lydus, De Magis.
+Reip. Rom. 1, pp. 20-22.)
+
+Therefore the words of Zonaras II, p. 96, 5, may be attributed to Dio:
+"(Romulus) also used red sandals."
+
+2. "Shedding ashes from the hearth over the earth, they skillfully
+traced the prophesies with this wand, as they gazed at the sun and
+foretold the future. This wand Plutarch terms _lituos_, but _lituoi_
+is what Cocceianus Cassius Dio says." (Io. Tzetzes, Alleg. Iliadis 1,
+28.)
+
+3. Numa dwelt on a hill called Quirinal, because he was a Sabine, but
+he had his official residence in the Sacred Way and used to spend his
+time near the temple of Vesta and sometimes even remained on the spot.
+(Valesius, p. 569.)
+
+4. For since he understood well that the majority of mankind hold in
+contempt what is of like nature and consorts with them through a
+feeling that it is no better than themselves, but cultivate what is
+obscure and foreign as being superior, because they believe it divine,
+he dedicated a certain lot of land to the Muses [lacuna] (Mai, p. 138.)
+
+5. ¶The gods, as guardians of peace and justice, must be pure of
+murder; and not listen to or look at anything pertaining to divinity
+in a cursory or neglectful manner, but must exist enjoying leisure
+from other affairs and fixing their attention on the practice of piety
+as the most important act.--Zonaras, 7, 5 (vol. II, p. 100).
+
+6. Dio, Book I: "This, then, is what Numa thought" (Bekker, Anecd. p.
+158, 23.)
+
+7. Furthermore, also, that they became composed at that time through
+their own efforts, and took the sacred oath; after which they
+themselves continued at peace both with one another and with the
+outside tribes throughout the entire reign of Numa, and they seemed to
+have lighted upon him by divine guidance no less than in the case of
+Romulus. Men who know Sabine history best declare that he was born on
+the same day that Rome was founded. In this way, because of both them
+the city quickly became strong and well adorned: for the one gave it
+practice in warfare,--of necessity, since it was but newly
+founded,--and the other taught it besides the art of peace, so that it
+was equally distinguished in each of these two particulars. (Valesius,
+p. 569.)
+
+8. Dio the Roman says that Janus, an ancient hero, because of his
+entertainment of Saturn, received the knowledge of the future and of
+the past, and that on this account he was represented with two faces
+by the Romans. From him the month of January was named, and the
+beginning of the year comes in the same month. (Cedrenus, Vol. 1, p.
+295, 10, Bekker.)
+
+9. Book 1, Dio:--"For in some beginnings, when grasping at ends, the
+costs that we endure are not unwelcome." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 161, 3.)
+
+10. (Numa) having lived for a period of three more than eighty years,
+and having been king forty and three years.--Zonaras, 7, 5. (Cp.
+Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+[Frag. VI]
+
+1. Dio, Book 2: "that their [Footnote: Probably refers to the people of
+Alba.] reputation would stand in the way of their growth." (Bekker,
+Anecd., p. 139, 12.)
+
+2. ¶Neither of the two [Tullus or Mettius] sanctioned the removal, but
+both championed their own pretensions. For Tullus in view of the report
+about Romulus and the power they possessed was elated and so was
+Fufetius in view of the age of Alba and because it was the mother city
+not only of the Romans themselves but of many others; and both felt no
+little pride. For these reasons they withdrew from that dispute but
+plunged into a new quarrel about the sovereignty: for they saw that it
+was impossible [Footnote: Refers to the Romans.] to keep them free from
+party feeling, dwelling with them in safety on fair terms; and this was
+due to the inherent disposition of men to quarrel with their equals, and
+to desire to rule others. Many claims also regarding this they preferred
+against each other, to see if by any means the one party would
+voluntarily concede either of the two favors to the other. They
+accomplished nothing, but formed a compact to struggle in her behalf.
+
+(Mai, p. 139.)
+
+3. Dio, Book 2.--"and attacking them who expected no further danger."
+(Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 15.)
+
+4. ¶Tullus was deemed most able against the enemy, but absolutely
+despised and neglected religion until, during the recurrence of a
+plague, he himself fell sick. Then, indeed, he paid the strictest
+regard to all the gods, and furthermore established the Salii Collini.
+(Valesius, p. 569.)
+
+[Frag. VII]
+
+¶Marcius, comprehending how it is not sufficient for men who wish to
+remain at peace to refrain from wrongdoing, and that refusing to
+molest others, without active measures, is not a means of safety, but
+the more one longs for it the more vulnerable does one become to the
+mass of mankind, changed his course. He saw that a desire for quiet
+was not a power for protection unless accompanied by equipment for
+war: he perceived also that delight in freedom from foreign broils
+very quickly and very easily ruined men who were unduly enthusiastic
+over it. For this reason he thought that war was nobler and safer,
+both as a preparation and as forethought, than was peace, and so
+whatever he was unable to obtain from the Latins with their consent,
+and without harming them, he took away against their will by means of
+a military expedition. (Mai, p. 139.)
+
+[Frag. VIII]
+
+¶Tarquinius, by using wealth, knowledge, and great wit opportunely
+everywhere, put Marcius in such a frame of mind than he was enrolled
+by the latter among the patricians and among the senators, was often
+appointed general and was entrusted with the guardianship of his
+children and of the kingdom. He was no less agreeable to the rest, and
+consequently ruled them with their consent. The reason was that while
+he took all measures from which he might derive strength he did not
+lose his head, but though among the foremost humbled himself. Any
+laborious tasks he was willing to undertake openly in the place of
+others, but in pleasure he willingly made way for others while he
+himself obtained either nothing or but little, and that unnoticed. The
+responsibility for what went well he laid upon any one sooner than
+upon himself and placed the resulting advantages within the reach of
+the public for whoever desired them, but more unsatisfactory issues he
+never laid to the charge of any one else, nor attempted to divide the
+blame. Besides, he favored all the friends of Marcius individually
+both by deeds and by words. Money he spent without stint and was ready
+to offer his services if any one wanted anything of him. He neither
+said nor did anything mean against any one, and did not fall into
+enmity with any one if he could help it. Furthermore, whatever
+benefits he received from any persons he always exaggerated, but
+unpleasant treatment he either did not notice at all or minimized it
+and regarded it is of very slight importance: not only did he refuse
+to take offensive measures in return, but he conferred kindnesses
+until he won the man over entirely. This gained him a certain
+reputation for cleverness, because he had mastered Marcius and all the
+latter's followers, but through subsequent events he caused the
+majority of men to be distrusted, either as being deceitful by nature
+or as changing their views according to their own influence and
+fortunes. (Valesius, p. 570.)
+
+[Frag. IX]
+
+Second Book of Dio: "As there was nothing in which they did not yield
+him obedience." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 164, 19.)
+
+[Frag. X]  1. Dio, Book 2.--"Because his brother did not cooperate
+with him he secretly put him out of the way by poison through the
+agency of his wife." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 17. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 9.)
+
+2. ¶Tarquinius, when he had equipped himself sufficiently to reign over
+them even if they were unwilling, first arrested the most powerful
+members of the senate and next some of the rest, and put to death many
+publicly, when he could bring some real charge against them, and many
+besides secretly, while some he banished. Not merely because some of
+them loved Tullius more than him, nor because they had family, wealth,
+intelligence, and displayed conspicuous bravery and distinguished wisdom
+did he destroy them, out of jealousy and out of a suspicion likewise
+that their dissimilarity of character must force them to hate him, the
+while he defended himself against some and anticipated the attack of
+others; no, he slew all his bosom friends who had exerted themselves to
+help him get the kingship no less than the rest; for he thought that
+impelled by the audacity and fondness for revolution through which they
+had obtained dominion for him they might equally well give it to some
+one else. So he made away with the best part of the senate and of the
+knights and did not appoint to those orders any one at all in place of
+the men who had been destroyed: he understood that he was hated by the
+entire populace and was anxious to render the classes mentioned
+extremely weak through paucity of men. Yes, he even undertook to abolish
+the senate altogether, since he believed that every gathering of men and
+especially of chosen persons who had some pretence of prestige from
+antiquity, was most hostile to a tyrant. But as he was afraid that the
+multitude or else his body-guards themselves, in their capacity as
+citizens, might by reason of vexation at the change in government
+revolt, he refrained from doing this openly, but effected it in a
+conveniently outrageous way. He failed to introduce any new member into
+the senate to make up the loss, and to those who were left he
+communicated nothing of importance. He called the senators together not
+to help him in the administration of any important business; no, this
+very act was to give them a proof of their littleness, and thereby to
+enable him to humiliate and show scorn for them. Most of his business he
+carried on by himself or with the aid of his sons, in the first place to
+the end that no one else should have any power, and secondly because he
+shrank from publishing matters involving his own wrongdoing. He was
+difficult of access and hard to accost, and showed such great
+haughtiness and brutality toward all alike that he received the nickname
+among them of "Proud." Among other decidedly tyrannical deeds of himself
+and his children might be mentioned the fact that he once had some
+citizens bound naked to some crosses in the Forum and before the
+eyes of the citizens, and had them shamefully beaten to death with rods.
+This punishment, invented by him at that time, has often been
+inflicted. (Valesius, p. 573.)
+
+3. Dio in 2nd Book: "Publicly and by arrangement reviling his father
+in many unusual ways on the ground that he was a tyrant and was
+forsworn." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 155, 1.)
+
+4. The Sibyl about whom Lycophron is now speaking was the Cumaean, who
+died in the time of Tarquin the Proud and left behind three or nine of
+her prophetic books. Of these the Romans bought either one or three,
+after the Sibyl's servant had destroyed the rest by fire because they
+would not give her as much gold as she wanted. This they did later and
+bought up either one that was left over or else three, and gave them to
+Marcus Acilius to keep. Him they cast alive into the skin of an ox and
+put to death because he had given them to be copied: but for the book or
+books they dug a hole in the Forum and buried them along with a chest.
+(Ioannes Tzetzes, scholia on Lycophr. 1279.)
+
+5. ¶Lucius Junius, a son of Tarquinius's sister, in terror after the
+king had killed his father and had moreover taken his property away
+from him feigned madness, to the end that he might possibly survive.
+For he well understood that every person possessed of sense,
+especially when he is of a distinguished family, becomes an object of
+suspicion to tyrants. And when once he had started on this plan he
+acted it out with great precision, and for that reason was called
+Brutus. This is the name that the Latins gave to idiots. Sent along
+with Titus and Arruns as if he were a kind of plaything he carried a
+staff as a votive offering, he said, to the gods, though it had no
+great value so far as anyone could see. (Mai, p. 139.)
+
+6. Dio in Book 2: "After that he was found in the Pythian god's
+temple." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 21.)
+
+7. ¶They made sport of the gift [i. e. the staff] of Brutus, and when to
+the enquiry of the ambassadors as to who should succeed to the kingdom
+of their father the oracle replied that the first to kiss his mother
+should hold dominion over the Romans, he kissed the earth, pretending to
+have fallen down by accident, for he regarded her as the mother of all
+mankind. (Mai, p. 140.)
+
+8. ¶Brutus overthrew the Tarquins for the following reason. During the
+siege of Ardea the children of Tarquin were one day dining with Brutus
+and Collatinus, since these two were of their own age and relatives;
+and they fell into a discussion and finally into a dispute about the
+virtue of their wives,--each one giving the preference to his own
+spouse. And, as all the women happened to be absent from the camp,
+they decided straightaway that night, before they could be announced,
+to take horse and ride away to all of them simultaneously. This they
+did, and found all engaged in a carousal except Lucretia, wife of
+Collatinus, whom they discovered at work on wool. This fact about her
+becoming noised abroad led Sextus to desire to outrage her. Perchance
+he even felt some love for her, since she was of surpassing beauty;
+still it was rather her reputation than her body that he desired to
+ruin. He watched for an opportunity when Collatinus was among the
+Rutuli, hurried to Collatia, and coming by night to her house as that
+of a kinswoman obtained both food and lodging. At first he tried to
+persuade her to grant her favors to him, but as he could not succeed
+he attempted force. When he found he could make no progress by this
+means either, he devised a plan by which in the most unexpected way he
+compelled her to submit voluntarily to be debauched. To his
+declaration that he would cut her throat she paid no attention, and
+his statement that he would make away with one of the servants she
+listened to in contempt. When, however, he threatened to lay the body
+of the servant beside her and spread the report that he had found them
+sleeping together and killed them he was no longer to be resisted: and
+she, fearing it might be believed that this had so happened, chose to
+yield to him and die after giving an account of the affair rather than
+lose her good name in perishing at once. For this reason she did not
+refuse to commit adultery, but afterward she made ready a dagger
+beneath the pillow and sent for her husband and her father. As soon as
+they had come she shed many tears, then spoke with a sigh: "Father, I
+utter your name because I have disgraced it less than my husband's.
+It is no honorable deed I have done this last night, but Sextus forced
+me, threatening to kill me and a slave together and pretend he had
+found me sleeping with the man. This threat compelled me to sin, to
+prevent you from believing that such a thing had taken place. And I,
+because I am a woman, will treat my case as becomes me: but do you, if
+you are men and care for your wives and for your children, avenge me,
+free yourselves, and show the tyrants what manner of creatures you are
+and what manner of woman they have outraged." Having spoken to this
+effect she did not wait for any reply but immediately drawing the
+dagger from its hiding place stabbed herself. (Valesius, p. 574.)
+
+9. Dio, Second Book: "And he [Footnote: Van Herweiden's reading is the
+one adopted in this doubtful passage.] went outside of Roman territory
+making frequent trials of neighboring peoples." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 164,
+25.)
+
+1. ¶All crowds of people judge measures according to the men who
+direct them, and of whatever sort they ascertain the men to be, they
+believe that the measures are of the same sort. (Mai, p. 140.)
+
+[Frag. XI]
+
+2. Every one prefers the untried to the well known, attaching great
+hope to the uncertain in comparison with what has already gained his
+hatred. (Ib.)
+
+3. All changes are very dangerous, and especially do those in
+governments work the greatest and most numerous evils to both
+individuals and state. Sensible men, therefore, decide to remain under
+the same forms continually, even if they be not very good, rather than
+by changing to have now one, now another, and be continually
+wandering. (Ib.)
+
+4. Dio, 2nd Book: "When he had learned this he accordingly both came
+to them the following day [lacuna]" (Bekker, Anecd., p. 178, 20.)
+
+5. In 3rd Book of Dio: "Whose father also ruled you blamelessly."
+(Ib., p. 120, 24.)
+
+6. Dio's 3rd Book: "Of the fact that he loves you, you could get no
+greater proof than his eagerness to live in your midst and his action
+in having his possessions long since brought here." (Ib., p. 139, 26,
+and p. 164, 28.)
+
+7. Dio's 3rd Book: "How would it pay any one to do this?" (Ib, p.
+155,14.)
+
+8. Dio's 3rd Book: "As Romulus also enjoined upon us." (Ib., p. 139,
+29.)
+
+9. ¶Every person comes to possess wishes and desires according to his
+fortune and whatever his circumstances be, of like nature are also the
+opinions he acquires. (Mai, p. 141.)
+
+10. ¶The business of kingship, more than any other, demands not merely
+virtue, but also great understanding and intelligence, and it is not
+possible without these qualities for the man who takes hold of it to
+show moderation. Many, for example, as if raised unexpectedly to some
+great height, have not endured their elevation, but startled from
+their senses have fallen and made failures of themselves and have
+shattered all the interests of their subjects. (Mai, ib.)
+
+11. With regard to the future form a judgment from what they have
+done, but do not be deceived by what they as suppliants falsely
+pretend. Unholy deeds proceed in every case from a man's real purpose,
+but any one may concoct creditable phrases. Hence judge from what a
+man has done, not from what he says he will do. (Mai, ib.)
+
+12. 3rd Book of Dio: "It is done not merely by the actual men who rule
+them, but also by those who share the power with those rulers."
+(Bekker, Anecd. p.130, 23, and p.164, 32.)
+
+In the preceding fragment we have, apparently, some comment of Dio
+himself on the change in the Roman government (from monarchy to
+republic) together with scraps of two speeches,--namely, that of the
+envoys of Tarquinius to the Roman people, and that of Brutus in reply.
+
+[Frag. XII]
+
+1. ¶Valerius, the colleague of Brutus, although he had proved himself
+the most democratic of men came near being murdered in short order by
+the multitude: they suspected him, in fact, of being eager to become
+sole sovereign. They would have slain him, indeed, had he not quickly
+anticipated their action by courting their favor. He entered the
+assembly and bent the rods which he had formerly used straight, and
+took away the surrounding axes that were bound in with them. After he
+had in this way assumed an attitude of humility, he kept a sad
+countenance for some time and shed tears: and when he at last managed
+to utter a sound, he spoke in a low fearful voice with a suggestion of
+a quaver. [The general subject is speechmaking.] (Mai, p. 141.)
+
+2. On account of whom (plur.) also [Collatinus] was enraged.
+Consequently Brutus so incited the populace against him that they came
+near slaying him on the spot. They did not quite do this, however, but
+compelled him to resign without delay. They chose as colleague to the
+consul in his place Publius Valerius, who had the additional title of
+Poplicola. This appellation translated into Greek signifies "friend of
+the people" or "most democratic." (Zonaras, 7, 12. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_
+XIV.)
+
+[Frag. XIII]
+
+¶The temple of Jupiter was dedicated by Horatius, as determined by
+lot, although Valerius made the declaration that his son was dead, and
+arranged to have this news brought to him during the very performance
+of his sacred office, with the purpose that Horatius under the blow of
+the misfortune and because in general it was impious for any one in
+grief to fulfill the duties of priest, should yield to him the
+dedication of the structure. The other did not refuse credence to the
+report--for it was noised abroad by many trustworthy persons--yet he
+did not surrender his ministry: on the contrary, after bidding some
+men to leave unburied the body of his son, as if it were a stranger's,
+in order that he might seem unconcerned regarding the rites due to it,
+he then performed all the necessary ceremonies. (Valesius, p.577.)
+
+[Frag. XIV]
+
+1. (Tarquinius continued to supplicate Klara Porsina.) (Zonaras, 7,
+12. Cp. Tzetz. Hist. 6, 201. Plutarch, Poplic. 16, has "Lara
+Porsina.")
+
+2. Dio in 4th Book: "But they overran the Roman territory and harried
+everything up to the wall." (Bekker, Anecd. p.152, 3 and 1.)  3.
+Larta Porsenna, an Etruscan, or, perhaps, Klara Porsenna, was
+proceeding against Rome with a great army. But Mucius, a noble Roman
+soldier, after equipping himself in arms and dress of Etruscans then
+started to spy upon them, wishing to kill Porsenna. Beside the latter
+at that time was sitting his secretary, who in the Etruscan tongue was
+called Clusinus; and Mucius, doubtful which might be the king, killed
+Clusinus instead of the king. The man was arrested, and when Porsenna
+asked him: "Why in the world did you do this thing? What injury had
+you received from him?" the other cried out: "I happen to be not
+Etruscan but Roman; and three hundred others of like mind with me who
+are now hunting thee to slay thee." This he had spoken falsely; and,
+with his right hand thrust into the fire, he gazed on Porsenna as
+though another were suffering: and when the prince enquired: "Why do
+you look fixedly upon us?" he said: "Reflecting how I erred in failing
+to slay thee and in thy stead killed one whom I thought Porsenna." And
+when Porsenna exclaimed: "You shall now become my friend!" Mucius
+rejoined: "If thou becom'st a Roman." Porsenna admiring the man for
+his uprightness becomes a friend to the Romans and checks the tide of
+battle. (Tzetzes, Chiliades, VI, 201-223.)
+
+(Cp. Scholia on John Tzetzes's Letters in Cramer's Anecd. Oxon., vol.
+III, p.360, 30: "Clusinus was the name of Porsenna's secretary,
+according to what Dio says"; and Zonaras, 7, 12: "Drawing his sword he
+killed his secretary, who was sitting beside him and was similarly
+arrayed.")
+
+4. Dio's 4th Book: "And he [Footnote: Porsenna.] presented to the maiden
+[Footnote: Claelia] both arms (or so some say) and a horse." (Bekker,
+Anecd. p.133, 8.)
+
+5. After this the Tarquins endeavored on several occasions, by forming
+alliances with tribes bordering on Roman dominions, to recover the
+kingdom; but they were all destroyed in the battles save the sire,
+who, moreover, was called Superbus (or, as a Greek would say, Proud).
+Subsequently he found his way to Cyme of Opicia and there died. Thus
+the careers of the Tarquins reached a conclusion. And after their
+expulsion from the kingdom consuls, as has been stated, were chosen by
+the Romans. One of these was Publius Valerius, who became consul four
+times,--the one to whom also the name Poplicola was applied. (Zonaras
+7, 12 sq. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+6. And the management of the funds they assigned to others in order
+that the men holding the consular office might not possess the great
+influence that would spring from their having the revenues in their
+power. Now for the first time "stewards" began to be created and they
+called them _quaestors_. These in the first place tried capital cases,
+from which fact they have obtained this title,--on account of their
+_questionings_ and on account of their search for truth as the result
+of _questionings_. But later they acquired also management of the
+public funds and received the additional name of Stewards ([Greek:
+tamiai]). After a time the courts were delivered over to different
+persons, while these officials were managers of the funds. (Zonaras 7,
+13. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_, XIV.)
+
+7. Dio's 4th Book: "And they provided them [Footnote: Probably a
+reference to the quaestors.] with separate titles besides in general
+making very different provision for them in the different cases."
+(Bekker, Anecd. p.133, 16.)
+
+8. Dio in 5th Book: "The lords filling them with hope on certain
+points." (Ib. p.140, 10.)
+
+9. Dio in 5th Book: "With this accordingly he honored him." (Ib.
+p.175, 19.)
+
+[Frag. XV]
+
+¶To a large extent success consists in planning secretly, acting at the
+opportune moment, following one's own counsel somewhat, and in having no
+chance to fall back upon any one else, but being obliged to take upon
+one's self the responsibility for the issue, however it turns out.
+[Footnote: Fragment XV may perhaps be a comment on dictatorships.]
+(Mai, p.142.)
+
+[Frag. XVI]
+
+1. They had recourse to civil strife. And the reason is plain. Those
+whose money gave them influence desired to surpass their inferiors in
+all respects as though they were their sovereigns, and the weaker
+citizens, sure of their own equal rights, were unwilling to obey them
+even in some small point. The one class, insatiate of freedom, sought
+to enjoy the property of the other; and this other, uncontrolled in
+its pride of place, to enjoy the fruits of the former's labors. So it
+was that they sundered their former relations, wherein they were wont
+harmoniously to assist each other with mutual profit, and no longer
+made distinctions between foreign and native races. Indeed, both
+disdained moderation, and the one class set its heart upon an extreme
+of dominion, the other upon an extreme of resistance to voluntary
+servitude; consequently they missed the results accomplished by their
+previous allied efforts and inflicted many striking injuries, partly
+in defence against each other's movements and partly by way of
+anticipating them. More than all the rest of mankind they were at
+variance save in the midst of particularly threatening dangers that
+they incurred in the course of successive wars,--wars due chiefly to
+their own dissensions; and for the sake of the respite many prominent
+men on several occasions brought on these conflicts purposely. This,
+then, was the beginning of their suffering more harm from each other
+than from outside nations. And the complexion of their difficulties
+inspires me to pronounce that it was impossible that they should be
+deprived of either their power or their sway, unless they should lose
+it through their own contentions. (Mai, ib.)
+
+2. They were especially irritated that the senators were not of the
+same mind after obtaining something from them as they were while
+requesting it, but after making them numbers of great promises while
+in the midst of danger failed to perform the slightest one of them
+when safety had been secured. (Mai, p.143.)
+
+3. So to the end that they might not fight in a compact mass, but each
+division struggle separately for its own position and so become easier
+to handle, they divided the army. [Footnote: Cp. Livy, II, 30.] (Ib.)
+
+4. ¶The populace, as soon as Valerius the dictator became a private
+citizen, began a most bitter contest, going so far even as to overturn
+the government. The well-to-do classes insisted, in the case of debts,
+upon the very letter of the agreement, refusing to abate one iota of
+it, and so they both failed to secure its fulfillment and came to be
+deprived of many other advantages; they had failed to recognize the
+fact that an extreme of poverty is the heaviest of curses and that the
+desperation which results from it is, especially if shared by a large
+number of persons, very difficult to combat. This is why not a few
+politicians voluntarily choose the course which is expedient in
+preference to that which is absolutely just. Justice is often worsted
+in an encounter with human nature and sometimes suffers total
+extinction, whereas expediency, by parting with a mere fragment of
+justice, preserves the greater portion of it intact.
+
+Now the cause of most of the troubles that the Romans had lay in the
+unyielding attitude adopted by the more powerful class toward its
+inferiors. Many remedies were afforded them against delays in payment
+of debts, one of which was that in case it happened that several
+persons had been lending to anybody, they had authority to divide his
+body piecemeal according to the proportionate amounts that he was
+owing. Yet, however much this principle had been declared legal, still
+it had surely never been put into practice. For how could a nation
+have proceeded to such lengths of cruelty when it frequently granted
+to those convicted of some crime a refuge for their preservation and
+allowed such as were thrust from the cliffs of the Capitoline to live
+in case they should survive the experience? (Mai, p.143. Cp. Zonaras.
+7, 14.)
+
+5. ¶Those who were owing debts took possession of a certain hill and
+having placed one Gaius at their head proceeded to secure their food
+from the country as from hostile territory, thereby demonstrating that
+the laws were weaker than arms, and justice than their desperation.
+The senators being in terror both that this party might become more
+estranged and that the neighboring tribes in view of the crisis might
+join in an attack upon them proposed terms to the rebels offering
+everything that they hoped might please them. The seceders at first
+were for brazening it out, but were brought to reason in a remarkable
+way. When they kept up a series of disorderly shouts, Agrippa, one of
+the envoys, begged them to hearken to a fable and having obtained
+their consent spoke as follows. Once all the Members of Man began a
+contention against the Belly, saying that they worked and toiled
+without food or drink, being at the beck and call of the Belly in
+everything, whereas it endured no labor and alone got its fill of
+nourishment. And finally they voted that the Hands should no longer
+convey aught to the Mouth nor the latter receive anything, to the end
+that the Belly might so far as possible come to lack both food and
+drink and so perish. Now when this measure was determined and put into
+execution, at first the entire body began to wither away and next it
+collapsed and gave out. Accordingly, the members through their own
+evil state grew conscious that the Belly was the salvation of them and
+restored to it its nourishment.
+
+On hearing this the multitude comprehended that the abundance of the
+prosperous also supports the condition of the poor; therefore they
+showed greater mildness and accepted a reconciliation on being granted
+a release from their debts and from seizures therefor. This then, was
+voted by the senate. (Mai, p.144. Cp. Zonaras 7, 14.) The account of
+John of Antioch, frag. 46 (Mueller, fr. hist gr. IV, p.556) regarding
+this secession of the plebs seems to have been taken from intact books
+of Dio. (Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV, p.44, note 1; also G. Sotiriadis,
+Zur Kritik des Johannes von Antiochia, Supplem. annal. philol. vol.
+XVI, p.50.)
+
+6. And it seemed to be most inconsistent with human conditions, and to
+many others also, some willingly, some unwillingly [lacuna]
+
+¶Whenever many men gathered in a compact body seek their own
+advantage by violence, for the time being they have some equitable
+agreement and display boldness, but later they become separated and
+are punished on various pretexts. (Mai, p.146. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 15.)
+
+7. Through the tendency, natural to most persons, to differ with their
+fellows in office (it is always difficult for a number of men to
+attain harmony, especially in a position of any influence)--through
+this natural tendency, then, all their power was dissipated and torn
+to shreds. None of their resolutions was valid in case even one of
+them opposed it. They had originally received their office for no
+other purpose than to resist such as were oppressing their
+fellow-citizens, and thus he who tried to prevent any measure from
+being carried into effect was sure to prove stronger than those who
+supported it. (Mai, ib. Cp. Zonaras 7, 15.)
+
+[Frag. XVII]
+
+1. For it is not easy for a man either to be strong at all points or
+to possess excellence in both departments,--war and peace,--at once.
+Those who are physically strong are, as a rule, weak-minded and
+success that has come in unstinted measure generally does not
+luxuriate equally well everywhere. This explains why after having
+first been exalted by the citizens to the foremost rank he was not
+much later exiled by them, and how it was that after making the city
+of the Volsci a slave to his country he with their aid brought his own
+land in turn into an extremity of danger. (Mai, p. 146. Cp. Zonaras
+7,16.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 491 (_a.u._ 263)] 2. ¶The same man wished to be made
+praetor, and upon failing to secure the office became angry at the
+populace; and in his displeasure at the great influence of the tribunes
+he employed greater frankness in speaking to that body than was
+attempted by others whose deeds entitled them to the same rank as
+himself. A severe famine occurring at the same time that a town Norba
+needed colonizing, the multitude censured the powerful classes on both
+these points, maintaining that they were being deprived of food and were
+being purposely delivered into the hands of enemies for manifest
+destruction. Whenever persons come to suspect each other, they take
+amiss everything even that is done in their behalf, and yield wholly to
+their belligerent instincts. Coriolanus had invariably evinced contempt
+for the people, and after grain had been brought in from many sources
+(most of it sent as a gift from princes in Sicily) he would not allow
+them to receive allotments of it as they were petitioning. Accordingly,
+the tribunes, whose functions he was especially eager to abolish,
+brought him to trial before the populace on a charge of aiming at
+tyranny and drove him into exile. It availed nothing that all his peers
+exclaimed and expressed their consternation at the fact that tribunes
+dared to pass such sentences upon _their_ order. So on being expelled he
+betook himself, raging at his treatment, to the Volsci, though they had
+been his bitterest foes. His valor, of which they had had a taste, and
+the wrath that he cherished toward his fellow-citizens gave him reason
+to expect that they would receive him gladly, since they might hope,
+thanks to him, to inflict upon the Romans injuries equal to what they
+had endured, or even greater. When one has suffered particular damage at
+the hands of any party, one is strongly inclined to believe in the
+possibility of benefit from the same party in case it is willing and
+also able to confer favors. (Mai, p.147. Cp. Zonaras 7, 16.) 3. For he
+was very angry that they, who were incurring danger for their own
+country would not even under these conditions withdraw from the
+possessions of others. When, accordingly, this news also was brought,
+the men did not cease any the more from factional strife. They were,
+indeed, so bitterly at variance that they could be reconciled not even
+by dangers. But the women, Volumnia the wife of Coriolanus and Veturia
+his mother, gathering a company of the other most eminent ladies visited
+him in camp and took his children with them; and they caused him to end
+the war not only without requiring the submission of the country, but
+without even demanding restoration from exile. For he admitted them at
+once as soon as he learned they were there, and granted them a
+conversation, the course of which was as follows. While the rest wept
+without speaking Veturia began: "Why are you surprised, my child? Why
+are you startled? We are not deserters, but the country has sent to you,
+if you should yield, your mother and wife and children, if otherwise,
+your spoil; hence, if even now you still are angry, kill us first. Why
+do you weep? Why turn away? Can you fail to know how we have just ceased
+lamenting the affairs of state, in order that we might see you? Be
+reconciled to us, then, and retain no longer your anger against your
+citizens, friends, temples, tombs; do not come rushing down into the
+city with hostile wrath nor take by storm your native land in which you
+were born, were reared, and became Coriolanus, bearer of this great
+name. Yield to me, my child, and send me not hence without result,
+unless you would see me dead by own hand."
+
+At the end of this speech she sighed aloud, and tearing open her
+clothing showed her breasts, and touching her abdomen exclaimed: "See,
+my child, this brought you forth, these reared you up." When she had
+said this, his wife and the children and the rest of the women joined
+in the lament, so that he too was cast into grief. Recovering himself
+at length with difficulty he embraced his mother and at the same time
+kissing her replied: "Mother, I yield to you. Yours is the victory,
+and let the other men, too, bestow their gratitude for this upon you.
+For I can not endure even to see them, who after receiving such great
+benefits at hands have treated me in such a way. Hence I never even
+enter the city. Do you keep the country instead of me, since you have
+so wished it, and I will take myself out of the way of you all."
+
+Having spoken thus he withdrew. For through fear of the multitude and
+shame before his peers, in that he had made an expedition against them
+at all he would not accept even the safe return offered him, but
+retired among the Volsci, and there, either as the result of a plot or
+from old age, died. (Mai, p.148. Zonaras, 7, 16. Cp. John Tzetzes,
+Letters, 6, p.9, 16.)
+
+4. Dio Cocceianus himself and numberless others who have set forth the
+deeds of the Romans, tell the story of this Marcus Coriolanus. This
+Marcus, as he was formerly called and later Gnaeus, had along with
+these the name of Coriolanus. When the Romans were warring against the
+city of Coriolanus [_sic_], and had all turned to flight at full
+speed, the man himself turned toward the hostile city and finding it
+open alone set fire to it. As the flames rose brilliantly he mounted
+his horse and with great force fell upon the rear of the barbarians,
+who were bringing headlong flight upon the Romans. They wheeled about
+and when they saw the fire consuming the city, thinking it was sacked
+they fled in another direction. He, having saved the Romans and sacked
+the city, which we have already said was called Coriolanus, received,
+in addition to his former names Marcus and Gnaeus, the title of
+Coriolanus, from the rout. But (the usual treatment that jealousy
+accords to benefactors) after a little in the course of reflections
+they fine the man. The man excessively afflicted with most just wrath
+leaves his wife, his mother, and his country, and goes to the Corioli,
+and they receive the man. Then after that they arrayed themselves
+against the Romans. And had not his spouse and mother at the breaking
+out of that war run and torn apart their tunics and stood about him
+naked,--Veturia and Volumnia were their names,--and checked him with
+difficulty from the battle against the Romans, Rome would have made a
+resolve to honor benefactors. But brought to a halt by the prayers of
+his mother and of his spouse he stopped the war against the Romans,
+and he himself leaving behind the Corioli and the Romans hurried to
+another land, smitten by sorrow. (Tzetzes, Hist. 6, 527-560. Cp.
+Haupt, _Hermes_, XIV.)
+
+5. I pass over mention of the noble Marcus Coriolanus, and with Marcus
+himself also Marcus Corvinus; of whom the one, having sacked unaided a
+city named Coriolanus and burned it down, although the entire army of
+the Romans had been routed, was called Coriolanus, though otherwise
+termed Marcus. (Tzetzes, Hist. 3, 856-861.)
+
+[Frag. XVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 486 (_a.u._ 268)] Cassius after benefiting the Romans
+was put to death by that very people. So that thereby it is made plain
+that there is no element deserving confidence in multitudes. On the
+contrary they destroy men who are altogether devoted to them no less
+than men guilty of the greatest wrongs. With respect to the interest of
+the moment on various occasions they deem those great who are the cause
+of benefits to them, but when they have profited to the full by such
+men's services they no longer regard them as having any nearer claims
+than bitterest foes. For Cassius, although he indulged them, they killed
+because of the very matters on which he prided himself: and it is
+manifest that he perished through envy and not as a result of some
+injustice committed. (Mai, p.150.)
+
+[Frag. XIX]
+
+1. For the men from time to time in power when they became unable to
+restrain them by any other method stirred up purposely wars after wars
+in order that they might be kept busy attending to those conflicts and
+not disturb themselves about the land. (Mai, ib. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+2. At any rate they were so inflamed with rage by each of the two as
+to promise with an oath victory to their generals: with regard to the
+immediate attack they thought themselves actually lords of fortune.
+(Mai, p.150.)
+
+3. ¶It is natural for the majority of the human race to quarrel with
+any opposing force even beyond what is to its own advantage and upon
+those who yield to bestow a benefit in turn even beyond its power.
+(Mai, p.151.)
+
+[Frag. XX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 477 (_a.u._ 277)] 1. ¶The Fabii, who on the basis of
+birth and wealth made pretensions equal with the noblest, very quickly
+indeed saw that they were dejected. For when persons involve themselves
+in many undertakings that are at the same time hard to manage, they can
+discover no device for confronting the multitude and array of dangers,
+and give up as hopeless quite easy projects: after which their sober
+judgments and, contrary to what one would expect, their very opinions
+cause them to lose heart and they voluntarily abandon matters in hand
+with the idea that their labor will be but vain; finally they surrender
+themselves to unforseen dispensations of Heaven and await whatever
+Chance may bring. (Mai, p.151. Zonaras 7,17.)
+
+2. ¶The Fabii, three hundred and six in number, were killed, by the
+Etruscans. Thus the arrogance which arises from confidence in valor is
+ofttimes ruined by its very boldness, and the boastfulness which comes
+from good fortune runs mad and suffers a complete reverse. (Mai, ib.
+Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+3. For whom (plur.) the Romans grieved, both in private and with
+public demonstrations, to a greater degree than the number of the lost
+would seem to warrant. That number was not small, especially since it
+was composed entirely of patricians, but they further felt, when they
+stopped to consider the reputation and the resolute spirit of these
+men that all their strength had perished. For this reason they
+inscribed among the accursed days that one on which they had been
+destroyed and put under the ban the gates through which they had
+marched out, so that no magistrate might pass through them. And they
+condemned Titus Menenius the praetor,--it was in his year that the
+disaster took place,--when he was later accused before the people of
+not having assisted the unfortunates and of having been subsequently
+defeated in battle. (Valesius, p.578.)
+
+[Frag. XXI]
+
+1. ¶The patricians openly took scarcely any retaliatory measures,
+except in a few cases, where they adjured some one of the gods, but
+secretly slaughtered a number of the boldest spirits. Nine tribunes on
+one occasion were delivered to the flames by the populace. This did
+not, however, restrain the rest: on the contrary, those who in turn
+held the tribuneship after that occurrence were rather filled with
+hope in the matter of their own quarrels than with fear as a result of
+the fate of their predecessors. Hence, so far from being calmed, they
+were even the more emboldened by those very proceedings. For they put
+forward the torture of the former tribunes as a justification of the
+vengeance they would take really in their own behalf; and they got
+great pleasure out of the idea that they might possibly, contrary to
+expectation, survive without harm. The consequence was that some of
+the patricians, being unable to accomplish anything in the other way,
+transferred themselves to the ranks of the populace: they thought its
+humble condition far preferable, considered in the light of their
+desire for the tribunician power, to the weakness of their own
+ornamental titles,--especially so because many held the office a
+second and third and even greater number of times in succession,
+although there was a prohibition against any one's taking the position
+twice. (Mai, p. 152. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+2. ¶ The populace was incited to this course by the patricians
+themselves. For the policy which the latter pursued with an eye to
+their own advantage, that of always having some wars in readiness for
+them, so that the people might be compelled by the dangers from
+without to practice moderation,--this policy, I say, only rendered the
+people bolder. By refusing to go on a campaign unless they obtained
+in each instance the objects of their striving and by contending
+listlessly whenever they did take the field, they accomplished all
+that they desired. Meanwhile, as a matter of fact, not a few of the
+neighboring tribes, relying on the dissension of their foes more than
+on their own power, kept revolting. (Mai, ib. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+[Frag. XXII]
+
+1. ¶The AEqui after capturing Tusculum and conquering Marcus [Footnote:
+Other accounts give his name as _Lucius_ or _Quintus_.] Minucius became
+so proud that, in the case of the Roman ambassadors whom the latter
+people sent to chide them regarding the seizure of the place, they made
+no answer at all to the censure but after designating by the mouth of
+their general, Cloelius Gracchus, a certain oak, bade them speak to it,
+if they desired aught. (Ursinus, p.373. Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+2. That the Romans on learning that Minucius with some followers had
+been intercepted in a low-lying, bushy place elected as dictator
+against the enemy Lucius Quintius, in spite of the fact that he was a
+poor man and at the time was engaged in tilling with his own hands the
+little piece of ground which was his sole possession: for in general
+he was the peer in valor of the foremost and was distinguished by his
+wise moderation; though he did let his hair grow in curls, from which
+practice he received the nickname of Cincinnatus. (Valesius, p.578.
+Zonaras 7, 17.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (_a.u._ 305)] 2. ¶Affairs of state and camp alike
+were thrown into confusion. For the men under arms in their zealous
+eagerness that no success should attend those who held the power
+voluntarily surrendered both public and private interests. The other
+side, too, took no pleasure in the death of their own members at the
+hands of opponents, but themselves likewise destroyed in some convenient
+manner many of the most active persons who espoused the cause of the
+populace. As a result no small contention arose between them. (Mai,
+p.153. Zonaras, 7, 18.)
+
+3. For they [Footnote: This must mean the "military tribunes with
+consular powers."]reached such a pitch of emulation and next of jealous
+rivalry of one another that they no longer, as the custom had been, all
+held office as one body, but each of them individually in turn; and the
+consequence was by no means beneficial. Since each one of them had in
+view his own profit and not the public weal and was more willing that
+the State should be injured, if it so happened, than that his colleagues
+should obtain credit, many unfortunate occurrences took place. (Mai,
+ib.)
+
+4. ¶Democracy consists not in all winning absolutely the same prizes,
+but in every man's obtaining his deserts. [Footnote: Seemingly an excerpt
+from a speech of one of the optimates, though possibly a remark by Dio
+himself.] (Mai, p.154.)
+
+[Frag. XXIII]
+
+1[lacuna]. to have happened as the law of triumphs enjoins, about which
+Dio Cocceianus writes. And if it seems to you an irksome thing to delve
+into books of ancient writers, at all events I will explain cursorily,
+as best I may, the entertainments pertaining to the triumph. They cause
+the celebrator of the triumph to ascend a car, smear his face with earth
+of Sinope or cinnabar (representing blood) to screen his blushes, fasten
+armlets on his arms, and put a laurel wreath and a branch of laurel in
+his right hand. Upon his head they also place a crown of some kind of
+wood having inscribed upon it his exploits or his experiences. A public
+slave, standing in the back part of the chariot holds up the crown,
+saying in his ear: "See also what comes after." Bells and a whip dangle
+from the pole of the chariot. Next he runs thrice about the place in a
+circle, mounts the stairs on his knees and there lays aside the
+garlands. After that he departs home, accompanied by musicians. (Tzetzes
+Epist. 107, p. 86.)
+
+[Therefore the following words of Zonaras (7, 21) correspond nearly
+with those of Dio, concerning the popular anger against Camillus on
+account of his triumph (according to Plutarch's Camillus, Chap.
+7).--Editor]
+
+The celebration of the triumphal festivities, which they called
+_thriambos_, was of somewhat the following nature. When any great
+success, worthy of a triumph, had been gained, the general was
+immediately saluted as imperator by the soldiers, and he would bind
+twigs of laurel upon the rods and deliver them to the runners to
+carry, who announced the victory to the city. On arriving home he
+would assemble the senate and ask to have the triumph voted him. And
+if he obtained a vote from the senate and from the people, his title
+of imperator was confirmed. If he still held the office in the course
+of which he happened to be victorious, he continued to enjoy it while
+celebrating the festival; but if the term of his office had expired,
+he received some other name connected with it, since it was forbidden
+a private individual to hold a triumph. Arrayed in the triumphal dress
+he took armlets, and with a laurel crown upon his head and holding a
+branch in his right hand he called together the people. After praising
+his comrades of the campaign he presented some both publicly and
+privately with money: he honored them also with decorations, and upon
+some he bestowed armlets and spears without the iron; crowns, too, he
+gave to some of gold and to others of silver, bearing the name of each
+man and the representation of his particular feat. For example, either
+a man had been first to mount a wall and the crown bore the figure of
+a wall, or he had captured some point by storm, and a likeness of that
+particular place had been made. A man might have won a battle at sea
+and the crown had been adorned with ships, or one might have won a
+cavalry fight and some equestrian figure had been represented. He who
+had rescued a citizen from battle or other peril, or from a siege, had
+the greatest praise and would receive a crown fashioned of oak, which
+was esteemed as far more honorable than all, both the silver and the
+gold. And these rewards would be given not only to men singly, as each
+had shown his prowess, but were also bestowed upon cohorts and whole
+armies. Much of the spoils was likewise assigned to the sharers in the
+campaign. Some have been known to extend their distributions even to
+the entire populace and have gone to expense for the festival and
+obtained public appropriations: if anything was left over, they would
+spend it for temples, porticos or for some public work.
+
+After these ceremonies the triumphator ascended his chariot. Now the
+chariot did not resemble one used in games or in war, but had been
+made in the shape of a round tower. And he would not be alone in the
+chariot, but if he had children or relatives he would make the girls
+and the infant male children get up beside him in it and place those
+who were grown upon the horses, outriggers as well as the yoke-pair.
+If these were many, they would accompany the procession on chargers,
+riding along beside the triumphator. None of the rest rode, but all
+went on foot wearing laurel wreaths. A public servant, however, rode
+also upon the chariot itself holding over him the crown made of
+precious stones set in gold and kept saying to him "Look behind!", the
+"behind" meaning naturally "Look ahead at the ensuing years of life,
+and do not be elated or puffed up by your present fortune." Both a
+bell and a whip were fastened to the chariot, signifying that it was
+possible for him to meet misfortune as well, to the extent of being
+disgraced or condemned to death. It was customary for those who had
+been condemned to die for any offence to wear a bell, to the end that
+no one should approach them as they walked along and so be affected
+with pollution.
+
+Thus arrayed they entered the city, having at the head of the
+procession the spoils and trophies and in images the captured forts
+displayed, cities and mountains and rivers, lakes, seas,--everything
+that they had taken. If one day sufficed for the exhibition of these
+things in procession, well and good: otherwise, the celebration was
+held during a second and a third. When these adjuncts had gone on
+their way the triumphator reached the Roman Forum and after commanding
+that some of the captives be led to prison and put to death he rode up
+to the Capitol. There, when he had fulfilled certain rites and had
+brought offerings and had dined in the buildings on the hill, toward
+evening he departed homeward, accompanied by flutes and pipes.
+
+Such were the triumphs in old times. Factions and powerful cliques
+attempted very frequently revolutionary movements on those occasions.
+
+All the matters pertaining to the triumphal, the curule chair the
+letter contains. What need to write again? How after anointing with
+cinnabar or else Sinopian earth the man who held a triumph they put
+him on a chariot and placed upon his head a golden crown bearing
+plainly marked all he had accomplished: in the man's hand they lay a
+laurel sprig; armlets they clasp about his arms: they crown all who
+had gained distinction with crowns made out of silver material
+inscribed with the feats of daring; and how upon the chariot a public
+slave stands behind him holding up the crown and saying in his ear:
+"see also what comes after"--all things important the letter contains.
+(Tzetzes, Hist. 13, 41-54.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 395 (_a.u._ 359)] 2. ¶ The Romans after fighting many
+battles against the Falisci, [Footnote: Perhaps Dio wrote _Fidenates_ or
+_Veientes_ (Livy, IV, 32), and _Falisci_ is due to the copyist,
+although, to be sure, there were wars with the last named (Livy, IV,
+18). Whether the transference of Juno from Veii to Rome (Livy, V, 22) or
+the lectisternia just established about this time (Livy, V, 13)
+constitutes the topic discussed is a matter respecting which scholars
+differ.] and after many sufferings and achievements as well, despised
+their ancestral rites and took up with foreign ones in the idea that the
+latter would suffice them. Human nature is for some reason accustomed in
+trouble to scorn what is usual even though it be divine, and to admire
+the untried. Thinking, as men do, that they are not helped by it at the
+present, they expect no benefit in the future, but from what is strange
+they hope to accomplish whatever they may wish, by means of its novelty.
+(Mai, p. 153.)
+
+3. ¶ The Romans, who were besieging the city of the Falisci would have
+consumed much time encamped before it, had not an incident of the
+following nature occurred. A school teacher of the place who instructed
+a number of children of good family, either under the influence of anger
+or through hope of gain led them all outside the wall, supposedly for
+some different purpose from his real one. They had so great an abundance
+of courage that they followed him even then. And he took them to
+Camillus, saying that in their persons he surrendered to him the whole
+city: for the inhabitants would no longer resist them when those dearest
+to them were held prisoners. However, he [Sidenote: B.C. 393 (_a.u._
+361)] to accomplish aught; for Camillus, filled with a sense of the
+conduct proper for Romans and also of the liability to failure of human
+plans, would not agree to take them by treachery: instead, he bound the
+traitor's hands behind his back and delivered him to the children
+themselves to lead home again.
+
+After this episode the Falisci held out no longer, but in spite of the
+fact that they were securely entrenched and had ample resources to
+continue the war nevertheless came to terms voluntarily. They felt sure
+it would be no ordinary friendship that they would enjoy at the hands of
+one, whom, as an enemy even, they had found so just. (Valesius, p. 578.
+Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)
+
+4. Accordingly Camillus became on this account an object of even
+greater jealousy to the citizens, and he was indicted by the tribunes
+on the charge of not having benefited the public treasury with the
+plunder of the Veii; and before the trial he voluntarily withdrew.
+(Valesius, ib. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)
+
+5. In Dio's 7th Book: "When he had ended his term of office they
+indicted him and imposed a money fine, not bringing him into danger of
+his life." [Footnote: Boissevain believes that this fragment does not
+refer to Camillus, and that the number of the Book is possibly a
+corruption. He would locate it earlier.](Bekker, Anecd. p. 146, 21.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 393 (_a.u._ 361)]6. To such a degree did not only the
+populace nor all those who were somewhat jealous of his reputation
+merely, but his best friends and his relatives, too, feel envy toward
+him that they did not even attempt to hide it. When he asked some of
+them for support in his case, and others to deposit the money for his
+release, they refused to assist him in regard to the vote but simply
+promised, if he were convicted, to estimate the proper money value and
+to help him pay the amount of the fine. This led him to take an oath in
+anger that the city should have need of him; and he went over to the
+Rutuli before accusation was brought against him. [Footnote: Very likely
+the copyist erred here. The sense requires "before sentence was passed
+upon him."] (Mai, p. 154. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)
+
+[Frag. XXIV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 391 (_a.u._ 363)] 1. ¶ The cause of the Gallic
+expedition was this. The Clusini had endured hard treatment in the war
+from the Gauls and fled for refuge to the Romans, having considerable
+hope that they could obtain certainly some little help in that
+quarter, from the fact that they had not taken sides with the people
+of Veii, though of the same race. When the Romans failed to vote them
+aid, but sent ambassadors to the Gauls and negotiated peace for them,
+they came very near accepting it (it was offered them in return for a
+part of the land); however, they attacked the barbarians after the
+conference and took the Roman envoys into battle along with them. The
+Gauls, vexed at seeing them on the opposite side, at first sent men to
+Rome, preferring charges against the envoys. Since, however, no
+punishment was visited upon the latter, but they were all, on the
+contrary, appointed consular tribunes, they were filled with
+wrath--being naturally quick to anger--and, as they held the Clusini
+in contempt, started for Rome. (Ursinus, p.373. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 364 (_a.u._ 390)] 2. ¶ The Romans after withstanding
+the inroads of the Gauls had no time to recover breath, but went
+immediately from their march into battle, just as they were, and lost.
+Panic-stricken by the unexpectedness of the invaders' hostile
+expedition, by their numbers, their physical dimensions, and their
+voices uttering some foreign and terrifying sound they forgot their
+training in military science and after that lost possession of their
+valor. A good comprehension contributes very largely to bravery, because
+when present it confirms the strength of a man's resolution and when
+lacking destroys the same more thoroughly by far, than if such a thing
+had never existed at all. Many persons without experience often carry
+things through by the violence of their spirit, but those who fail of
+the discipline which they have learned lose also their strength of
+purpose. This caused the defeat of the Romans. (Mai, p.154. Cp. Zonaras,
+7, 23.)
+
+3. Coclius Horatius was by race a Roman. He, when on one occasion the
+army of the Romans had been routed, so that there was danger of their
+opponents occupying Rome, alone withstood them all at the wooden
+bridge, while Marcus cut it down behind Minucius. When it had been cut
+down, Coclius too crossed the Tiber, having saved himself and Rome by
+the cutting of the bridge. Yet, as he swam, he might have been struck
+by a spear of the enemy. To him the senate presents lands (as a reward
+for his excellent bravery) as much as he could mark out in a day with
+cattle fastened to a plow. He was called Coclius in the Roman tongue
+because he had lost one of his eyes before he fought. (Tzetzes, Hist.
+3, 818-830. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)
+
+[Sidenote: B. C 364 (_a.u._ 390)] 4. ¶ The Romans who were on the
+Capitol under siege had no hope of safety unless from heavenly powers.
+So scrupulously did they observe the mandates of religion, although in
+every extremity of evil, that when it was requisite for one of the
+sacred rites to be performed by the pontifices in another part of the
+city Caeso [Footnote: Very likely the copyist erred here. The sense
+requires "before sentence was passed upon him."] Fabius, who exercised
+the office of priest, descended for the purpose from the Capitol after
+receiving his charge, as he had been accustomed to do, and passing
+through the enemy performed the customary ceremony and returned the same
+day. I am led to admire the barbarians on the one hand because either on
+account of the gods or his bravery they spared him: and far more do I
+feel admiration for the man himself for two reasons, that he dared to
+descend alone among the enemy, and that when he might have withdrawn to
+some place of safety he refused and instead voluntarily returned up the
+Capitol again to a danger that he foresaw: he understood that they
+hesitated to abandon the spot which was the only part of their country
+they still held but saw at the same time that no matter how much they
+desired to escape it was impossible to do so by reason of the multitude
+of the besiegers. (Valesius, p.581.)
+
+5. ¶ Camillus, being urged to let the leadership be entrusted to him,
+would not allow it because he was an exile and could not take the
+position according to time-honored usage. He showed himself so
+law-abiding and exact a man that in so great a danger to his native
+land he made precedent a matter of earnest thought and did not think
+it right to hand down to posterity an example of lawlessness.
+(Valesius, p.582. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)
+
+6. When Rome had been sacked by the Gauls, Brennus being at the head
+of that expedition of theirs, as the Gauls were on the point of
+capturing the Capitol by ascending secretly to the Acropolis at night,
+a great outcry of geese arose in that quarter; and one Marcus Manlius
+roused from sleep saw the enemy creeping up, and by striking some with
+his oblong shield and slaying others with his sword he repulsed them
+all and saved the Romans. For this they gave him the title of
+Capitolinus, and in honor of the geese they have door-keepers as
+guards in the palace in remembrance of their watch at that time, just
+as earlier the Greeks in Athens called Pelargikon Geraneia (Crane-ry)
+from such creatures. (Tzetzes, His. 830-842. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)
+
+[Frag. XXV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 384 (_a.u._ 370)] 1. ¶ The populace passed sentence
+against Capitolinus, his house was razed to the ground, his money
+confiscated, and his name and even likeness, if such anywhere existed,
+were erased and destroyed. At the present day, too, all these
+punishments, except the razing to the ground, are visited upon those who
+conspire against the commonwealth. They gave judgment also that no
+patrician should dwell upon the height because Capitolinus happened to
+have had his house there. And his kinsmen among the Manlii prohibited
+any one of their number from being named Marcus, since that appellation
+had been his.
+
+Capitolinus at any rate underwent a great reversal, both in his
+character and in his fortune. Having made a specialty of warfare he
+did not understand how to remain at peace; the Capitol he had once
+saved he occupied for the purpose of establishing a tyranny; although
+a patrician he became the prey of a house-servant; and whereas he was
+deemed a warrior, he was arrested after the manner of a slave and
+hurled down the very rock from which he had repulsed the Gauls.
+(Valesius, p.582. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)
+
+2. ¶ Capitolinus was thrown headlong down the rock by the Romans. So
+true it is that nothing in the affairs of men,--generally
+speaking,--remains at it was; and success, in particular, leads many
+people on into catastrophes equally serious. It raises their hopes,
+makes them continually strive after like or greater results and, if
+they fail, casts them into just the opposite condition. (Mai, p. 155.
+Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)
+
+3. This Marcus Manlius, who was once termed also Capitolinus, and fell
+through seeking the tyranny, when about to be put to death by vote of
+all the jurors was saved by their looking just then at the Capitol,
+where he himself had performed famous deeds of valor,--until the one
+who spoke against him, perceiving the cause, transferred the assembly
+to another court-house from which the Capitol could not be seen at all
+and so a remembrance spring up of his trophies. Then they kill him.
+But on the other hand, even so, through the whole period the populace
+of Rome wore black, recompensing the graces of his valor and the
+inimitable manner of his distinguished behavior. (Tzetzes, Hist. 3,
+843-855. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)
+
+[Frag. XXVI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 381 (_a.u._ 373)] 1. ¶ Camillus made a campaign against
+the Tusculans, but thanks to the astonishing attitude that they adopted
+they suffered no harm. For just as if they themselves were guilty of no
+offence and the Romans entertained no anger toward them, but were either
+coming to them as friends to friends or else marching through their
+territory against some other tribes, they changed none of their
+accustomed habits and were not in the least disturbed: instead, all
+without exception remaining in their places, at their occupations and at
+their other work just as in time of peace, received the army within
+their borders, gave them hospitable gifts, and in other ways honored
+them like friends. Consequently the Romans so far from doing them harm
+enrolled them subsequently among the citizens. (Valesius, p.582.)
+
+[Frag. XXVII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 376 (_a.u._ 378)] 2. In Dio's 7th Book: "Tusculans did
+not raise their hands against him." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 123, 32.)
+
+1. ¶ The wife of Rufus, while he was military tribune and engaged in
+public service in the Forum was visited by her sister.[Footnote: Livy
+and Valerius Maximus give his name as _Gaius_.] When the husband arrived
+and the lichtor, according to some ancient custom, knocked at the door,
+the visitor was alarmed at this having never previously had any such
+experience and was startled. She was consequently the subject of hearty
+laughter on the part of her sister and the rest alike and she was made a
+butt for jests as one not at home in an official atmosphere because her
+husband had never proved his capacity in any position of authority. She
+took it terribly to heart, as women, from their littleness of soul,
+usually do, and would not give up her resentment until she had thrown
+all the city in an uproar. Thus small accidental events become, in some
+cases, the cause of many great evils, when a person receives them with
+jealousy and envy. (Mai, p.155. Zonaras, 7, 24)
+
+2. ¶ In the midst of evils expectation of rescue has power to persuade
+one to trust even in what is beyond reason. (Mai, p.156.)
+
+3. For by their disputes they kept constantly enfeebling in one way or
+another the good order of their government; consequently, all these
+objects so to speak for which they were formerly accustomed to wage
+the greatest wars they gained in time--not without factional quarrels,
+to be sure, but still with small difficulty. (Mai, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 368 (_a.u._ 386)] 4. ¶ Publius,[Footnote: The gap
+existing from the word "Forum" to the end of the sentence is supplied by
+Bekker's conjecture.] when the citizens of Rome were quarreling with one
+another, nearly reconciled them. For he chose as master of the horse
+Licinius Stolo, who was merely one of the populace.[Footnote: This is
+Publius Manlius, the dictator (Livy, VI, 39).] This innovation grieved
+the patricians, but conciliated the rest so much that they no longer
+laid claim to the consulship for the following year, but allowed the
+consular tribunes to be chosen. As a result of this they in turn yielded
+some points one to the other, and perhaps would have made peace with
+each other had not Stolo the tribune made such utterance as that they
+should not drink unless they could eat and so persuaded them to
+relinquish nothing, but to perform as inevitable duties all that they
+had taken in hand. (Valesius, p.585.)
+
+[Frag. XXVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 362 (_a.u._ 392)] 1. Dio Cassius Cocceianus, the
+compiler of Roman history, states that as a result of the wrath of
+Heaven a fissure opened in the ground round about Rome and would not
+close. An oracular utterance having been obtained to the effect that the
+fissure would close if they should throw into it the mightiest
+possession of the Romans, one Curtius, a knight of noble birth, when no
+one else was able to understand the oracle, himself interpreted it to
+mean a horse and man together. Straightway he mounted his horse and,
+just as he was, dashed heroically forward and passed down into that
+frightful pit. No sooner had he rushed down the incline than the fissure
+closed; and the rest of the Romans from above scattered flowers. From
+this event the name of Curtius was applied also to a cellar. (Io.
+Tzetzes, Scholia for the Interpretation of Homer's Iliad, p. 136, 17,
+Cp. Zonaras, 7, 25.)
+
+2. There is no mortal creature either better or stronger than man. Do
+you not see that all the rest go downwards and look forever toward the
+earth and accomplish nothing save what is closely connected with
+eating and the propagation of their species? So they have been
+condemned to these pursuits even by Nature herself. We alone gaze
+upwards and associate with heaven itself and despise those things that
+are on the earth, while we dwell with the gods themselves, believing
+them to be similar to us inasmuch as we are both their offspring and
+creations, not earthly but heavenly: for which reason we paint and
+fashion those very beings according to our forms. For, if one may
+speak somewhat boldly, man is naught else than a god with mortal body,
+and a god naught else than a man without body and consequently
+immortal. That is why we surpass all other creatures. And there is
+nothing afoot which we do not enslave, overtaking it by speed or
+subduing it by force or catching it by some artifice, nor yet aught
+that lives in the water or travels the air: nay, even of these two
+classes, we pull the former up from the depths without seeing them and
+drag the latter down from the sky without reaching them. (Mai, p. 532.
+Zonaras, 7, 25.)
+
+[Frag. XXIX]
+
+¶ Dio says: "Wherefore, although not accustomed to indulgence in
+digressions, I have taken pains to make mention of it and have stated in
+addition the Olympiad, in order that when most men forget the date of
+the migration,[Footnote: This last clause is a conjecture by Reimar.] it
+may, from the precaution mentioned, become less doubtful." (Mai, p.
+156.)
+
+[Frag. XXX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 353 (_a.u._ 401)] ¶ The Agyllaeans, when they ascertained
+that the Romans wished to make war on them, despatched ambassadors to
+Rome before any vote was taken, and obtained peace on surrender of half
+their territory. (Ursinus, p. 374.)
+
+[Frag. XXXI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 349 (_a.u._ 405)] Marcus Corvinus received the name of
+Corvinus because when once engaged with a barbarian in single combat, he
+had a savage crow as his ally in the battle, that flew at the eyes of
+the barbarian until this Marcus killed him at that time. (Tzetzes, Hist.
+3, 862-866. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 25.)
+
+[Frag. XXXII]
+
+1. These proposals and a few others of similar nature they put forward
+not because they expected to carry any of them into effect,--for they,
+if anybody, understood the purposes of the Romans,--but in order that
+failing to obtain their requests they might secure an excuse for
+complaints, on the ground that wrong had been done them. (Mai, p.
+156.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 2. Dio in Book 7: "And for this
+reason I shall execute you, in order that even as you obtain the prize
+for your prowess, so you may receive the penalty for your disobedience."
+[Footnote: The migration of Alexander(?). See Livy, VIII, 3, 6.]
+(Bekker, Anecd. p. 133, 19. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+3. The statement is made by Douris, Diodorus and Dio that when the
+Samnites, Etruscans and other nations were warring against the Romans,
+Decius, a Roman consul and associated with Torquatus in command of the
+troops, gave himself to be slain, and of the opposite side there were
+slaughtered a hundred thousand that very day.[Footnote: Words of
+Torquatus to his son.] (Io. Tzetzes, on Lycophr. 1378. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 4. ¶Dio says: "I am surprised that
+his (Decius's) death should have set the battle right again, should have
+defeated the side that was winning and have given victory to the men who
+were getting worsted: I can not even comprehend what brought about the
+result. When I reflect what some have accomplished,--for we know that
+many such chances have befallen many persons before,--I can not
+disbelieve the tradition: but when I come to calculate the causes of it,
+I fall into a great dilemma. How can you believe that from such a
+sacrifice of one man so great a multitude of human beings were brought
+over at once to safety and to victory? Well, the truth of the matter and
+the causes that are responsible shall be left to others to investigate."
+(Mai, p.157. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+5. It was evident to every one that they had considered the outcome of
+the event [Footnote: At the battle of Sentinum (295 B.C.).] and had
+ranged themselves on the victorious side. Torquatus did not, however,
+question them about it for fear they might revolt, since the affair of
+the Latins was still a sore point with them. He was not harsh in every
+case nor in most matters the sort of man he had shown himself toward his
+son: on the contrary, he was admitted to be good at planning and good in
+warfare, so that it was said by the citizens and by their adversaries
+alike that he held success in war subservient to him, and that if he had
+been leader of the Latins, he would certainly have made them conquer.
+(Mai, p.157, and Valesius, p.585.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 6. ¶The Romans, although vexed at
+Torquatus on account of his son to such an extent that deeds remarkable
+for their cold-blooded indifference [Footnote: The phrase after "deeds"
+is supplied from the general sense. The MS. shows a superlative ending
+of adjective form, but the root portion of the word is lost.] are called
+"Manliana," after him, and angry furthermore that he had celebrated the
+triumph in spite of the death of that youth, in spite of the death of
+his colleague, nevertheless when another war threatened them elected him
+again to a fourth consulship. He, however, refused to hold their chief
+office longer, and renounced it, declaring: "I could not endure you nor
+you me." (Mai, p.157. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 338 (_a.u._ 416)]  7. ¶The Romans by way of bringing the
+Latins in turn to a condition of friendliness, granted them
+citizenship so that they secured equal privileges with themselves.
+Those rights which they would not share with that people when it
+threatened war and for which they underwent so many dangers, they
+voluntarily voted to it now that they conquered. Thus they requited
+some for their allegiance and others because they had taken no steps
+of a revolutionary character. (Mai, p.158.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 328 (_a.u._ 426)] 8. ¶With reference to the inhabitants
+of Privernum the Romans made no enquiry, asking them what they deserved
+to suffer for such conduct. The others answered boldly: "Whatever is
+suitable for men who are free and desire so to continue." To the next
+question of the consul: "And what will you do if you obtain peace?" they
+replied: "If we are granted it on [Sidenote: B.C. 426 (_a.u._ 426)]
+fairly moderate terms, we will cease from disturbance, but if
+unendurable burdens are placed upon us, we will fight." Admiring their
+spirit they not only made a much more favorable truce with them than
+with the rest [lacuna] (Mai, p.158.)
+
+[Frag. XXXIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] 1. [From the address of the father
+of Rullus.] Be well assured that penalties most unfitting in such cases,
+while they destroy the culprits under sentence, who might have been made
+better, are of no avail in correcting the rest. Human nature refuses to
+leave its regular course for any threats. Some pressing fear or violence
+of audacity together with courage born of inexperience and rashness
+sprung from opportunity, or some other combination of circumstances such
+as often occurs unexpectedly in the careers of many persons leads men to
+do wrong. And these men are of two classes,--such as do not even think
+of the punishments but heedless of them rush into the business before
+them, and such as esteem them of no moment in comparison with the
+attainment of the ends for which they are striving.
+
+Consistent humanity, however, can produce an effect quite the opposite
+of that just now mentioned. Through the influence of a seasonable pardon
+the criminals frequently change their ways, especially when they have
+acted from brave and not from wicked motives, from ambition and not from
+baseness. For it should be noted that a reasonable humanity is a mighty
+force for subduing and correcting a noble soul. As for the rest, they
+are, without resistance, brought [Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] into
+a proper frame of mind by the sight of the rescue. Every one would
+rather obey than be forced, and prefers voluntary to compulsory
+observance of the law. He who submits to a measure works for it as if it
+were his own invention, but what is imposed upon him he rejects as
+unfitting for a freeman. Furthermore it is the part of the highest
+virtue and power alike not to kill a man,--this is often done by the
+wickedest and weakest men,--but to spare him and to preserve him; yet no
+one of us is at liberty to do that without your consent.
+
+It is my wish at length to cease from speaking. What little spirit I
+have is weary, my voice is giving way, tears check my utterance and fear
+closes my mouth. But I am at a loss how to close. For my suffering,
+appearing to me in no doubtful light, does not allow me (unless you
+decide otherwise) [Footnote: A clause that in the MS. has faded out is
+represented here by Boissevian's conjecture.] to be silent, but compels
+me, as if the safety of my child were going to be in accord with
+whatever I say last, to speak even further as it were in prayers. (Mai,
+p.159.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] 2. The name and form of the office with
+which he was invested he shrank from changing, and when he was intending
+to spare Rullus,--for he observed the zeal of the populace,--he wished
+to resist him somewhat before granting the favor and to alter the
+attitude of the young men, so as to have his pardon come unexpectedly.
+Therefore he contracted his face, and darting a harsh frowning look at
+the populace, he raised his voice and spoke. The talking ceased, but
+still they were not quiet: instead, as generally happens in such a case,
+what with groaning over his fate and whispering one to another, in spite
+of their not uttering a single word they gave the impression that they
+desired the rescue of the cavalry commander. Papirius seeing this, in
+fear of their possibly taking hostile action, relaxed the extremely
+domineering manner which he had assumed (for purposes of their
+correction) in an unusual degree, and by showing moderation in the rest
+of his actions brought them once more to friendship and enthusiasm for
+him, so that they proved themselves men when they met their opponents.
+(Mai, p.160. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+3. ¶The Samnites after their defeat at the hands of the Romans, made
+proposals for truce to the Romans in the city. They sent them all the
+Roman captives that they held, together with the property of a man named
+Papius, [Footnote: _Papius Brutulus_.] who was esteemed among the
+foremost of his race and bore the entire responsibility for the war; his
+bones, since he anticipated them in committing suicide, they scattered
+abroad. Yet they did not obtain their peace; for they were regarded as
+untrustworthy and had the name of making truces according to events
+merely for the purpose of cheating any power that conquered them: hence
+they not only failed to obtain terms, but even brought a relentless war
+upon themselves. The Romans while accepting their prisoners voted to
+make war upon them without announcement. (Ursinus, p.374. Zonaras, 7,
+26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 321. (_a.u._ 433)] 4. Among the many events of human
+history that might give one cause for wonder must certainly be reckoned
+what occurred at this time. The Romans, who were so extremely arrogant
+as to vote that they would not again receive a herald from the Samnites
+in the matter of peace and hoped moreover to capture them all at the
+first blow, succumbed to a terrible disaster and incurred disgrace as
+never before; the others, who to begin with were badly frightened and
+thought the refusal to make peace a great calamity, seized their camp
+and entire force, and sent them all under the yoke. So great a reverse
+of fortune did they suffer. (Mai, p.161. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+5. Benefits lie rather within the actual choice of men and are not
+brought about by necessity, or by ignorance, or anger, or deceit, or
+anything of the sort, but are performed voluntarily by a willing and
+eager condition of spirit. And for this reason it is proper to pity,
+admonish, instruct those who commit any error and to admire, love,
+reward those who do right. Whenever men act in both of these two ways,
+it is decidedly more befitting our characters to remember their better
+than their less correct deeds. [Footnote: Sections 5, 6, and 7 appear to
+come from various speeches delivered at the Caudine Forks; section 8,
+however, is from the speech of Herennius Pontius.] (Mai, p.535.)
+
+6. ¶Quarrels are checked by kindness. The greater the pitch of enmity to
+which a man has come when he unexpectedly obtains safety instead of
+severity, the more readily does he hasten voluntarily to abandon the
+quarrel and to acknowledge gladly the influence of kindness. B.C. 321
+(_a.u._ 433) As in a random host of persons at variance from divers
+causes those who have passed from friendship to enmity hate each other
+with the more intense hatred, so in a random host of persons kindly
+treated do those who receive this considerate treatment after a state of
+strife love their benefactors the more. Romans, accordingly, are very
+anxious to surpass in war and at the same time they honor virtue; for
+this reason, compelled in both regards by their nobility of spirit, they
+verily earn the right to surpass, since they take pains to recompense
+fair treatment fairly, and even beyond its value. (Mai, p.161.)
+
+7. For it is right to pride one's self upon requiting those who have
+done some wrong, but to feel more highly elated over recompensing such
+as have conferred some benefit. (Mai, p.536.)
+
+8. ¶All men are by nature so constituted as to grieve more over any
+insults offered them than they rejoice over benefits conferred upon
+them: therefore they show hostility to persons who have injured them
+with less effort than they require for aiding in return persons who have
+shown them kindness; hence also they make no account, when their own
+advantage is concerned, of the ill reputation they will gain by not
+taking a friendly attitude toward their preserver, but indulge a spirit
+of wrath even when such behavior runs counter to their own interest.
+
+Such was the advice he gave them out of his own inherent good sense
+and experience acquired in a long life, not looking to the
+gratification of the moment but to the possible regret of the future.
+(Mai, p.162.)
+
+9. ¶The people of Capua, when the Romans after [Sidenote: B.C. 321
+(_a.u._ 433)] their defeat arrived in that city, were guilty of no
+bitter speech or outrageous act, but on the contrary gave them both food
+and horses and received them like victors. They pitied in their
+misfortune the men whom they would have not wished to see conquer on
+account of the treatment those same persons had formerly accorded them.
+When the Romans heard of the event they were altogether possessed by
+doubt whether to be pleased at the survival of their soldiers or whether
+to continue displeased. When they thought of the depth of the disgrace
+their grief was extreme; for they deemed it unworthy of them to have met
+with defeat, and especially at the hands of the Samnites, so that they
+could wish that all had perished; when they stopped to reflect, however,
+that if such a calamity had befallen them all the rest as well would
+have incurred danger, they were not sorry to hear that the men had been
+saved. (Mai, p.162. Zonaras, 7, 26.) 10. ¶It is requisite and blameless
+for all men to plan for their own safety, and if they get into any
+danger to do anything whatsoever so as to be preserved. (Mai, p.163.)
+
+11. ¶Pardon is granted both by gods and by men to such as have committed
+any act involuntarily. (Ib. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+12. Dio in Book 8: "I both take to myself the crime and admit the
+perjury." (Bekker, Anecd. p.165, 13.)
+
+13. Dio in Book 8: "For in all such matters he was quite all-sufficient
+to himself." [Footnote: This is thought to refer to L. Papirius Cursor or
+possibly to Q. Fabius Maximus. Cp. Livy, X, 26.] (Ib. p.124, 1.)
+
+14.[Sidenote: B.C. 321 (_a.u._ 433)] ¶The Samnites, seeing that neither
+were the oaths observed by them nor gratitude for favors manifested in
+any other way, and that few instead of many were surrendered, thus
+making void the oaths, became terribly angry and loudly called upon the
+gods in respect to some of these matters: moreover, they brought the
+pledges to their attention, demanded the captives, and ordered them to
+pass naked under the same yoke where through pity they had been
+released, in order that by experience they might learn to abide by terms
+which had been once agreed upon. The men that had been surrendered they
+dismissed, either because they did not think it right to destroy
+guiltless persons or because they wished to fasten the perjury upon the
+populace and not through the punishment of a few men to absolve the
+rest. This they did, hoping as a result to secure decent treatment.
+(Mai, p.163. Zonaras, 7, 26.) 15. ¶The Romans so far from being grateful
+to the Samnites for the preservation of the surrendered soldiers,
+actually behaved as if they had in this suffered some outrage. They
+showed anger in their conduct of the war, and, being victorious, treated
+the Samnites in the same way. For the justice of the battle-field does
+not fit the ordinary definition of the word, and it is not inevitable
+that the party which has been wronged should conquer: instead, war, in
+its absolute sway, adjusts everything to the advantage of the victor,
+often causing something that is the reverse of justice to go under that
+name. (Mai, p.163. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+16.[Sidenote: B.C. 321 (_a.u._ 433)] ¶The Romans after vanquishing the
+Samnites sent the captives in their turn under the yoke, regarding as
+satisfactory to their honor a repayment of similar disgrace. So did
+Fortune for both parties in the briefest time reverse her position and
+by treating the Samnites to the same humiliation at the hands of their
+outraged foes show clearly that here, too, she was all-supreme. (Mai, p.
+164. Zonaras, 7, 26.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 319 (_a.u._ 435)] 17. ¶ Papirius made a campaign against
+the Samnites and having reduced them to a state of siege entrenched
+himself before them. At this time some one reproached him with excessive
+use of wine, whereupon he replied: "That I am not intoxicated is clear
+to every one from the fact that I am up at the peep of dawn and lie down
+to rest latest of all. But on account of having public affairs on my
+mind day and night alike, and not being able to obtain sleep easily, I
+take a little wine to lull me to rest." (Mai, ib.)
+
+18. ¶ The same man one day while making the rounds of the garrison
+became angry on not finding the general from Praeneste at his post. He
+summoned him and bade him hand the axe to the lictor. Alarm and
+consternation at this was evident on the part of the general, and his
+fear sufficed. Papirius harmed him no further but merely gave orders to
+the lictor to cut off some roots growing beside the tents, so that they
+should not injure passers-by. (Mai, ib.)
+
+19. ¶ In numerous cases instances of good fortune are not at all
+constant, but lead many aside into paths of carelessness and ruin
+them.[Footnote: Cp. Livy, IX, 18, 8.] (Mai, p. 165.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 310 (_a.u._ 444)] 20. ¶ The men of the city put forward
+Papirius as dictator, and fearing that Rullus might be unwilling to name
+him on account of his own experiences while master of the horse, they
+sent for him and begged him to put the common weal before a private
+grudge. And he gave the envoys, indeed, no response, but when night had
+come (according to ancient custom it was quite necessary that the
+dictator be appointed at night), he named Papirius and secured by this
+act the greatest renown.(Valesius, p. 585.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 296 (_a.u._)] 21. ¶ Appius the Blind and Volumnius
+became at variance each with the other: and it was owing to this that
+Volumnius once, when Appius charged him in the assembly with showing no
+gratitude for the progress he had made in wisdom through Appius's
+instruction, answered that he had indeed grown wiser and was likewise
+ready to admit it, but that Appius had not advanced at all in matters
+pertaining to war. (Mai, p. 165.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 296 (_a.u._ 458)] 22. ¶ As regards the prophecy the
+multitude was not capable for the time being of either believing or
+disbelieving him.[Footnote: I.e., Manius, an Etruscan.] It neither
+wished to hope for everything, inasmuch as it did not desire to see
+everything fulfilled, nor did it dare to refuse belief in all points
+inasmuch as it wished to be victorious, but was placed in an extremely
+painful position, as it were between confusion and fear. As each single
+event occurred they applied the interpretation to it according to the
+actual result, and the man himself undertook to assume some reputation
+for skill with regard to the foreknowledge of the unseen. (Mai, p. 165.
+Cp. Zonaras, 8, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 293 (_a.u._ 461)] 23. ¶ The Samnites, enraged at what
+occurred and deeming it highly disgraceful to be defeated, resorted to
+extreme daring and folly with the intention of either conquering or
+being utterly destroyed. They assembled all their men that were of
+military age, threatening with death all that should remain at home, and
+they bound themselves with frightful oaths to the effect that no man
+should flee from the contest but should slaughter any person that might
+undertake to do so. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 292 (_a.u._ 462)] 24. ¶ The Romans on hearing that their
+consul Fabius had been worsted in the war became terribly angry and
+summoned him to stand trial. A vehement denunciation of the man was
+made before the people,--and, indeed, he was depressed by the injury to
+his father's reputation even more than by the complaints,--and no
+opportunity was afforded the object of the attack for reply. Nor did the
+elder man make a set defence of his son, but by enumerating his own
+services and those of his ancestors, and by promising furthermore that
+his son would do nothing unworthy of them, he abated the people's wrath,
+especially since he urged his son's youth. Moreover, he joined him at
+once in the campaign, overthrew the Samnites in battle, though they were
+elated by their victory, and captured their camp and great booty. The
+Romans therefore extolled him and ordered that his son also should
+command for the future with consular powers, and still employ his father
+as lieutenant. The latter managed and arranged everything for him,
+sparing his old age not a whit, and the allied forces readily assisted
+the father in remembrance of his old-time deeds. He made it clear,
+however, that he was not executing the business on his own
+responsibility, but he associated with his son as if actually in the
+capacity of counselor and under-officer, while he moderated his
+temperament and assigned to him the glory of the exploits. (Valesius, p.
+585. Zonaras, 8, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 291 (_a.u._ 463)] 25. ¶ The soldiers with Junius who took
+the field along with Postumius fell sick on the way, and thought that
+their trouble was due to the felling of the grove. He was recalled for
+these reasons, but showed contempt for them even at this juncture,
+declaring that the senate was not his master but that he was master of
+the senate [lacuna] Envio [lacuna] and the [lacuna] men much [lacuna]
+ambition [lacuna] [Words of Postumius Megillus: Cp. Dionys. Hal. Ant.
+Rom. 16, [Footnote: The famous Apollonius of Tyana.]. (Mai, p. 167.)
+
+[Frag. XXXIV]
+
+¶ Gaius Fabricius in most respects was like Rufinus, but in
+incorruptibility far superior. He was very firm against bribes, and on
+that account did not please Rufinus, but was always at variance with
+him. Yet the latter chose Fabricius, thinking that he was a most proper
+person to meet the requirements of the war, and making his personal
+enmity of little account in comparison with the advantage of the
+commonwealth.
+
+[Frag. XXXIV]
+
+As a result he gained some reputation for having shown himself above
+jealousy, which springs up in the hearts of many of the best men by
+reason of emulation. Since he was a thorough patriot and did not
+practice virtue for a show he thought it a matter of indifference
+whether the State were benefited by him or through some other man, even
+if that man should be an opponent. (Valesius, p.586.)
+
+[Frag. XXXV]
+
+¶Cornelius Fabricius, when asked why he had entrusted the business to
+his foe, [lacuna][Footnote: See Niebuhr, Rh. Mus., 1828, p.600, or
+_Kleine Schriften_, 2, p.241.] the general excellence of Rufius and
+added that to be spoiled by the citizen is preferable to being bought
+and sold by the enemy. [This anecdote concerns Fabricius Luscinus,
+mentioned by Cicero, de orat. 2, 66, 268; Quintilian 12, 1, 43; Gellius
+4, 48.]
+
+[Frag. XXXVI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 290 (_a.u._ 464)] ¶Curius, in defence of his conduct in
+the popular assembly, said that he had acquired so much land [lacuna]
+and had hunted for so many men [lacuna] country [lacuna] [The person
+referred to is Manius Curius Dentatus. Cp. Auct. de Viris. Illustr., c.
+33.
+
+¶After Niebuhr, Rh. Mus. 1828, p.579.]
+
+[Frag. XXXVII]
+
+¶When the tribunes moved an annulment of debts, the law was often
+proposed without avail, since the lenders were by no means willing to
+accept it and the tribunes granted the nobles the choice of either
+putting this law to the vote or following that of Stolo, by which they
+were to reckon the previous interest toward the principal and receive
+the remainder in triennial payments. [Footnote: The opening portion of
+this fragment is based largely on conjectures of Niebuhr (Rhein. Mus.,
+1828, p.579ff.)] And for the time being the weaker party, dreading lest
+it might lose all, paid court to them, and the wealthier class,
+encouraged to think it would not be compelled to adopt either course,
+maintained a hostile attitude. But when the revolted [Footnote: A
+doubtful reading.] party proceeded to press matters somewhat, both sides
+changed their positions. The debtors were no longer satisfied with
+either plan, and the nobles thought themselves lucky if they should not
+be deprived of their principal. Hence the dispute was not decided
+immediately, but subsequently they prolonged their rivalry in a spirit
+of contentiousness, and did not act at all in their usual character.
+Finally the people made peace in spite of the fact that the nobles were
+unwilling to remit much more than they had originally expected; however,
+the more they beheld their creditors yielding, the more were they
+emboldened, as if they were successful by a kind of right; and
+consequently they regarded the various concessions almost as matters of
+course and strove for yet more, using as a stepping-stone to that end
+the fact that they had already obtained something. (Mai, p.167. Zonaras,
+8,2.)
+
+[Frag. XXXVIII]
+
+¶When the opposite side [Footnote: The Tuscans, Senones, and Gauls
+appear to be meant.] saw also another general approaching, they ceased
+to heed the common interests of their force but each cast about to
+secure his individual safety, as a common practice of those who form a
+union uncemented by kindred blood, or who make a campaign without common
+grievances, or who have not one commander. While good fortune attends
+them their views are harmonious, but in disaster each one sees before
+him only matters of individual concern. They betook themselves to flight
+as soon as it had grown dark, without having communicated to one another
+their intention. In a body they thought it would be impossible for them
+to force their way out or for their defection to pass unnoticed, but if
+they should leave each on his own account and, as they believed, alone,
+they would more easily escape. And so, to his own party,--each one of
+them [lacuna] they will think that accomplishing their flight with the
+greatest security [lacuna] (Mai, p.167.)
+
+[Frag. XXXIX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 283 (_a.u._ 471)] 1. The Romans had learned that the
+Tarentini and some others were making ready to war against them, and had
+despatched Fabricius as an envoy to the allied cities to prevent them
+from committing any revolutionary act: but they had him arrested, and by
+sending men to the Etruscans and Umbrians and Gauls they caused a number
+of them also to secede, some immediately and some a little later.
+(Ursinus, p.375. Zonaras, 8, 2-Vol. II, p.174, 4 sq.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 283 (_a.u._ 471)] 2. ¶The Tarentini, although they had
+themselves initiated the war, nevertheless were sheltered from fear. For
+the Romans, who understood what they were doing, pretended not to know
+it on account of temporary embarrassments. Hereupon the Tarentini,
+thinking that they either could mock [Footnote: Verb adopted from
+Boissevain's conjecture [Greek: _diasilloun_] (cp. the same word in Book
+Fifty-nine, chapter 25). at Rome or were entirely unobserved because
+they were receiving no complaints behaved still more insolently and
+involved the Romans even contrary to their own wishes in a war. This
+proved the saying that even good fortune, when a disproportionately
+large portion of it falls to the lot of any individuals, becomes the
+cause of disaster to them; it entices them on to a state of frenzy
+(since moderation refuses to cohabit with vanity) and ruins their
+greatest interests. So these Tarentini, too, after rising to an
+unexampled height of prosperity in turn met with a misfortune that was
+an equivalent return for their wantonness. (Mai, p.168 and 536.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 282 (_a.u._ 472)] 3. Dio in Book 9: "Lucius Valerius,
+[Footnote: Appian (Samnite Wars, VII, 1) gives the second name as
+Cornelius.] who was admiral of the Romans and had been despatched on
+some errand by them." (Bekker, Anecd. p.158, 25. Zonaras, 8, 2.)
+
+4. ¶Lucius was despatched by the Romans to Tarentum. Now the Tarentini
+were celebrating the Dionysia, and sitting gorged with wine in the
+theatre of an afternoon suspected that he was sailing against them as an
+enemy. Immediately in a passion and partly under the influence of their
+intoxication they set sail in turn: so without any show of force on his
+part or the slightest expectation of any hostile act they attacked and
+sent to the bottom both him and many others. When the Romans heard of
+this they naturally were angry, but did not choose to take the field
+against Tarentum at once. However, they despatched envoys in order not
+to seem to have passed over the affair in silence and by that means
+render them more impudent. But the Tarentini, so far from receiving them
+decently or even sending them back with an answer in any way suitable,
+at once, before so much as granting them an audience, made sport of
+their dress and general appearance. It was the city garb, which we use
+in the Forum; and this the envoys had put on, either for the sake of
+stateliness or else through fear, thinking that this at least would
+cause the foreigners to respect their position. Bands of revelers
+accordingly jeered at them,--they were still celebrating the festival,
+which, although they were at no time noted for temperate behavior,
+rendered them still more wanton,--and finally a man planted himself in
+the road of Postumius and, with a forward inclination, threw him down
+and soiled his clothing. At this an uproar arose from all the rest, who
+praised the fellow as if he had performed some remarkable deed, and they
+sang many scurrilous anapaests upon the Romans, accompanied by applause
+and capering steps. But Postumius cried: "Laugh, laugh while you may!
+For long will be the period of your weeping, when you shall wash this
+garment clean with your blood." (Ursinus, p.375. Mai, 168. Zonaras, 8,
+2.)
+
+5. Hearing this they ceased their jests but could accomplish nothing
+towards obtaining pardon for their insult: however, they took to
+themselves credit for a kindness in the fact that they let the
+ambassadors withdraw unharmed. (Mai, ib.)
+
+6. ¶Meton, failing to persuade the Tarentini not to engage in
+hostilities with the Romans, retired unobserved from the assembly, put
+garlands on his head, and returned along with some fellow-revelers and a
+flute girl. At the sight of him singing and dancing the kordax, they
+gave up the business in hand to accompany his movements with shouts and
+hand-clapping, as is often done under such circumstances. But he, after
+reducing them to silence, spoke: "Now it is yours both to be drunken and
+to revel, but if you accomplish what you plan to do, we shall be
+slaves." (Mai, p.169.)
+
+[Frag. XL]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 281 (_a.u._ 473)] ¶King Pyrrhus was not only king of the
+district called Epirus, but had made the larger part of the Greek world
+his own, partly by kindness and partly by fear. The AEtolians, who at
+that period possessed great power, and Philip [Footnote: The son of
+Cassander, who ruled only four months in B. C. 296.] the Macedonian, and
+the chief men in Illyricum did his bidding. By natural brilliancy and
+force of education and experience in affairs he far surpassed all, so as
+to be esteemed far beyond what was warranted by his own powers and those
+of his allies, although these powers were great. (Valesius, p.589.
+Zonaras, 8, 2.)
+
+2. ¶Pyrrhus, the king of Epirus, had a particularly high opinion of his
+powers in that he was deemed by foreign nations a match for the Romans:
+and he believed that it would be opportune to assist the fugitives who
+had taken refuge with him, especially as they were Greeks, and at the
+same time to anticipate the Romans with some plausible excuse before he
+received any damage at their hands. So careful was he about a fair
+pretext that though he had long had his eye on Sicily and had been
+considering how he could overthrow the Roman dominion, he shrank from
+taking the initiative in hostilities, when no wrong had been done him.
+(Mai, p.169. Zonaras, 8, 2.)
+
+3. ¶King Pyrrhus was said to have captured more cities by Cineas than by
+his own spear. For the latter, says Plutarch, [Footnote: Cp. Plutarch,
+Life of Pyrrhus, chapter 14.] was skilled in speaking,--the only one in
+fact to be compared in skill with Demosthenes. Notwithstanding, as a
+sensible man, he spoke in opposition to Pyrrhus, pointing out to him the
+folly of the expedition. For the king intended by his prowess to rule
+the whole earth, whereas Cineas urged him to be satisfied with his own
+possessions, which were sufficient for enjoyment. But the man's fondness
+for war and fondness for leadership prevailed against the advice of
+Cineas and caused him to depart in disgrace from both Sicily and Italy,
+after losing in all of the battles many myriads of his own forces.
+(Valesius, p.586.)
+
+4. ¶Pyrrhus sent to Dodona and enquired of the oracle about the
+expedition. And a response having come to him: "You, if you cross into
+Italy, Romans shall conquer," he construed it according to his wish (for
+desire has mighty power to deceive any one) and would not even await the
+coming of spring. (Mai, p.169.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 280 (_a.u._ 474)] 5. ¶The Rhegians had asked of the
+Romans a garrison, and Decius [Footnote: _Decius Vibellius_.] was the
+leader of it. The majority of these guards, accordingly, as a result of
+the excess of supplies and general easy habits,--for they enjoyed a far
+less strenuous existence than they had known at home,--through the
+persuasion of Decius formed the desire to kill the foremost Rhegians and
+occupy the city. It seemed as though they might be quite free to perform
+whatever they pleased, unconcerned about the Romans, who were busied
+with the Tarentini and with Pyrrhus. Decius was further enabled to
+persuade them by the fact that they saw Messana in the power of the
+Mamertines. The latter, who were Campanians and had been appointed to
+garrison it by Agathocles, the lord of Sicily, had slaughtered the
+natives and occupied the town.
+
+The conspirators did not, however, make their attempt openly, since they
+were decidedly inferior in numbers. Letters were forged by Decius,
+purporting to have been written to Pyrrhus by some citizens with a view
+to the betrayal of the city. He next assembled the soldiers and read
+these to them, stating that they had been intercepted, and by his talk
+(the character of which may easily be conceived) excited them greatly.
+The effect was enhanced by the sudden announcement of a man (who had
+been assigned to the role) that a portion of Pyrrhus's fleet had
+anchored somewhere off the coast, having come for a conference with the
+traitors. Others, who had been instructed, magnified the matter, and
+shouted out that they must anticipate the Rhegians before some harm
+happened, and that the traitors, ignorant of what was being done, would
+find it difficult to resist them. So some rushed down to the landing
+places, and others broke into the houses and slaughtered great
+numbers,--save that a few had been invited to dinner by Decius and were
+slain there. (Valesius, p.589.)
+
+6. ¶Decius, commander of the garrison, after slaying the Rhegians,
+ratified friendship with the Mamertines, thinking that the similar
+nature of their outrages would render them most trustworthy allies. He
+was well aware that a great many men find the ties resulting from some
+common transgression stronger to unite them than the obligations of
+lawful association or the bonds of kinship. (Mai, p.170.)
+
+7. ¶The Romans suffered some reproach from them for a while, until such
+time as they took the field against them. For since they were busied
+with concerns that were greater and more urgent, what these men did
+seemed to some of comparatively little importance. (Mai, p.170.)
+
+8. ¶The Romans, on learning that Pyrrhus was to come, stood in terror of
+him, since they had heard that he was a good warrior and had a large
+force by no means despicable as an adversary,--the sort of information,
+of course, that is always given to enquirers in regard to persons
+unknown to them who live at a very great distance. (Mai, p.170. Zonaras,
+8,3.)
+
+9. For it is impossible that persons not brought up under the same
+institutions, nor filled with the same ambitions, nor regarding the same
+things as base or noble, should ever become friends with one
+another. [Footnote: Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are thought to be possibly from
+the speech made by Laevinus to the soldiers (Zonaras, VIII, 3, 6).]
+(Mai, p. 537.)
+
+10. ¶Ambition and distrust are always qualities of tyrants, and so it is
+inevitable that they should possess no real friend. A man who is
+distrusted and envied could not love any one sincerely. Moreover, a
+similarity of habits and a like station in life and the fact that the
+same objects are disastrous and beneficial to persons are the only
+forces that can create true, firm friends. Wherever any one of these
+conditions is lacking, you see a delusive appearance of comradeship, but
+find it to be without secure support. (Mai, p.170 and 537.)
+
+11. ¶Generalship, if it is assisted by respectable forces of men,
+contributes greatly both to their preservation and their chances of
+victory, but by itself is worth nothing. Nor is there any other
+profession that is of weight without persons to cooeperate and to aid in
+its administration. (Mai, p.171.)
+
+12. ¶When Megacles was dead and Pyrrhus had cast off his cap the battle
+took an opposite turn. One side was filled with much greater boldness by
+his preservation and the fact that he had survived contrary to their
+fears than if the idea had never gained ground that he was dead: the
+other side, deceived, had no second fund of zeal to expend, but, since
+they had been cut short in their premature encouragement and because of
+the sudden change in their feelings to an expectation of less favorable
+results, had no hope that he might subsequently perish once more. (Mai,
+p.171. Zonaras, 8, 3.)
+
+13. ¶When certain men congratulated Pyrrhus on his victory, he accepted
+the glory of the exploit, but said that if he should ever conquer again
+in like fashion, it would be his ruin. Besides this story, it is told of
+him that he admired the Romans even in their defeat and judged them
+superior to his own soldiers, declaring: "I should already have mastered
+the whole inhabited world, were I king of the Romans." (Mai, p.171.
+Zonaras, 8, 3.)
+
+14. ¶Pyrrhus became famous for his victory and acquired a great
+reputation from it, to such an extent that many who were standing
+neutral came over to his side and that all the allies who had been
+watching the turn of events espoused his cause. He did not openly
+display anger towards them nor conceal entirely his suspicions; he
+rebuked them somewhat for their tardiness, but otherwise received them
+kindly. The result of showing excessive irritation would be, he feared,
+their open estrangement, while if he failed to reveal his real feelings
+at all, he thought that he would either be condemned by them for his
+simplicity in not comprehending what they had done, or would be
+suspected of harboring secret wrath. Such a surmise would breed in them
+either contempt or hatred, or would lead to a plot against him, due to
+the desire to anticipate injuries that they might suffer at his hands.
+For these reasons, then, he conversed affably with them and presented to
+them some of the spoils. (Mai, p.172. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+15. ¶Pyrrhus at first undertook to persuade the Roman captives (who
+were many) to join with him in a campaign against Rome; when, however,
+they refused, he treated them with the utmost consideration and did not
+put them in prison or harm them in any other way, his intention being to
+restore them voluntarily and through their agency to win over the city
+without a battle. (Valesius, p.590.)
+
+16. ¶The Romans, who by reason of the elephants,--a kind of beast that
+they had never before seen,--had fallen into dismay, still, by
+reflecting on the mortal nature of the animals and the fact that no
+beast is superior to man, but that all of them in every way show
+inferiority if not as regards strength, at least in respect to
+understanding, they gradually became encouraged. (Mai, p.172.)
+
+17. ¶The soldiers of Pyrrhus, also, both his native followers and the
+allies, showed tremendous eagerness for plunder, which seemed to lie
+ready before them and to be free from danger. (Mai, ib.)
+
+18. ¶The Epirots dishonored the ties of friendship, through vexation
+that after making the campaign supported by high hopes they were getting
+nothing except trouble. And this happened very opportunely for the
+Romans: for the dwellers in Italy that had leagued themselves with him,
+on seeing that he ravaged the possessions of allies and enemies alike,
+withdrew. In other words, his acts made a greater impression upon them
+than his promises. (Mai, ib.)
+
+19. ¶Pyrrhus dreaded being cut off on all sides by the Romans, while he
+was in unfamiliar regions. When his allies showed displeasure at this he
+told them that he could see clearly from the country itself what a
+difference existed between them and the Romans. The subject territory
+of the latter had all kinds of trees, vineyards and farms, and expensive
+agricultural machinery; whereas the property of his own friends had been
+so pillaged, that it was impossible to tell even whether it had ever
+been settled. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+20. ¶The same man, when as he was retreating it occurred to him to
+wonder [Footnote: Gap supplied by van Herwerden.] how he beheld the army
+of Laevinus much larger than it was before, declared that the Roman
+troops when cut to pieces grew whole again, hydra-fashion. This did not,
+however, cause him to lose courage: he made preparations in his turn,
+but did not come to the issue of battle. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8,4.)
+
+21. ¶Pyrrhus, who learned that Fabricius and other envoys were
+approaching, to treat in behalf of the captives, sent a guard to them as
+far as the border, to the end that they should suffer no violence at the
+hands of the Tarentini, met them in due time, escorted them to the city,
+entertained them brilliantly and honored them in other ways, expecting
+that they would ask for a truce and make such terms as was proper for a
+defeated party. (Ursinus, p.376. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+22. ¶When Fabricius made this statement merely: "The Romans sent us to
+bring back the men captured in battle, and to pay ransoms of such size
+for them as shall be agreed upon by both of us," he was quite
+dumbfounded because the man did not say that he was commissioned to
+treat about peace; and after removing them he took counsel with the
+friends who were usually his advisers partly, to be sure, about the
+return of the captives, but chiefly about the war and its management,
+whether with vehemence or in some other way it [lacuna] (Four pages are
+lacking.) (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+23 [lacuna]. "to manage, or to run the risk of battles and combats, the
+outcome of which is doubtful. [Footnote: Cineas is the speaker.] Hence,
+if you heed me, Milo, and the old proverb, you will not employ violence
+for any purpose rather than skill, where the latter is feasible, since
+Pyrrhus knows precisely what he has to do and does not need to be
+enlightened by us regarding a single detail of his program." By this
+speech they were all brought to one decision, particularly because this
+course entailed neither loss nor danger, whereas the others were likely
+to bring both. And Pyrrhus, being of this mind, said to the ambassadors:
+"Not willingly, Romans, did I previously make war upon you, and I would
+not war against you now: I feel that it is of the highest importance to
+become your friend, and for this reason I release all the captives
+without ransom and make a treaty of peace." Privately, also, he did them
+favors, in order that, if possible, they might take his part, or at any
+rate obtain friendship for him. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+24. Pyrrhus made friends of nearly all, and with Fabricius he conversed
+as follows: "Fabricius, I do not want to be at war with you any longer,
+and indeed I repent that I heeded the Tarentini in the first place and
+came hither, although I have beaten you badly in battle. I would gladly,
+then, become a friend to all the Romans, but most of all to you. For I
+see that you are a thoroughly excellent and reputable [Footnote: The two
+words "and reputable" are a conjecture of Bossevain's. Some ten letters
+in the MS. have faded out.] man. I accordingly ask you to help me in
+getting peace and furthermore to accompany me home. I want to make a
+campaign against Greece and need you as adviser and general." Fabricius
+replied: "I commend you for repenting of your expedition and desiring
+peace, and will cordially assist you in that purpose if it is to our
+advantage (for of course you will not ask me, a man who pretends to
+uprightness, as you say, to do anything against my country); but an
+adviser and general you must never choose from a democracy: as for me, I
+have no leisure whatever. Nor could I ever accept any of these things,
+because it is not seemly for an ambassador to receive gifts at all. I
+would fain know, therefore, whether you in very truth regard me as a
+reputable man or not. If I am a scoundrel, how is it that you deem me
+worthy of gifts? If, on the other hand, I am a man of honor, how can you
+bid me accept them? Let me assure you, then, of the fact that I have
+many possessions and am in no need of more: what I own supplies me and I
+feel no desire for what belongs to others. You, however, even if you
+believe yourself ever so rich, are in unspeakable poverty. For you would
+not have crossed over to this land, leaving behind Epirus and the rest
+of your dominions, if you had been content with them and had not been
+reaching out for more. Whenever a man is in this condition and sets no
+limit to his greed, he is the poorest of beggars. And why? Because he
+longs for everything not his own as if it were absolutely necessary, and
+with the idea that he could not live without it.
+
+"Consequently I would gladly, since you call yourself my friend, afford
+you a little of my own wealth. It is far more secure and imperishable
+than yours, and no one envies it or plots against it, neither populace
+nor tyrant: best of all, the larger the number of persons who share it,
+the greater it will grow. In what, accordingly, does it consist? In
+using the little one has with as much satisfaction as if it were
+inexhaustible, in refraining from the goods of others as if they
+contained some mighty danger, in wronging no man, in doing well to
+many, and in numberless other details, which only a person of leisure
+could rehearse. I, for my part, should choose, if it were absolutely
+necessary to suffer either one or the other, to perish by violence
+rather than by deceit. The former falls to the lot of some by the decree
+of Fortune, but the latter only as a result of folly and great greed of
+gain: it is, therefore, preferable to fall by the crushing hand of Fate
+[Footnote: Omitting [Greek: ti], and reading [Greek: thehioy], which the
+MSS. give.] rather than by one's own baseness. In the former instance a
+man's body is laid low, but in the latter his soul is ruined as
+well,[lacuna] but in that case a man becomes to a certain extent the
+slayer of himself, because he who has once taught his soul not to be
+content with the fortune already possessed, acquires a boundless desire
+for increased advantages." (Mai, pp.174 and 538. Zonaras, 8, 4.)
+
+25. And they presented themselves for the enlistment with the greatest
+zeal, believing, each man of them, that his own defection would mean the
+overthrow of the fatherland. [Footnote: Cp. Plutarch, Life of Pyrrhus,
+chapter 18 (early).] (Mai, p.176.)
+
+26. Such is the nature of oratory and so great is its power that it led
+even them to change, causing courage and hatred to take the place
+respectively of the fear inspired by Pyrrhus and the estrangements his
+gifts had wrought. (Mai, ib.)
+
+27. ¶Every force which, contrary to expectation, is humbled in spirit,
+suffers a loss also in strength. (Mai, p.177.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 279 (_a.u._ 475)] 28. ¶Pyrrhus sent to Decius, telling
+him that he would not succeed in accomplishing this even if he wished it
+[i. e., to die without being seized] and threatened besides that if he
+were taken alive he should perish miserably. To this the consuls
+answered that they were in no need of having recourse to such a
+proceeding as the one to which he alluded, since they were sure to
+conquer him in other ways. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 5.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 278 (_a.u._ 476)] 29. He did not know how he would
+repulse the one of them [Footnote: "They" are C. Fabricius Luscinus and
+Q. Aemilius Papus, Roman consuls.] first, nor how he should repel them
+both, and was in perplexity. To divide the army, which was smaller than
+that of his opponents, was something he feared to do, yet to allow one
+of them to ravage the country with impunity seemed to him almost out of
+the question. (Mai, p.177.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 277 (_a.u._ 477)] 30. However, he behaved in general
+toward them with great circumspection, and awarded greater credit for
+his safety to the fact that no one, even if he wished, could harm him,
+than to the probability that no one would have desired to inflict an
+injury. It was for this reason, too, that he expelled and slew many who
+held office and many who called him in to help in their disputes. This
+was partly because he was somewhat displeased with them, on account of
+their statements that he had secured the reins of power in the State
+through their influence, and partly because he was suspicious of them
+and thought that as they had come over to his side so they might go over
+to some one else's [lacuna] (Mai, p.178. Zonaras, 8, 5.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 276 (_a.u._ 479)] 31. ¶As the allies were unwilling to
+contribute anything for the support of Pyrrhus, he betook himself to the
+treasuries of Persephone, that were widely reputed for their wealth,
+despoiled them and sent the spoils on ships to Tarentum. And the men
+almost all perished through a storm, while the money and offerings were
+cast out on land. (Valesius, p.590.)
+
+32. ¶All admired the following act of Pyrrhus. Some youths at a banquet
+had ridiculed him, and at first he wished to have them before a court
+and exact vengeance, but, afterward, when they declared: "We should have
+said a lot more things a good deal worse, if the wine hadn't failed us,"
+he laughed and let them go. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 6.)
+
+[Frag. XLI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 273 (_a.u._ 481)] ¶Ptolemy, nicknamed Philadelphus,
+king of Egypt, when he learned that Pyrrhus had fared poorly and that
+the Romans were growing, sent gifts to them and made a compact. The
+Romans, accordingly, pleased that a monarch living so very far away
+should have come to respect them, despatched ambassadors to him in turn.
+From him the envoys, too, received magnificent gifts; but when they had
+offered these to the treasury, they would not accept them. (Ursinus,
+p.374. Zonaras, 8, 6.)
+
+[Frag. XLII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 266 (_a.u._ 488)]¶Though the Romans were faring in this
+manner and were constantly rising to greater heights they showed no
+haughtiness as yet: on the contrary, they surrendered to the
+Appolloniatians (Corinthian colonists on the Ionian Gulf) Quintus
+Fabius, a senator, because he had insulted some of their ambassadors.
+The people of this town, however, did him no harm, and even sent him
+home. (Valesius, p.590. Zonaras, 8, 7.)
+
+[Frag. XLIII]
+
+1. ¶The causes responsible for the dispute between the two were--on the
+side of the Romans that the Carthaginians had assisted the Tarentini, on
+the side of the Carthaginians, that the Romans had made a treaty of
+friendship with Hiero. But these they merely put forward as excuses, as
+those are inclined to do who in reality are desirous of advancing their
+own interests but pause before a reputation for such action. The truth
+is different. As a matter of fact, the Carthaginians, who had long been
+powerful, and the Romans, who were now growing rapidly, kept viewing
+each other with jealousy; and they were incited to war partly by the
+desire of continually getting more, according to the instinct of the
+majority of mankind, most active when they are most successful, and
+partly also by fear. Each alike thought that the one sure salvation for
+her own possessions lay in obtaining what the other held. If there had
+been no other reason, it was most difficult, nay, impossible, for two
+nations that were free, powerful, and proud, and separated from each
+other, so to speak, only a very short distance (considering the speed of
+voyages) to rule any outside tribes and yet keep their hands off each
+other. But a mere accident of the kind that befell broke the truce they
+had been keeping and dashed them together in war. (Mai, p.178. Zonaras,
+8, 8.)
+
+2. ¶The conflict, according to report, concerned Messana and Sicily, but
+in reality both parties perceived that from this region danger
+threatened their native land, and they thought that the island, lying,
+as it did, between them, would furnish to the side that conquered it a
+safe base for operations against the other party. (Mai, p.179. Zonaras,
+8, 8.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 264 (_a.u._ 490)] 3. ¶Gaius Claudius came to the meeting,
+and among other remarks which he made to tempt them declared that the
+object of his presence was to free the city, since the Romans had no
+need of Messana; and that he would immediately sail away, as soon as he
+should set their affairs in order. Next he bade the Carthaginians also
+either to withdraw, or, if they had any just plea to offer, to submit
+to arbitration. Now when not one of the Mamertines (by reason of fear)
+opened his lips, and the Carthaginians since they were occupying the
+city by force of arms paid little heed to him, he stated that the
+silence on both sides afforded sufficient evidence: on the part of the
+invaders it showed that they were in the wrong, for they would have
+justified themselves if their purposes were at all honest, and on the
+part of the Mamertines that they desired freedom; they might have been
+quite free to speak, had they espoused the cause of the Carthaginians,
+especially as there was a force of the latter present. Furthermore he
+promised that he would aid them, both on account of their Italian origin
+and on account of the request for assistance they had made. (Mai, p.179.
+Zonaras, 8,8.)
+
+4. ¶Gaius Claudius lost some of the triremes and with difficulty reached
+safety. Neither he nor the Romans in the City, however, were prevented
+from renewing attempts by sea through the fact that they had been
+worsted when first making a trial of it, although this is the ordinary
+course that people pursue who fail in the first undertaking and think
+that they can never again succeed, viewing the past in the light of an
+omen. On the contrary, they applied themselves to the watery element
+with an even greater zeal, and chiefly because they were ambitious and
+did not wish to appear to have been diverted from their purpose by the
+disaster. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras 8, 8, sq.) 5. ¶Hanno, who was in no wise
+disposed to make light of the war in case it were bound to occur, was
+particularly anxious to throw the responsibility for breaking the truce
+upon the other man, for fear it might be thought that he himself was
+taking the initiative. Accordingly, he sent back to him the ships and
+the captives, while he urged him to accept peace and exhorted him
+besides not to meddle with the sea. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+6. ¶When he would accept nothing, he launched at him an arrogant and
+reprehensible threat. For he declared that he would never allow the
+Romans even to wash their hands in the sea: yet he lost not only the sea
+but also Messana not much later. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+7. ¶Claudius, finding the Mamertines gathered at the harbor, called an
+assembly of their number and made the statement: "I have no need of arms
+but will leave it with you to decide everything." By this means he
+persuaded them to send for Hanno. As the latter refused to come down, he
+chid him soundly, inveighing against him and declaring that if he had
+even the slightest justification, he would certainly hold a conference
+with him and not persist in occupying the city by force. (Mai, p.180.
+Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+8. ¶The consul Claudius exhorted the soldiers beforehand to be of good
+cheer and not to be cast down over the defeat of the tribune. He
+instructed them that in the first place victories fall to the lot of the
+better equipped, and that secondly their valor far surpassed the skill
+of their opponents. They would acquire, he said, the knowledge of
+seafaring in a short time, whereas the Carthaginians would never have
+bravery equal to theirs. Knowledge was something that could be obtained
+in a brief space by men who gave their minds to it and could be mastered
+by practice; but bravery, in case it were absent from a man's nature,
+could never be furnished by instruction. (Mai, p. 181.)
+
+9. ¶ The Libyans, rejoicing in the idea that they had conquered not
+through the nature of their position, but by their own valor, sallied
+out. But Claudius made them so fearful that they would not even peep out
+of the camp. (Mai, p. 181. Zonaras, 8, 9.)
+
+10. For it happens in the majority of instances that those who as a
+result of calculation fear something are successful by reason of their
+precaution against it, whereas those whose boldness rests on lack of
+forethought, are ruined on account of their unguarded condition.
+[Footnote: The Carthaginians are, in a general way, the subject of this
+section.] (Mai, p. 539.)
+
+11. The quality of moderation both obtains victories and preserves them
+after they are won, whereas that of wantonness can prevail against
+nothing, and if it be at any time fortunate in some matter, very easily
+destroys it. And again, if it perchance preserves some conquest, it
+grows worse by the very fact of extraordinary good fortune and so far
+from being benefited by its success is actually ruined by it
+irretrievably.
+
+Moreover, whenever there is boldness not in accord with reason, you may
+expect to find unreasoning fear. Calculation, bringing with it
+resolution strengthened by forethought, and a hope made confident by its
+own trustworthiness do not allow one to be either dejected or
+presumptuous. Unreasoning impulse, however, often elates men in the
+midst of good fortune and humbles them to dust in disasters, possessing,
+as it were, no support, but always copying the feature of the chance
+event. (Mai, p. 539 and p. 181.)
+
+12. ¶ The Romans and Carthaginians when they entered upon war were
+equally matched in the number of ships and readiness to serve.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 260 (_a.u._ 494)] It was a naval battle soon after in
+which, with equal equipment, they first became engaged. They hoped that
+it would decide the whole war: Sicily lay before their eyes as the
+prize: they were contending in a matter of servitude or empire, resolved
+not to be beaten, lest they taste the former, but to conquer and obtain
+the latter. One side surpassed in the experience possessed by the crews
+of its triremes, since they had long been masters of the sea, and the
+other in the strength of its marines and its daring; for the rashness
+and audacity of their fighting was commensurate with their inexperience
+in naval affairs. In matters of experience practically all men make
+exact calculations and are imbued with wholesome fear, even if their
+judgment approves a particular course, but the untried renders them
+unreasonably bold, and draws them into conflict through lack of due
+consideration. (Mai, p.181.)
+
+13. ¶The Carthaginians because of their defeat by the Romans in the
+sea-fight came near putting Hannibal to death. It is a trait of
+practically all people who send out armies on any mission to lay claims
+to advantage gained but to put the responsibility of defeat upon their
+leaders, and the Carthaginians were very ready to chastise those who
+failed in an enterprise.
+
+He, however, was afraid and immediately after the defeat enquired of
+them whether if the business were still untouched they would bid him
+risk a sea-fight or not. When they declared in the affirmative, as he
+had doubtless expected, because they prided themselves on having such a
+superior navy, he added, by the mouths of the same messengers: "I, then,
+have done no wrong, for I went into the engagement with the same hopes
+as you. The decision was within my power but not the fortune of the
+battle." (Mai, p.182. Zonaras, 8, 11.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 258 (_a.u._ 496)] 14. Dio in Book 11: "When the storm
+continued and a mist arose besides, he brought about Hannibal's defeat
+through the agency of some deserters." (Bekker, Anecd. p.171, 26.
+Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+15. But regarding the non-surrender of their native land and the
+acquirement of foreign territory as matters of equal importance, they
+[Footnote: I.e., The Carthaginians.] contended with courage and force.
+For whereas most men defend their own possessions to the very limit of
+their power but are unwilling to lay claim to the goods of others if it
+involves danger, these antagonists set a like value upon what they held
+fast and what they expected, and so were equally determined upon both
+points. Now the Romans thought it better to conduct the war no longer at
+a distance, nor to risk a first encounter in the islands, but to have
+the contest in the Carthaginians' own land. If they failed, they would
+lose nothing; and if they conquered they would obtain something besides
+hopes. Therefore, making their preparation follow their resolve, they
+took the field against Carthage. (Mai, p. 183. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 256 (_a.u._ 498)] 16. Their leaders were Regulus and
+Lucius, preferred before others for their excellence. Regulus was,
+indeed, in so great poverty that he did not readily consent, on that
+account, to take up the command; and it was voted that his wife and
+children should be furnished their support from the public treasury.
+(Valesius, p. 593. Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+17. ¶ Hanno had been sent to the Romans by Hamilcar, as was pretended,
+in behalf of peace, but in reality for the sake of delay. And he, when
+some clamored for his arrest, because the Carthaginians by fraud
+[lacuna] Cornelius [lacuna] [Mai, p. 183.] Four pages of the MS. are
+lacking. (Zonaras, 8, 12.)
+
+18. Dio the Roman, who wrote a history about the Empire and the Republic
+of Rome and describes the far-famed Carthaginian war, says that when
+Regulus,
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 256 (_a.u._ 498)] consul for Rome, was warring against
+Carthage, a serpent suddenly crept out of the palisade of the Roman army
+and lay there. By his command the Romans slew the reptile and having
+flayed it sent its skin, a great prodigy, to the Roman senate. And when
+measured by the same senate (as the same Dio says) it was found to have
+a length of one hundred and twenty feet. In addition to its length its
+thickness was also notable. (Ioannes Damascenus, On Serpents, vol. I, p.
+472, A.B. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 13.)
+
+19. ¶ The Carthaginians in fear of capture sent heralds to the consul to
+the end that by some satisfactory arrangement they might turn aside the
+danger of the moment, and so escape. But since they refused to withdraw
+from both Sicily and Sardinia, to release the Roman captives free of
+cost and to ransom their own, to make good all the expenses incurred by
+the Romans for the war and besides to pay more as tribute each year,
+they accomplished nothing. And in addition to the above mentioned, there
+were the following commands which displeased them: that they should make
+neither war nor treaties without the consent of the Romans, that they
+should employ not more than one warship but the Romans would come to
+their aid with fifty triremes as often as notice should be sent them,
+and that they would not be on an equal footing in conducting some other
+kinds of business. Considering these points they decided that the truce
+would mean their utter subjugation, and preferred rather to fight with
+the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 376. Zonaras, 8, 13.)
+
+20. Dio in Book 11: "The Carthaginians kept watch for their ships
+homeward bound and captured several heavily laden with money." (Bekker,
+Anecd. p. 131, 12. Zonaras, 8, 14.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] 21. ¶ They say the Carthaginians sent
+heralds to the Romans on account of the great number of the captives
+(among other causes), and most of all to see if they would be inclined
+to make peace on some moderate terms; if this could not be effected,
+their purpose still held to get back the captives. They say that
+Regulus, too, had been sent among the envoys because of his reputation
+and valor. The people assumed that the Romans would do anything whatever
+in the hope of getting him back, so that he might even be delivered up
+alone in return for peace, or at any rate in exchange for the captives.
+Accordingly, they bound him by mighty oaths and pledges to return
+without fail in case neither of their objects should be accomplished,
+and they despatched him as an envoy with others.
+
+And he acted in all respects like a Carthaginian, not a Roman; for he
+did not even grant his wife leave to confer with him nor did he enter
+the city, although he was invited: instead, when the senate assembled
+outside of the walls, as their custom was in treating with the envoys of
+the enemy, he asked for permission to approach with the others--at
+least, so the story goes, [lacuna] (Ursinus, p. 377. Zonaras, 8, 15.)
+
+22. Dio in Book 11: "Regulus paid no heed to them until the
+Carthaginians permitted him to do so." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 140, 20.
+Zonaras, 8, 15.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] 23. Dio in Book 11: "For it is neither
+my duty nor that of any other upright man to give up aught that pertains
+to the public welfare." (Ib. p. 165, 23.)
+
+24. In Book 11: "Any one else, wishing to console himself for the
+disaster which had happened in his own case, would have exalted the
+prowess of the enemy." (Ib. p. 165, 30.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 249 (_a.u._ 505)] 25. The second part of the augury is
+transmitted to us by Dio Cassius Cocceianus, who says that they keep
+tame birds which eat barley, and put barley grains in front of them when
+they seek an omen. If, then, in the course of eating the birds do not
+strike the barley with their beaks and toss it aside, the sign is good;
+but if they do so strike the grain, it is not good. (Io. Tzetzes,
+Exegesis of Homer's Iliad, p. 108, 2.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 244 (_a.u._ 510)] 26. He [sc. Mamilcar] thought it was
+requisite for a man who wished to accomplish anything by secret means
+not to make the matter known to anyone at all. There was no one, he
+believed, so self-possessed as to be willing, when he had heard, merely
+to observe operations and be silent. Just the reverse was true: the more
+strongly a man might be forbidden to mention anything, the greater would
+be his desire to speak of it, and thus one man learning the secret from
+another with the understanding that he was the only person to know it
+would reveal the story. [Footnote: Section 26 may refer to Hamilcar
+Barca's plans for seizing Mount Eryx.] (Mai, p. 540. Cp. Diodorus, 24,
+7.)
+
+27. In Book 11 of Dio: "He feasted the populace." [Footnote: Boissevain
+thinks that No. 27 may concern the banqueting of the populace during
+Metellus's triumph. Others have other opinions.] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 133,
+24.)
+
+28. In Book 11 of Dio: "You attack even such friends as have been guilty
+of any error, whereas I pardon even my enemies." (Ib. p.171, 29.)
+
+29. In Book 12 of Dio: "By the one process [Footnote: Perhaps from the
+speech of Regulus to the senators.] he might have become to a certain
+extent estranged from you." (Ib. p.124, 4.) 30. In Book 12 of Dio: "Some
+are dead, and others who were deserving of some notice, have been
+captured." [Footnote: This may be likewise from the speech of Regulus
+and be said of the Carthaginian leaders.] (Ib. p. 133,25.)
+
+[Frag. XLIV]
+
+1. For the Ligurians occupy the whole shore from Etruria up to the Alps
+and as far as Gaul, according to Dio's statement. (Isaac Tzetzes, on
+Lycophron, 1312.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 236 (_a.u._ 518)] 2. The Romans at first sent Claudius
+to the Corsicans and gave him up. This was after he had made terms with
+them, but his countrymen, who claimed that the fault in breaking the
+compact rested on him and not on themselves, had waged war upon them and
+subdued them. When the Corsicans refused to receive him, the Romans
+drove him out. (Valesius, p.593. Zonaras, 8, 18.)
+
+[Frag. XLV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 235 (_a.u._ 519)] 1. ¶The Romans after exacting also
+money from the Carthaginians, renewed the truce. And at first when an
+embassy from the latter arrived, they returned no proper answer, because
+they were aware of the state of their own equipment and because they
+were themselves still busied at that time with the war against the
+neighboring tribes. After this, however, Hanno, a man of youthful years
+who employed striking frankness of speech, was sent. He touched
+unreservedly on a number of other subjects and finally his appeal--"If
+you don't want to be at peace, restore to us both Sardinia and Sicily;
+for with these we purchased not a temporary respite but eternal
+friendship"--caused them to become milder and ashamed [lacuna] (Ursinus,
+p.378. Zonaras, 8, 18.)
+
+2[lacuna] lest [Footnote: Preceding this fragment four pages of the MS.
+are missing.] they might suffer the same injuries in return, so that
+they were very glad to delay,--the one side choosing to preserve the
+prosperity that was an inheritance of the past, and the other to cling
+to the possessions which were still theirs. To judge by their threats
+they were no longer maintaining peace, but in fact they still
+deliberated about the matter, so that all could see that whichever of
+the two found it to his advantage to create the first disturbance would
+also be the one to begin war. Most men abide by their agreements just so
+long as suits their own convenience. If they have in view a greater
+resultant benefit to themselves, they deem it safe even to break some
+compact. (Mai, p.184.)
+
+[Frag. XLVI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 231 (_a.u._ 523)] ¶Once in the consulship of Marcus
+Pomponius and Gaius Papirius they despatched envoys to investigate
+affairs in Spain, although none of the Spanish States had ever yet
+belonged to them. He, [Footnote: A reference to some previous proper
+name, outside this fragment.] besides showing them other honors,
+addressed them in suitable words, declaring that he was obliged to fight
+against the Spaniards in order that the money which was still owing to
+the Romans on the part of the Carthaginians might be paid; for it was
+impossible to obtain it from any other source. The envoys were
+consequently embarrassed to know how to censure him. (Mai, p.184)
+
+[Frag. XLVII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] 1. ¶The island of Issa surrendered
+itself voluntarily to the Romans. This was the first time the islanders
+were about to make the acquaintance of the latter, but they judged them
+more friendly and faithful than the powers which they then dreaded.
+Calculation caused them to place more dependence on the unknown than on
+the evident; for while the latter had aroused irritation through the
+dealings already had with it, the former afforded good hope, because its
+actions were as yet only matters of expectation. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8,
+19.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] 2. When the Issaeans had attached
+themselves to the Romans, the latter, being ready and anxious to do them
+some favor in return forthwith, so as to get the reputation of aiding
+such as espoused their cause and also for the purpose of restraining the
+Ardiasans, who were annoying those that sailed from Brundusium,--for
+these reasons they sent messengers to Agro, who were to ask clemency for
+the Issaeans and censure the king in that he was wronging them without
+previous cause. Now these men found Agro no longer in existence: he had
+died, leaving behind a child named Pineus. Teuta, Agro's wife and
+stepmother of Pineus, held the power over the Ardiaeans,[lacuna] Being
+[lacuna] by boldness, she made no moderate response to their requests,
+but woman-like she showed a vanity (due to innate recklessness as well
+as to the power that she was holding) by casting some of the ambassadors
+into prison and killing others for speaking frankly. Such was her action
+at that time, and she actually took pride in it as if she had displayed
+some strength by her facile cruelty. In a very short space, however, she
+proved the weakness of the female sex, for as she had quickly flown into
+a passion through short-sightedness of judgment, so through cowardice
+she was quickly terrified. As soon as she learned that the Romans had
+voted for war against her she was panic-stricken, and promised to
+restore their men whom she held, while she tried to defend herself for
+the death of the others, declaring that they had been slain by some
+robbers. When the Romans were thus led to cease temporarily their
+campaign and demand the surrender of the murderers, she showed contempt
+again, because the danger was not yet at her doors, and declaring that
+she would not give anybody up despatched an army against Issa. When she
+learned that the consuls were at hand she grew terrified again, gave
+over her high spirit, and became ready to heed them in every minutest
+detail. She had not yet, however, been fully brought to her senses, for
+when the consuls had crossed over to Corcyra she felt imbued with new
+courage, revolted, and despatched an army against Epidamnus and
+Apollonia. After the Romans had rescued the cities and at the news of
+their capture of ships and treasures of hers she was on the point of
+again yielding obedience. Meanwhile in the course of scaling certain
+heights overlooking the sea they were worsted near the Atyrian hill and
+she now waited, hoping, in view of the fact that it was really winter
+already, for their withdrawal. But on perceiving that Albinus remained
+where he was and Demetrius as a result of her caprice as well as from
+fear of the Romans had transferred his allegiance, besides persuading
+some others to desert, she became utterly terrified and gave up her
+sovereignty. (Ursinus, p. 378. Zonaras, 8, 19.)
+
+[Frag. XLVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 228 (_a.u._ 526)] In the time of Fabius Maximus
+Berucosus ("full of warts") the Romans did this, after burying in the
+middle Of the Forum a Greek and a Gallic couple, man and woman: they
+were frightened by a certain oracle which said that Greek and Gaul
+should occupy the city. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 603, 1056. Cp.
+Zonaras, 8, 19.)
+
+[Frag. XLIX]
+
+1. ¶ The Romans were being frightened by an oracle of the Sibyl which
+urged the necessity of guarding against the Gauls when a thunderbolt
+should fall upon the Capitol near the temple of Apollo. (Mai, p. 185.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 225 (_a.u._ 529)] 2. ¶ The Gauls became dejected on
+seeing that the Romans had taken beforehand the most favorable
+locations. All men if they obtain the object of their first aim proceed
+more readily toward their subsequent goals, but if they miss it, lose
+interest in everything else. They, however, after the Gallic fashion and
+more than is usual with the rest of mankind, lay hold very eagerly of
+what they desire and cling most tenaciously to any success, but if they
+meet with the slightest obstacle have no hope left for the future. Folly
+makes them inclined to expect whatsoever they wish, and their spirited
+temperament ready to carry out whatsoever they undertake. They are given
+to violent anger and dash headlong into enterprises, and for that reason
+they have within themselves no quality of endurance (since it is
+impossible for reckless audacity to prevail for any time), and if they
+once suffer any setback they are unable (especially by reason of the
+fear to which they then fall a prey) to recover themselves: they are
+plunged into a state of panic corresponding to their previous fearless
+daring. In a brief period they rush vehemently to the most opposite
+extremes, since they can furnish no motive based on calculation for
+either action. (Mai, p. 185.)
+
+3. ¶ AEmilius on conquering the Insubres celebrated a triumph and in it
+conveyed the foremost captives clad in armor up to the Capitol, making
+jests upon them because he had heard that they had sworn not to remove
+their breastplates before they had ascended the Capitol. (Mai, p. 186.
+Zonaras, 8, 20.)
+
+[Frag. L]
+
+¶ If any of the details, even the smallest, that were customary in
+festivals had been missed, they renewed the ceremonial proceedings at
+any rate a second and a third time, and even more times still, so far as
+was possible in one day, till everything seemed to them to have been
+done faultlessly. (Mai, p. 186. Zonaras, 8, 20.)
+
+[Frag. LI]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 219 (_a.u._ 535)] ¶ Demetrius, elated by his position as
+guardian of Pineus and by the fact that he had married the latter's
+mother Triteuta (Teuta was dead), was hateful to the natives and injured
+the property of neighboring tribes. So they summoned him before them
+(since it appeared that it was by misusing the friendship of the Romans
+that he was able to wrong those peoples) as soon as they heard of it.
+When he refused compliance and actually assailed their allies, they made
+a campaign against Issa, where he was. (Valesius, p.593. Zonaras, 8,
+20.)
+
+[Frag. LII]
+
+1. ¶The Romans were at their prime in equipment for war and enjoyed
+absolute harmony among themselves. Whereas the majority of persons are
+led by unmixed good fortune to audacity but by a tremendous fear to
+proper behavior, they had quite a different experience at that time in
+those matters. The more successes they had the more sober it made them;
+against their enemies they displayed the kind of boldness that partakes
+of bravery, while toward one another they employed that right dealing
+which is closely connected with good order. [Footnote: The word for
+"good order" is conjectured by van Herwerden.] They held their power
+with a view to the practice of moderation and kept their orderliness for
+the acquirement of a true bravery: they did not allow their good fortune
+to develop into wantonness, nor their right dealing into cowardice. They
+believed that in case of such laxity temperance might be ruined by
+bravery and boldness by boldness; but that when people exercised care,
+as they did, moderation was made more secure by bravery and good fortune
+rendered surer by discipline. This was the reason for their vast
+superiority over the enemies that encountered them and for their
+excellent administration of both their own affairs and those of the
+allies. (Mai, p. 186.)
+
+2. ¶ All who dwelt on the near side of the Alps revolted to join the
+Carthaginians, not because they preferred the Carthaginians to the
+Romans as leaders, but because they hated the force that ruled them and
+were for welcoming the untried. The Carthaginians had allies against the
+Romans from every one of the tribes that then existed; but Hannibal was
+worth nearly all of them. He could comprehend matters very quickly and
+plan the details of every project that he laid to heart, notwithstanding
+the fact that generally sureness is the product of slowness and only
+rash decisions result from hastiness of disposition. He was most
+[lacuna] when given the smallest margin of time, and most enduring with
+a very great degree of reliability. He managed in a safe way the affair
+of the moment and showed skill in considering the future beforehand: he
+proved himself a most capable counselor in ordinary events and a very
+accurate judge of the unusual. By these powers he handled the issue
+immediately confronting him very readily and in the shortest time, while
+by calculation he anticipated the future afar off and considered it as
+though it were actually present. Consequently he, more than any man, met
+each occasion with suitable words and acts, because he made no
+distinction between what he possessed and what he hoped for. He was able
+to conduct matters so for the reason that in addition to his natural
+capacity he was well versed in much Phoenician learning, common to his
+country, and likewise much Greek, and furthermore he understood
+divination by inspection of entrails. (Mai, p. 187 and Valesius, p.
+593.)
+
+3. With such intellectual qualities he had brought his body to a state
+of equal perfection, partly by nature, partly by practice, so that he
+could carry out easily everything that he took in hand. It was nimble
+and at the same time heavy to the utmost degree, and he could,
+therefore, run, fight, and ride safely at full speed. He never burdened
+himself with overmuch food, nor suffered annoyance by lack of it, but
+took more or less with equal grace, feeling that either was
+satisfactory. Hardship made him rugged, and on loss of sleep he grew
+strong.
+
+Having these advantages of mind and body he universally administered
+affairs in a fashion now to be described. Since he saw that most men
+were trustworthy only in what concerned their own interest, he himself
+dealt with them in this manner and expected the same treatment of them,
+so that he very often succeeded by deceiving persons and very seldom
+failed by being the object of a plot. He regarded as hostile every force
+that could gain an advantage both among foreigners and among kinsmen
+alike, and did not wait to learn their intentions from their acts, but
+handled them quite unsparingly, assuming that they were anxious to
+commit a wrong when they could: he thought it better to be the first to
+act than the first to suffer, and resolved that the rest of the world
+should be dependent on him, and not he upon other persons. In fine, he
+paid attention to the nature of things, rather than to their reputed
+good points, as often as the two did not happen to coincide. He also,
+however, prized extravagantly whatever he needed. Slaves, most of them,
+he esteemed in that way, and beheld them willing to encounter danger for
+him even contrary to their own advantage. For these reasons he often
+himself refrained from opportunities for gain and other most delightful
+pleasures, but gave a share ungrudgingly to them. Hence he could get
+them to be not unwilling partners in hard work. He subjected himself not
+only to the same conditions of living as these men, but also to the same
+dangers and was the first to accomplish every task that he demanded of
+them. Likewise he was confident that they, too, without pretexts and
+with zeal,--since he showed his care for them not in words only,--would
+help him effect his projects.
+
+Toward the rest he always behaved quite proudly; and the whole
+multitude, in consequence, felt either good-will or fear toward him
+because of their similar conditions of life, on the one hand, and
+because of his haughtiness on the other. Accordingly, he was fully able
+to bring low the towering head, to exalt humility, and to inspire all
+whom he pleased, in the shortest period, one with hesitation, another
+with boldness, with hope also and despair regarding most important
+matters.
+
+And that this information about him is not false, but is truthful
+tradition, his works are proof. Much of Spain he won over in a short
+time, and from there carried the war into Italy through the country of
+the Gauls, most of whom were not only not in league with him, but
+actually unknown to him. He was the first of non-Europeans, so far as we
+know, to cross the Alps with an army, and after that he made a campaign
+against Rome itself, sundering from it almost all its allies, some by
+force and others by persuasion. This, however, he achieved by himself
+without the aid of the Carthaginian government. He was not sent forth in
+the beginning by the magistrates at home, nor did he later obtain any
+considerable assistance from them. While they were on the eve of
+enjoying the greatest glory and benefit through his efforts, they
+wished rather not to appear to be leaving him in the lurch than to
+cooeperate effectively in any enterprise. (Valesius, p. 593.)
+
+[Frag. LIII]
+
+Dio Cocceianus calls the Narbonenses _Bebruces_, writing this: "To those
+who of old were Bebruces, but now Narbonenses, belongs the Pyrenees
+range. This range is the boundary between Spain and Gaul." (Isaac
+Tzetzes on Lycophron, 516. Zonaras, 8, 21.)
+
+[Frag. LIV]
+
+1. ¶ Peace both creates wealth and preserves it, but war both expends it
+and destroys it. [Footnote: The first eight sections of this fragment
+seem to be taken from speeches of Romans in the senate-house. Nos. 1 and
+2 are apparently the words of an unknown individual discouraging the
+eagerness for war; Nos. 3 and 4 may be spoken by Lentulus, urging war;
+and Nos. 5 to 8 may contain the opposing arguments of Fabius.](Mai, p.
+188.)
+
+2. ¶Every human being is so constituted as to desire to lord it over
+such as yield, and to employ the turn of Fortune's scale against
+voluntary slaves. (Mai, ib.)
+
+3. But do you who know the facts and have experienced them, think that
+propriety and humaneness are sufficient for your safety? And do you
+regard listlessly all the wrongs they have committed against us by
+stealth or deceit or violence? Are you not stimulated, are you not for
+paying them back or for defending yourselves? Then again, you have never
+reflected that such behavior is in place for you toward one another, but
+toward the Carthaginians is cowardly and base. Our citizens we must
+treat in a gentle and politic fashion; if one be preserved unexpectedly,
+he is of our possessions: but harsh treatment is for the enemy. We shall
+save ourselves not by our defeats as a result of sparing them, but by
+our victories that will come from abasing them. (Mai, p.188.)
+
+4. ¶War both preserves men's own possessions and wins the property of
+others, whereas peace destroys not only what has been bestowed by war
+but itself in addition. (Mai, pp.188 and 541.)
+
+[Frag. LIV]
+
+5. ¶It is base to proceed to action ere arguments about the matter have
+been heard: for in such a case, if successful, you will be thought to
+have enjoyed good fortune rather than to have employed good counsel, and
+if worsted, to have taken your resolution without forethought, at a time
+when there was no profit in it. And yet who does not know this,--that to
+heap up reproaches and to accuse people that have once warred against us
+is very easy--any man can do it--whereas, to say what is advantageous
+for the State, not in anger over other men's deeds, but with a view to
+the State's benefit, is really the duty of the advising class? Do not
+irritate us, Lentulus, nor persuade us to begin war until you show us
+that it shall be really for our advantage. Reflect particularly (though
+there are other considerations) that speaking here about deeds of war is
+not the same sort of thing as their actual performance. (Mai, p.189.)
+
+6. Men are often set on their feet by disasters, and many who use them
+wisely fare better than those who are completely fortunate and for that
+very reason wanton. Somehow ill luck seems to hold no inconsiderable
+portion of benefit, because it does not permit men to lose their senses
+or indulge in extreme wantonness. For naturally it is most advisable to
+set one's face steadfastly toward all the best things, and to make not
+possibility, but calculation, the measure of desire. And if a man be not
+able to prefer what is more excellent, it will still pay him to behave,
+even unwillingly, with moderation so as to regard in the light of
+happiness even the failure to be fortunate in all cases. (Mai, p.542.)
+
+7. It is imperative to be on one's guard against any similar experience
+again,--that being the only benefit that can come from disasters.
+Repeated good fortune occasionally ruins those who unthinkingly base
+their hopes upon it, believing they are sure of another victory, whereas
+failures compel every one as a result of his past trouble to provide for
+the future carefully beforehand. (Mai, pp.189 and 542.)
+
+8. ¶For securing the favor of the gods or a good reputation among men it
+is no small thing to escape the appearance of creating war, and seem to
+be compelled to defend the existing population. (Mai, p.189.)
+
+9. After speeches of this character on both sides they determined to
+prepare for fighting: they would not vote that way however, but
+determined to send envoys to Carthage and denounce Hannibal; then, if
+the Carthaginians refrained from approving his exploits, they would
+arbitrate the matter, or if all responsibility were laid on his
+shoulders, they would demand his extradition; if he were given up, well;
+otherwise they would declare war. (Mai, p.190. Zonaras, 8, 22.)
+
+10. ¶When the Carthaginians made no definite answer to the envoys and
+instead behaved contemptuously toward them, Marcus [Footnote: According
+to Livy (XXI, 18, 1) his name was _Quintus_. Willems suggests emending
+to Maximus here.] Fabius thrust his hands beneath his toga and holding
+them with palms upward said: "Here I bring to you, Carthaginians, both
+war and peace: do you choose unequivocally whichever of them you wish."
+Upon their replying to this challenge even then that they chose neither
+but would readily accept either that the Romans left with them, he
+declared war upon them. (Mai, p.190. Zonaras, 8, 22.)
+
+[Frag. LV]
+
+¶The Romans invited the Narbonenses to an alliance. But the latter
+declared that they had never suffered any harm from the Carthaginians or
+received any favor from the Romans that they should war against the one
+or defend the other, and were quite angry with them, charging that the
+Romans had often treated their kinsmen outrageously. (Mai, p.190.)
+
+[Frag. LVI]
+
+1. ¶From such an expectation, Dio says, already acquired from that
+source, the Romans and Carthaginians had reached a state in which they
+had formed the most different judgments regarding the administration of
+the war. For hopefulness, in that it leads all men to cheerfulness,
+renders them also more active and confident, possessed of a faith that
+they will be victorious; lack of hope casts them into dejection and
+despair, and deprives of strength even the naturally stout-hearted.
+(Mai, p.191.)
+
+2. Just as matters at a great distance and quite unknown are accustomed
+to disturb many men, so now they struck no little fear to the hearts of
+the Spaniards. [Footnote: This refers to the Spaniards' refusing, at the
+start, to undertake a campaign. Cp. Livy, XXI, 23.] For the majority of
+the multitude that makes a campaign not for any reason of its own but
+ranking as an allied force is a strong force just so long as it has the
+hopes of obtaining some benefit without danger. But when the men reach
+the vicinity of the conflict, they are frightened out of their hopes of
+gain and lose their faith in promises. And the most of them have gotten
+it into their heads that they are by all means going to be successful in
+any case; consequently, even if they should meet with some reverse, they
+esteem it lightly in comparison with the hopes which have been
+offsetting it. (Mai, p.191. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 23.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 218 (_a.u._ 536)] 3. When the preparations failed to be
+sufficient in any respect for the size of Hannibal's army, and some one
+on this account suggested to him that the soldiers be fed on the flesh
+of their opponents, he did not take the idea amiss, but said he feared
+that some day through lack of bodies of that kind they might turn to
+eating one another. (Mai, p.191. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 23.)
+
+4. ¶Hannibal before beginning operations called together the soldiers
+and brought in the captives whom he had taken by the way: he enquired of
+the latter whether they wished to undergo imprisonment in fetters and to
+endure a grievous slavery or to fight in single combat one with another
+on condition that the victors should be released. When they chose the
+second alternative, he set them to fighting. And at the end of the
+conflict he said: "Now is it not shameful, fellow-soldiers, that these
+men who have been captured by us are so disposed toward bravery as to be
+eager to die in place of becoming slaves, whereas we shrink from
+incurring a little toil and danger for the purpose of not being
+subservient to others,--yes, and ruling them besides?" (Mai, p.192.
+Zonaras, 8, 23.)
+
+5. All the sufferings that we have endured when occasionally defeated by
+the enemy we will inflict upon them, if we are victorious. Be well
+assured that by conquering we shall obtain all the benefits that I
+mention, but if conquered we shall not even have a safe means of escape.
+The victor straightway finds everything friendly, even if possibly it
+hates him, and to the vanquished no one even of his own household pays
+any longer heed. (Mai, pp. 543 and 192.)
+
+6. ¶To have once failed in an enterprise against some foes puts them
+forever out of countenance, and is a preventative of any future courage.
+(Mai, p. 192.)
+
+7. For the whole Gallic race is naturally more or less eccentric and
+cowardly and faithless. Just as they are readily emboldened in the face
+of hopes, so (only more readily) when frightened do they fall into a
+panic. The fact that they were no more faithful to the Carthaginians
+will teach the rest of mankind a lesson never to dare to invade Italy.
+(Mai, p. 192. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 24.)
+
+8. ¶Many portents, [Footnote: Cp. Livy XXI, 62, and XXII, I, 8-20.] some
+of which had actually occurred and others which were the product of idle
+talk, became the subject of conversation. For when persons get seriously
+frightened and those [lacuna] are in reality proven to have occurred to
+them, oftentimes others are imagined. And if once any of the former
+phenomena is believed, heedlessly at once the rest [lacuna]
+
+Accordingly, the sacrifices were offered and all the other ceremonies
+were accomplished which men are in the habit of performing for the cure
+of their temporary terror and for escape from expected ruin. Yet the
+race of men is wont to trust such agencies, hoping in the line of
+improvement, and so now, even if because of the greatness of the danger
+awaited they thought that the harshest fate would fall upon them, still
+they kept hoping that they would not be defeated. (Mai, p. 192.)
+
+9. ¶ The Romans proclaimed Fabius dictator, satisfied if they could
+themselves survive, and neither despatched any aid to the allies nor
+[lacuna] but learning that Hannibal had turned aside from Campania, they
+made sure of the former's safety through fear that they might change
+sides either willingly or under compulsion. (Mai, p. 193. Zonaras, 8,
+25.)
+
+10. ¶ Fabius continued to besiege him from a safe distance instead of in
+dangerous proximity; he would not venture to make a trial of men skilled
+in the art of war, and made the safety of the soldiers a matter of great
+circumspection because of the scarcity of the citizens, deeming it no
+disaster to fail of destroying the forces of the enemy but a great one
+to lose any of his troops. The Carthaginians, he believed, by means of
+their enormous multitude would encounter danger again even if once
+defeated, but if the smallest part of his own army met with failure he
+calculated that he should find himself in every extremity of evil; this
+would not be due to the number of the dead on any such occasion but to
+the previous setbacks endured. He was in the habit of saying that men
+with powers undiminished could often suffer without hurt the most
+dreadful losses, but those who were already exhausted might be harmed by
+the slightest reverses. Once, when his son advised him to run the risk
+and be done with it and said something about his not losing more than a
+hundred men, the above consideration led him to refuse assent, and he
+further inquired of the young man whether he would like to be one of the
+hundred men. (Mai, pp. 193 and 544. Zonaras, 8, 26.)
+
+11. ¶ The Carthaginians, far from sending voluntarily any support to
+Hannibal, were rather disposed to make sport of him, because whereas he
+was continually writing of his splendid progress and his many successes
+he still asked money and soldiers of them. They said his requests did
+not agree with his successes: victors ought to find their existing army
+sufficient and to send money home instead of demanding additional funds
+from them. (Mai, p. 194. Zonaras, 8, 26.)
+
+12. I am under accusation, not because I dash headlong into battles nor
+because I risk dangers in my office as general, purposing by losing many
+soldiers and killing many enemies to be named dictator and celebrate a
+triumph, but because I am slow and because I delay and because I always
+exercise extreme foresight for your preservation. (Mai, p.542.)
+
+13. Is it not really absurd for us to be zealous for success in
+enterprises outside and far off before the city itself is really set
+upon a firm foundation? Is it not absolutely outrageous to be eager to
+conquer the enemy before we set our own affairs well in order? (Mai, p.
+543.)
+
+14 ¶ Hannibal either as a favor to Fabius, on the ground that he was an
+advantage to them or perhaps to create a prejudice against him, did not
+ravage any of his possessions. Accordingly, when an exchange of captives
+was made between the Romans and Carthaginians with the proviso that any
+number in excess on either side should be ransomed, and as the Romans
+were unwilling to ransom their men with money from the public treasury,
+Fabius sold the farms and paid their ransom. Therefore they did not
+depose him but they gave equal power to his master of the horse, so that
+both held their commands on a like footing. Fabius harbored no wrath
+against either the citizens or Rufus: he excused them for an act
+prompted by human nature and was for contenting himself if in any way
+they might survive. He desired the preservation and victory of the
+commonwealth rather than an individual reputation, and continued to
+believe that excellence depends not on decrees but on each man's spirit,
+and that a man is better or worse not as a result of any ordinance but
+as a result of his own wisdom or ignorance.
+
+Rufus, however, who had not shown the right spirit in the first place
+was now more than ever puffed up and could not contain himself because
+he had obtained through his insubordination the further prize of equal
+authority with the dictator. And so he kept asking for the right to hold
+sole sway a day at a time, or for several days alternately. But Fabius,
+in the fear that he might work some harm if he should get possession of
+the undivided power, would not consent to either plan of his, but
+divided the army in such a way that they each, like the consuls, had a
+separate force. And immediately Rufus encamped apart, in order that he
+might give a practical illustration of the fact that he held sway in his
+own right and not subject to the dictator. (Valesius, p. 597. Zonaras,
+8, 26.)
+
+15. ¶ It is customary for men who are ruled to concur in opinion easily.
+Especially often do they join forces when the object is to slander men
+of good reputation, for the reason that it is their nature to help in
+augmenting any power just come to light but to bring low what has
+already obtained preeminence. And though one can not immediately measure
+one's self with men who surpass one through ampler resources, growth in
+an unexpected quarter brings hope of a like good fortune to others that
+dwell in obscurity. [Footnote: This may come from a speech of M.
+Terentius Varro in favor of equalizing the powers of dictator and of
+master-of-horse.](Mai, p. 194.)  16. ¶ Rufus, who obtained equal
+authority with the dictator, after a defeat by the Carthaginians altered
+his attitude (for disasters chasten somehow those who are not completely
+fools) and voluntarily gave up his leadership. And for this all praised
+him loudly. He was not held worthy of censure because he had failed to
+recognize at first what was fitting, but was commended for not
+hesitating to change his mind. They deemed it an act of good fortune for
+a man to choose right at the start a proper course of conduct, but they
+thoroughly approved the course of one, who, having learned from
+practical experience the better way, was not ashamed to face squarely
+about. From this episode, too, it was clearly shown how much one man
+differs from another and true excellence from the reputation therefor.
+What had been taken from Fabius by jealousy and prejudice of the
+citizens, he received back with good-will and even at the request of his
+colleague. (Mai, p. 194. Zonaras, 8, 26.) 17. ¶ The same man when about
+to retire from office sent for the consuls, surrendered his army to
+them, and advised them in addition very fully regarding all the details
+of what must be done. The safety of the city stood higher in his
+estimation than a reputation for being the only successful commander,
+and expecting that if they followed their own bent they would probably
+meet with failure, but if they heeded his counsel they would meet with a
+favorable outcome, he preferred to look to the second contingency for
+praise. And the consuls were not unduly bold but acted on the suggestion
+of Fabius, deeming it better not to accomplish any important result than
+to be ruined; hence they remained where they were throughout the entire
+period of their command. (Mai, p. 195. Zonaras, 8, 26.)
+
+18. For the Iapygians and Apulians dwell around the Ionic Gulf. Of the
+Apulians the tribes according to Dio are the Peuketii Pediculi, Daunii,
+Tarentini. There is also Cannae, the "plain of Diomed," near Daunian
+Apulia. Messapia was called also Iapygia, later Salentia, and then
+Calabria. Argyrippa, a Diomedian city, was renamed Arpi by the
+Apulians. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 603 and 852. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] 19. Later he was arrayed against the
+Romans at Cannae, when the Roman generals were Paulus and Terentius. Now
+Cannae is a level district of Argyrippa, where Diomed founded the city
+Argyrippa, that is to say "Argos the Horse-City" in the tongue of the
+Greeks. And this plain comes to belong later to the Daunii (of the
+Iapygians), then to the Salantii, and now to those that all call by the
+name Calauri. It is also the boundary between the Calauri and
+Longibardi, where the great war burst upon them. (Tzetzes, Hist., 1,
+757-767. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+20. ¶ With regard to divination and astronomy Dio says: "I, however, can
+not form any opinion either about these events or about others that are
+foretold by divination. For what does foreshowing avail, if a thing
+shall certainly come to pass, and if there could be no averting of it
+either by human devices or by divine providence? Accordingly, let each
+man look at these matters in what way he pleases." (Mai, p. 195. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+21. ¶ The commanders were Paulus and Terentius, men not of similar
+temperament, but differing alike in family and in character. The former
+was a patrician, possessed of the graces of education, and esteemed
+safety before haste, being restrained partly, it might be said, as a
+result of the censure he had received for his former conduct in office.
+Hence he was not inclined to audacity, but was considering how he might
+keep from getting into trouble again rather than how he might achieve
+success by some desperate venture. Terentius, however, had been brought
+up among the rabble, was practiced in vulgar bravado, and so displayed
+lack of prudence in nearly all respects; for instance, he promised
+himself general direction of the war, kept constantly annoying the
+patricians, and thought that he alone should have the leadership in view
+of the quiet behavior of his colleague. Now they both reached the camp
+at a most opportune time: Hannibal had no longer any provender; Spain
+was in turmoil; the affection of the allies was being alienated from
+him: and if they had waited for even the briefest possible period, they
+would have conquered without trouble. As matters went, however, the
+heedlessness of Terentius and the submissiveness of Paulus, who always
+desired the proper course but assented to his colleague in most
+points--so sure is gentleness to be overcome by audacity,--compassed
+their defeat. (Mai, p. 196. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+22. ¶ In the melee of the war not even the boldest possessed a hope so
+buoyant as to rise above the fear that arose from its uncertainty. The
+surer they felt of conquering the more did they tremble for fear they
+might in some way come to grief. Those who are ignorant of a matter by
+reason of their very lack of perception are not awaiting anything
+terrible, but the boldness derived from calculation [lacuna] (Six pages
+are lacking.) (Mai, p. 196.)
+
+23. At the time when burst this frightful war, a terrific earthquake
+occurred, so that mountains were cleft asunder and showers of great
+stones poured down from heaven. But they, fighting vigorously, perceived
+none of these things. At last so great a multitude of Roman warriors
+fell that Hannibal, the general, in sending to Sicily the finger-rings
+of the generals and the other men of repute filled many bushel and peck
+measures--so great a multitude that the noble, foremost Roman women ran
+lamenting to the temples in Rome and with the hairs of their heads
+cleansed the statues there;--and later had intercourse with both slaves
+and barbarians (because the Roman land had been utterly impoverished of
+men), to the end that their race might not be every whit extirpated.
+Rome at that time, after the utter loss of all her citizens, stood
+inglorious through many day-coursing cycles. Her old men sitting at her
+outer gates bewailed the disaster most grievous to be borne and asked
+ever and anon the passers-by whether any one perchance were left alive.
+(Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 767-785. (Cp. Fragm. LVI, 19, which precedes this.)
+Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
+
+24. ¶ Scipio, on learning that some of the Romans were prepared to
+abandon Rome, and indeed all Italy, because they felt it was destined to
+fall into the hands of the Carthaginians, yet found a way to restrain
+them. Sword in hand he sprang suddenly into the room where they were
+conferring, and after himself swearing to take all proper measures both
+of word and act he made them also devote themselves by oath to utter
+destruction, should they fail to keep their pledges to him. Later these
+men reached a harmonious decision and wrote to the consul that they were
+safe enough. He, however, did not at once write or despatch a messenger
+to Rome; on reaching Canusium he set in order affairs at that place,
+sent to the regions in proximity garrisons sufficient for immediate
+needs, and repulsed a cavalry attack upon the city. Altogether, he
+displayed neither dejection nor terror, but with an unbending spirit,
+as if no serious evil had befallen them, he both planned and executed
+all measures of immediate benefit. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+25. Hannibal took possession of the Nucerini under an agreement that
+each man should leave the city carrying one change of clothing. As soon,
+however, as he was master of the situation he shut the senators into
+bath-houses and suffocated them, and in the case of the others, although
+he had granted them permission to go away where they pleased, he cut
+down many of them even on the road. Still, this course was of no profit
+to him, for the rest became afraid that they might suffer a similar
+fate, and so would not come to terms with him and resisted as long as
+they could hold out. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+26. ¶ Marcellus showed great bravery, moderation, and justice. His
+demands on his subjects were not all rigorous or harsh, nor was he
+careful to see that they also should do what was needful. Those of them
+who committed any errors he pardoned humanely and, furthermore, was not
+angry if they failed to be like him. (Valesius, p. 601.)
+
+27. ¶ When many citizens of Nola were dreading the men captured at Cannae
+and later released by Hannibal, because they thought that such persons
+favored the invader's cause, and when they were even desirous of putting
+them to death, he opposed it. Furthermore, he concealed from this time
+on the suspicion that he felt toward them, and treated them in such a
+way that they chose his side by preference, and became extremely useful
+both to their native land and to the Romans. (Valesius, p. 601. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+28. ¶ The same Marcellus when he perceived that one of the Lucanian
+cavalrymen was in love with a woman permitted him to keep her in the
+camp, because he was a most excellent fighter: this in spite of the
+fact that he had forbidden any women to enter the ramparts. (Valesius,
+p. 601.)
+
+29. ¶ He pursued the same course with the people of Acerrae as he had
+with those of Nucreia, except that he cast the senators into wells and
+not into bath-houses. (Valesius, p. 601. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
+
+30. ¶ Fabius got back some of the men captured in former battles by
+exchanging man for man, while others he made a compact to ransom with
+money. When, however, the senate failed to confirm the expenditure,
+because it did not approve of their ransoming, he offered for sale, as I
+have said, [Footnote: Cp. section 14 (first paragraph) of this fragment.]
+his own farms and from the proceeds of them furnished the ransom for the
+men. (Valesius, p. 601.)
+
+31. Archimedes, the well-known inventor, was by birth a Syracusan. Now
+this old geometrician, who had passed through seventy-five seasons, had
+built many powerful engines, and by the triple pulley, with the aid of
+the left hand alone, could launch a merchant ship of fifty thousand
+medimni burden. And when Marcellus once, the Roman general, assaulted
+Syracuse by land and sea, this man first by his engines drew up some
+merchantmen, and lifting them up against the wall of Syracuse dropped
+them again and sent them every one to the bottom, crews and all. Again,
+as Marcellus removed his ships a little distance, the old man gave all
+the Syracusans the power to lift stones of a wagon's size, and letting
+them go one by one to sink the ships. When Marcellus withdrew a bow
+shot thence, the old man manufactured a kind of hexagonal mirror, and at
+an interval proportionate to the size of the mirror he set similar small
+mirrors with four edges, moving by links and by a kind of hinge, and
+made the glass the center of the rays of the sun,--its noontide ray,
+whether in summer or in the dead of winter. So after that when the beams
+were reflected into this, a terrible kindling of flame arose upon the
+ships, and he reduced them to ashes a bowshot off. Thus by his
+contrivances did the old man vanquish Marcellus.
+
+He used to say, moreover, in Dorian, the Syracusan dialect: "Give me
+where to stand, and with a lever I will move the whole earth."
+
+This man, when (according to Diodorus) this Syracuse surrendered herself
+entire to Marcellus, or (according to Dio) was pillaged by the Romans
+during an all-night festival to Artemis that the citizens were
+celebrating, was killed by a certain Roman in the following fashion.--He
+was bent over, drawing some geometrical figure, and some Roman, coming
+upon him, made him his prisoner and began to drag him away: but he, with
+all his attention fixed just then upon his figure, not knowing who it
+was that pulled him said to the man: "Stand aside, fellow, from my
+figure." But as the other kept on dragging, he turned, and recognizing
+him as a Roman cried out: "Let some one give me one of my machines." The
+Roman in terror immediately killed him, an unsound weak old man, but
+marvelous through his works. Marcellus straightaway mourned on learning
+this, buried him brilliantly in his ancestral tomb, assisted by the
+noblest citizens and all the Romans, and the man's murderer, I trow, he
+slew with an axe. Dio and Diodorus have written the story. (Tzetzes,
+Hist. 2, 103-149. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 4.)
+
+32. Proculus sings of having forged fire-producing mirrors and of having
+hung them from the wall opposite the enemy's ships. Then when the rays
+of the sun fell upon these, fire was struck out of them that consumed
+the naval force of the opponents and the ships themselves,--a device
+which Dio relates Archimedes hit upon long ago, at the time when the
+Romans were besieging Syracuse. (Zonaras, 14, 3.)
+
+33. Though such a disaster at that time had overwhelmed Rome, Hannibal
+neglected to reduce the town, and occupied in triumphs, drinking bouts
+and luxurious living appeared sluggish in the enterprise, until at
+length a Roman army was collected for the Romans.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (_a.u._ 543)] Then was he hindered in three-fold
+manner when he set out for Rome. For of a sudden from the clear sky a
+most violent hail poured down, and a spreading darkness kept him from
+his journey. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 786-792. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
+
+34. Dio in his Roman History 15: "For as a result of their position from
+very early times and their pristine friendship for the Romans, they
+would not endure to be punished, but the Campanians undertook to accuse
+Flaccus and the Syracusans Marcellus. And they were condemned in the
+assembly." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: 'edkaiothaesan'].)
+
+35. Dio in 15th Book: "For fear the Syracusans, in despair of
+assistance, commit some act of rebellion." (Bekker, Anecdota, p. 119,
+121. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
+
+36. ¶ The Romans had made propositions to Hannibal looking to a return
+of the prisoners on both sides, but did not accomplish the exchange
+although they sent, Carthalo to them for this very purpose. For when
+they would not receive him, as an enemy, within the walls, he refused to
+hold any conversation with them, but immediately turned back in anger.
+(Ursinus, p. 379. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
+
+37. ¶ Scipio the praetor, who saved his wounded father, surpassed in
+natural excellence, was renowned for his education, and possessed great
+force both of mind and also of language, whenever the latter was
+necessary. These qualities he displayed conspicuously in his acts, so
+that he seemed to be high-minded and disposed to do great deeds not for
+the sake of an empty boast but as the result of a steadfast tendency.
+For these reasons and because he scrupulously paid honors to the
+heavenly powers, he was elected. He had never had charge of any public
+or private enterprise before he ascended the Capitol and spent some time
+there. On this account also he acquired the reputation of having sprung
+from Jupiter, who had taken the form of a serpent on the occasion of
+intercourse with his mother. [Footnote: Compare the story about Augustus
+(Volume III, page 3 of this translation).] And by this tradition he
+inspired many with a kind of hope in him. (Valesius, p.601. Zonaras, 9,
+7.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (_a.u._ 544)] 38. ¶ Scipio, although he did not
+receive the title of legal commander from those by whom he was elected,
+nevertheless made the army his friend, roused the men from their
+undisciplined state and drilled them, and brought them out of the terror
+with which their misfortunes had filled them. As for Marcius, [Footnote:
+This is L. Marcius, a knight, who at the death of Publius and Gnaeus
+Scipio in Spain was chosen commander by the soldiers.] Scipio did not,
+as most men would have done, regard him as unfit because he had acquired
+popularity, but both in word and deed always showed him respect. He was
+the sort of man to wish to make his way not by slandering and
+overthrowing his neighbor, but by his native excellence. And it was this
+most of all that helped him to conciliate the soldiers. (Valesius,
+p.602.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (_a.u._ 545)] 39. ¶ When a mutiny of the soldiers
+took place, Scipio distributed many gifts to the soldiers and designated
+many also for the public treasury. Some of the captives he appointed to
+service in the general fleet and all the hostages he gave back freely to
+their relatives. For this reason many towns and many princes, among them
+Indibilis and Mandonius of the Ilergetes, came over to his side. The
+Celtiberian race, the largest and strongest of those in that region, he
+gained in the following way. He had taken among the captives a maiden
+distinguished for her beauty and it was supposed, on general principles,
+that he would fall in love with her: and when he learned that she was
+betrothed to Allucius, one of the Celtiberian magistrates, he
+voluntarily sent for him and delivered the girl to him along with the
+ransom her kinsfolk had brought. By this deed he attached to his cause
+both them and the rest of the nation. (Valesius, p.602. Zonaras, 9, 8.)
+
+40. ¶ Scipio was clever in strategy, agreeable in society, terrifying to
+his opponents, and humane to such as yielded. Furthermore, through his
+father's and his uncle's reputation he was thoroughly able to inspire
+confidence in his projects, because he was thought to have acquired his
+fame by hereditary excellence and not fortuitously. At this time the
+swiftness of his victory, the fact that Hasdrubal had retreated into the
+interior, and especially the recollection that he had predicted, whether
+through divine inspiration or by some chance information, that he would
+encamp in the enemy's country,--a prediction now fulfilled,--caused all
+to honor him as superior to themselves, while the Spaniards actually
+named him Great King. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 8.)
+
+41. ¶ The king of the Spaniards, taken captive by Scipio, chose to
+follow the Roman cause, surrendered his own sovereignty, and stood ready
+to furnish hostages. Scipio, though he accepted the man's alliance, said
+there was no need of hostages, for he possessed the necessary pledge in
+his own arms. [Footnote: Probably spurious (Melber).] (Mai, p. 545.)
+
+42. Dio in 16: "You all deserve to die: however, I shall not put you all
+to death, but I shall execute only a few whom I have already arrested;
+the rest I shall release." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: edikaiothaesan].
+Zonaras, 9, 10.)
+
+43. Later Hannibal incurred the jealousy of the Sicilians, and when he
+fell in need of grain, as the islanders did not send it, the former
+noble conqueror, now by famine conquered, was put to flight by Scipio
+the Roman, and to the Sicilians became part cause of their utter, dire
+destruction. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 793-797.)
+
+44. Thus these authorities in regard to the Gymnesian islands. Dio
+Cocceianus, however, says they are near the Iberus river and near the
+European Pillars of Hercules,--which islands the Greeks and Romans alike
+call the Gymnesian, but the Spaniards Valerian or Healthful Islands.
+(Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 633. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 10.)
+
+45. ¶ Masinissa was in general among the most prominent men and was
+wont to accomplish warlike deeds, whether by planning or by force, in
+the best manner, and gained the foremost place in the confidence not
+only of the men of his own race (and these are most distrustful as a
+rule) but of those who greatly prided themselves upon their sagacity.
+(Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+46. ¶ Masinissa became mightily enamoured of Sophonis, [Footnote:
+The name appears as Sophoniba in Livy (XXX, 12).] who possessed
+conspicuous beauty,--that symmetry of body and bloom of youth which
+is characteristic of the prime of life,--and had also been trained
+in a liberal literary and musical education. She was of attractive
+manners, coy and altogether so lovable that the mere sight of her or
+even the sound of her voice vanquished every one, however devoid of
+affection he might be. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+47[lacuna]. However he also wished to take revenge on him. For having
+incurred suspicion beforehand he took to flight, and on arriving at
+Libya inflicted many injuries by himself and many with Roman aid upon
+Syphax and the Carthaginians. Scipio, when he had won over the whole
+territory south of the Pyrenees, partly by force, partly by treaty,
+equipped himself for the journey to Libya, as he had received orders to
+do. This business, too, had now been entrusted to him in spite of much
+opposition, and he was instructed to join Syphax. Certainly he would
+have accomplished something worthy of his aspirations: he would have
+either surrounded Carthage with his troops and have captured the place
+or he would have drawn Hannibal from as he later did, had not the Romans
+at home through jealousy of him and through fear stood in his way. They
+reflected that youth without exception always reaches out after greater
+results and good fortune is often insatiate of success, and thought that
+it would be very difficult for a youthful spirit [lacuna] through
+self-confidence [lacuna] [lacuna] it would be of advantage not to treat
+him according to his power and fame but to look to their own liberty and
+safety, they dismissed him; in other words, the man that they themselves
+had put in charge of affairs when they stood in need of him they now of
+their own motion removed because he had become too great for the public
+safety. They were no longer anxious to conduct a destructive warfare
+through his agency against the Carthaginians, but simply to escape
+training up for themselves a self-chosen tyrant. So they sent two of the
+praetors to relieve him and called him home. Also they did not vote him a
+triumph, because he was campaigning as an individual and had been
+appointed to no legal command, but they allowed him to sacrifice a
+hundred white oxen upon the Capitol, to celebrate a festival, and to
+canvass for the consulship of the second year following. For the
+elections for the next year had recently been held.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (_a.u._ 547)] At this same period Sulpicius, too,
+with Attalus captured Oreus by treachery and Opus by main force. Philip
+although in Demetrias was unable to check their encroachments speedily
+because the AEtolians had seized the passes in advance. At last,
+however, he did arrive on the scene and finding Attalus disposing of the
+spoil from Opus (for this had fallen to his lot and that from Oreus to
+the Romans) he hurled him back to his ships. Attalus, accordingly, for
+this reason and also because Prusias, king of Bithynia, had invaded his
+country and was devastating it, hastily sailed away homewards.
+
+Philip, however, far from being elated at this success, even wished to
+conclude a truce with the Romans and especially because Ptolemy, too,
+was sending ambassadors from Egypt and trying to reconcile them. After
+some preliminary discussion [lacuna] he no longer requested peace, but
+[lacuna] drew the AEtolians away from the Roman alliance by some [lacuna]
+and made them friends.
+
+Nothing worthy of remembrance, however, was done either by him or by any
+others either then or in the following year when Lucius Veturius and
+Caecilius Metellus became consuls: this notwithstanding the fact that
+many signs of ill-omen to the Romans were reported. For example, a
+hermaphrodite lamb was born, and a swarm of [lacuna] was seen, down the
+doors of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter two serpents glided, both
+the doors and the altar in the temple of Neptune ran with copious sweat,
+in Antium bloody ears were seen by some reapers, elsewhere a woman
+having horns appeared and many thunderbolts [lacuna] into temples
+[lacuna] Paris Fragment (10th Century MS.) (See Haase, Rh. Mus., 1839,
+p.458, ff. Zonaras 9, 11.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (_a.u._ 549)]48. ¶ Licinius Crassus, by reason of
+his geniality and beauty and wealth (which gained for him the name of
+Wealthy) and because he was a high priest, was to stay in Italy without
+casting lots for the privilege. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+49. ¶ The Pythian god commanded the Romans to entrust to the best of the
+citizens the conveyance to the city of the goddess from Pessinus, and
+they accordingly honored Publius Scipio, a son of Gnaeus who died in
+Spain, above all others by their first preference. The reason was that
+he was in general [lacuna] and was deemed both pious and just. He at
+this time, accompanied by the most prominent women, conducted the
+goddess to Rome and to the Palatine. (Valesius, p. 606.)
+
+50. ¶ The Romans on learning of the actions of the Locrians, thinking it
+had come about through contempt of Scipio, were displeased, and under
+the influence of anger immediately made plans to end his leadership and
+to recall him for trial. They were also indignant because he adopted
+Greek manners, wore his toga thrown back over his shoulder, and
+contended in the palaestra. Furthermore it was said he gave over to the
+soldiers the property of the allies to plunder, and he was suspected of
+delaying the voyage to Carthage purposely, in order that he might hold
+office for a longer time; but it was principally at the instigation of
+men who all along had been jealous of him that they wished to summon
+him. Still, this proposition was not carried out because of the great
+favor, based on their hopes of him, which the mass of the people felt
+for him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
+
+51 [lacuna]. they stopped and pitched a camp in a suitable place and
+fenced it all about with palisades, as they had brought in stakes for
+this very purpose. It had just been finished when a great serpent came
+gliding along beside it on the road leading to Carthage, so that by this
+portent, Scipio, owing to the tradition about his father, was
+encouraged, and devastated the country and assaulted the cities with
+greater boldness. Some of the latter he did succeed in capturing; and
+the Carthaginians not yet [lacuna] prepared remained still, and Syphax
+was by profession their friend, but, as a matter of fact, he held aloof
+from the action; by urging Scipio to come to terms with them he showed
+that he was unwilling that either side should conquer the other and at
+the same time become his master; on the contrary he desired them to
+oppose each other as vigorously as possible but to be at peace with him.
+Consequently, as Scipio was harrying the country, Hanno the cavalry
+commander (he was a son of Hasdrubal) [lacuna] the [lacuna] was
+persuaded on the part of Masinissa [lacuna] to the Carthaginians
+[lacuna] warlike [lacuna] was believed, and, therefore, Scipio, sending
+forward some horsemen on the advice of Masinissa [lacuna] laid an ambush
+in a suitable spot where they were destined [lacuna] making an onset to
+simulate flight. Against [lacuna] those wishing to pursue them. This
+also took place. The Carthaginians attacked them, and when after a
+little by agreement they turned, followed after at full speed while
+Masinissa with his accompanying cavalry lagged behind and got in the
+rear of the pursuers, and Scipio appearing from ambush went to meet
+them: thus they were cut off and overwhelmed with weapons on both sides
+and many were killed and captured [lacuna] and also Hanno. On learning
+this, Hasdrubal arrested the mother of Masinissa. And those captives
+were exchanged, one for the other.
+
+Now Syphax, being well aware that Masinissa would war against him no
+less than against the Carthaginians and fearing that he might find
+himself bereft of allies if they suffered any harm through his desertion
+of their cause, renounced his pretended friendship for the Romans and
+attached himself openly to the Carthaginians. He failed to render the
+wholehearted assistance, however, to the point of actually resisting the
+Romans, and the latter overran the country with impunity, carrying off
+much plunder and recovering many prisoners from Italy who had previously
+been sent to Libya by Hannibal; consequently they despised their foes
+and began a campaign against Utica. When Syphax and Hasdrubal saw this,
+they so feared for the safety of the place that they no longer remained
+passive; and their approach caused the Romans to abandon the siege,
+since they did not dare to contend against two forces at the same time.
+Subsequently the invaders went into winter quarters where they were,
+getting a part of their provisions from the immediate neighborhood and
+sending for a part from Sicily and Sardinia; for the ships that carried
+the spoils to Sicily could also bring them food supplies.
+
+In Italy no great results were accomplished in the war against Hannibal.
+Publius Sempronius in a small engagement was vanquished by Hannibal, but
+later overcame the latter in turn: Livius and Nero, having become
+censors, announced to those Latins who had abandoned the joint
+expedition and had been designated to furnish a double quota of
+soldiers, that a census of persons taxable should be taken; this they
+did in order that others, too, might contribute money, and they made
+salt, which up to that time had been free of tax, taxable. This measure
+was for no other purpose than to satisfy Livius, who designed it, thus
+requiting the citizens for their vote of condemnation; and indeed, he
+received a nickname from it; after this he was called Salinator.
+[Footnote: Salinator = "salt-dealer."] This was one act that caused
+these censors to become notorious; another was that they deprived each
+other of their horses and made each other aerarii [Footnote: AErarius--a
+citizen of the lowest class, who paid only a poll-tax and had no right
+to vote.] [lacuna] according to the [lacuna] (Paris fragment (p. 460).
+Zonaras, 9, 12.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (_a.u._ 551)] 52. ¶ Scipio captured a Carthaginian
+vessel but released it, inflicting no injury when they feigned to have
+been coming on an embassy to him. He knew that this pretext was invented
+to secure the safety of the captives, but preferred avoiding the
+possibility of being touched by the breath of slander to the retention
+of the ship. Also, when Syphax at that time was still endeavoring to
+reconcile them on the terms that Scipio should sail from Libya and
+Hannibal from Italy, he received his proposition not because he trusted
+him, but to the end that he might ruin him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras,
+9, 12.)
+
+53. ¶ The Romans came bringing to Scipio along with much other property
+Syphax himself. And the commander would not consent to see him remain
+bound in chains, but calling to mind his entertainment at the other's
+court and reflecting on human misfortunes, on the fact that his captive
+had been king over no inconsiderable power and had shown commendable
+zeal in his behalf, and that nevertheless he beheld him in so pitiable a
+plight,--Scipio leaped from his chair, loosed him, embraced him, and
+treated him with great consideration. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9,
+13.)
+
+54. ¶ The Carthaginians made propositions to Scipio through heralds, and
+of the demands made upon them by him there was none that did not promise
+to satisfy, although they never intended to carry out their agreement;
+they did, to be sure, give him money at once and gave back all the
+prisoners, but in regard to the other matters they sent envoys to Rome.
+The Romans would not receive them at that time, declaring that it was a
+tradition in the State not to negotiate a peace with any parties while
+their armies were in Italy. Later when Hannibal and Mago had embarked,
+they granted the envoys an audience and fell into a dispute among
+themselves, being of two minds. At last, however, they voted the peace
+on the terms that Scipio had arranged. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9,
+13.)
+
+55. ¶ The Carthaginians attacked Scipio both by land and by sea. Scipio,
+vexed at this, made a complaint, but they returned no proper answer to
+the envoys and moreover actually plotted against them when they sailed
+back; and had not by chance a wind sprung up and aided them, they would
+have been captured or would have perished. On this account Scipio,
+although at this time the commissioners arrived with peace for the men
+of Carthage, refused any longer to make it. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras,
+9, 13.)
+
+56. Nearly all who conduct a military expedition,--or many, at any
+rate,--perform voluntarily many acts which would not be required of
+them. They look askance at their instructions as something forced upon
+them, but are delighted with the projects of their own minds because
+they feel themselves so far independent. (Valesius, p. 609.)
+
+57. Dio in Book 17: "He suddenly halted in his running." (Bekker,
+Anecd., p. 140, 23. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+58. Dio in _Roman History_ 17: "In general the fortunate party is
+inclined to audacity and the unfortunate to moderate behavior, and
+accordingly, the timid party is wont to show temperance and the
+audacious intemperance. This was to be noted to an especial degree in
+that case." [Footnote: This may conceivably relate to Masinissa's
+marrying Sophoniba without authorization.] (Suidas s. v. [Greek: host
+hephipan])
+
+59. Dio in Roman History 17: "And a report about them of same such
+nature as follows was made public." (Suidas and Etymologicum Magnum and
+others s. v. [Greek: hedemhothe].)
+
+60. [Greek: henthymixhomenoi] = _calculating_. So Dio in Book 17, Roman
+History. (Suidas or Etym. in Cramer. Anecd., Paris, Vol. IV, p. 169, 8.
+Zonaras, Lex., p. 750.)
+
+61. [Greek: diathithemi] ("arrange") for [Greek: diaprhattomai]
+("accomplish"), with the accusative in Dio, Book 18: "And culling all
+the best flowers of philosophy." (Bekker, Anecd., p. 133, 29.) [This is
+from two glosses, and there is confusion caused by gaps.--Ed.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u. 553_)]62. [The Carthaginians made overtures
+for peace to Scipio. The terms agreed upon were, that they should give
+hostages, should return the captives and deserters they were holding
+(whether of the Romans or of the allies), should surrender all the
+elephants and the triremes (save ten), and for the future possess
+neither elephants nor ships, should withdraw from all territory of
+Masinissa that they were holding and restore to him the country and the
+cities that were properly in his domain, that they should not hold
+levies, nor use mercenaries, nor make war upon any one contrary to the
+advice and consent of the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+63. ¶ It seemed to Cornelius [Footnote: _Cu. Cornelius Lentulus_.] the
+consul, as well as to many other Romans, that Carthage ought to be
+destroyed, and he was wont to say that it was impossible, while that
+city existed, for them to be free from fear. (Ursinus, p. 381. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+64. In the popular assembly, however, [lacuna] all unanimously voted for
+peace. [_About three obscure lines (fragmentary) follow_.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] And of the elephants the larger number
+were carried off to Rome, and the rest were presented to Masinissa.
+[lacuna] of Carthaginians. And they themselves, immediately after the
+ratification of the peace, abandoned Italy, and the Romans, Libya. The
+Carthaginians who sent commissioners to Rome were allowed by the Romans
+to contribute for the benefit of the captives severally related to them;
+and about two hundred of them were sent back without ransoms to Scipio
+[lacuna] after the treaty [lacuna] and friendship [lacuna] confirmed;
+and they granted peace [lacuna] [Two fragmentary lines.]
+
+Scipio accordingly attained great prominence by these deeds, but
+Hannibal was even brought to trial by his own people; he was accused of
+having refused to capture Rome when he was able to do so, and of having
+appropriated the plunder in Italy. He was not, however, convicted, but
+was shortly after entrusted with the highest office in Carthage [lacuna]
+[One fragmentary line.] (Paris Fragment, p. 462. Zonaras, 9, 14. Livy,
+30:42, 43, 45.) [Frag. LVII]
+
+1[lacuna]. Marcus [lacuna] sent to Philip by the generals [lacuna] from
+them either [lacuna] was successful; embassy [lacuna] of Philip and
+[lacuna] and some [lacuna] which he himself [lacuna] had sent to the
+Carthaginians [lacuna] not at all peace [lacuna] having vanquished
+[lacuna] enemies by the [lacuna] rendered them of no less importance in
+reputation. (Paris Fragment, p. 463. Cp. Zonaras, 9. 15 = Livy 30:42.)
+
+[Frag. LVII]
+
+2. I found the Dardanians to be a race dwelling above the Illyrians and
+Macedonians. And the city of Dardanus is there. (Isaac Tzetzes on
+Lycophron, 1128. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]3. And they [Footnote: I.e., the Romans
+and the Macedonians.]delayed for several days, not meeting in battle
+array but conducting skirmishes and sallies of the light-armed troops
+and the horse. The Romans, for their part, were eager to join battle
+with all speed: their force was a strong one, they had little provision,
+and consequently would often go up to the foe's palisade. Philip, on the
+other hand, was weaker in point of armed followers, but his supply of
+provisions was better than theirs because his own country was close by;
+so he waited, expecting that they would become exhausted without a
+conflict, and if he had possessed self-control he certainly would have
+accomplished something. As it was, he acquired a contempt for the
+Romans, thinking that they feared him because they had transferred their
+camp to a certain spot from which they could get food better: he
+thereupon attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in
+plundering and managed to kill a few. Galba on perceiving this made a
+sortie from the camp, fell upon him while off his guard, and slew many
+more in return. Philip, in view of his defeat and the further fact that
+he was wounded, no longer held his position but after a truce of some
+days for the taking up and burial of the corpses withdrew the first part
+of the night. Galba, however, did not follow him up; he was short of
+provisions, he did not know the country, and particularly he was
+ignorant of his adversary's strength; he was also afraid that if he
+advanced inconsiderately he might come to grief. For these reasons he
+was unwilling to proceed farther, but retired to Apollonia.
+
+During this same time Apustius with the Rhodians and with Attalus
+cruised about and subjugated many of the islands [lacuna] (Paris
+Fragment, p. 464. Zonaras, 9, 15. Cp. Livy, 31:21 ff.)
+
+4. The Insubres were thrown into confusion. For Hamilcar, a
+Carthaginian, who had made a campaign with Mago and remained secretly in
+those regions, after a term of quiet, during which he was satisfied
+merely to elude discovery, as soon as the Macedonian war broke out,
+caused the Gauls to revolt from the Romans; then in company with the
+rebels he made an expedition against the Ligurians and won over some of
+them. Later they had a battle with the praetor Lucius Furius, were
+defeated, and sent envoys asking peace. This the Ligurians obtained;
+then others [lacuna] [Five fragmentary lines.] (Paris Fragment, p. 465.
+Zonaras, 9, 15.)
+
+5[lacuna]. he thought he ought to be granted a triumph, and many
+arguments were presented on both sides. Some, especially in view of the
+malignity of Aurelius, eagerly furthered his cause and magnified his
+victory, using many illustrations. Others declared he had contended with
+the help of the consular army and had no individual and independent
+appointment, and furthermore they even demanded an accounting from him
+because he had not carried out his instructions. However, he won his
+point. And he in that place [lacuna] before Aurelius [lacuna] Vermis
+[lacuna] from the [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 465. Cp. Livy, 31:47 ff.)
+
+[Frag. LVIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] ¶ Philip after his defeat sent heralds
+to Flamininus. The latter, however eagerly he coveted Macedonia and
+desired the fullest results from his good fortune of the moment,
+nevertheless made a truce. The cause lay in the fear that, if Philip
+were out of the way, the Greeks might recover their ancient spirit and
+no longer pay them court, that the AEtolians, already filled with great
+boasting because they had contributed the largest share to the victory,
+might become more vexatious to them, and that Antiochus might, as was
+reported, come to Europe and form an alliance with Philip. (Ursinus, p.
+381. Zonaras, 9, 16.)
+
+[Frag. LIX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._ 562)] 1. ¶ Antiochus and his generals were
+ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and his passion for a
+certain girl he had drifted into luxurious living and had at the same
+time rendered the rest unfit for warfare. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9,
+19.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] 2. ¶ Seleucus [Footnote: Probably an
+error of the excerptor, for Antiochus himself.] the son of Antiochus
+captured the son of Africanus, who was sailing across from Greece, and
+had given him the kindest treatment. Although his father many times
+requested the privilege of ransoming him, his captor refused, yet did
+him no harm: on the contrary, he showed him every honor and finally,
+though he failed of securing peace, released him without ransom.
+(Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)
+
+[Frag. LX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] ¶ Many were jealous of the Scipios
+because the two brothers of excellent stock and trained in virtue had
+accomplished all that has been related and had secured such titles. That
+these victors could not be charged with wrongdoing is made plain by my
+former statements and was shown still more conclusively on the occasion
+of the confiscation of the property of Asiaticus,--which was found to
+consist merely of his original inheritance,--or again by the retirement
+of Africanus to Liternum and the security that he enjoyed there to the
+end of his life. At first he did appear in court, [Footnote: Political
+enemies of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus summoned him to court on
+trumped-up charges.] thinking that he would be saved by the genuineness
+of his good behavior. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)
+
+[Frag. LXI]
+
+¶ The Romans, when they had had a taste of Asiatic luxury and had
+spent some time in the possessions of the vanquished amid the
+abundance of spoils and the license granted by success in arms,
+rapidly came to emulate their prodigality and ere long to trample
+under foot their ancestral traditions. Thus this terrible influence,
+arising from that source, fell also upon the city. (Valesius, p. 609.)
+
+[Frag. LXII]
+
+¶ Gracchus was thoroughly a man of the people and a very fluent public
+speaker, but his disposition was very different from Cato's. Although
+he had an enmity of long standing against the Scipios, he would not
+endure what was taking place but spoke in defence of Africanus, who
+was accused while absent, and exerted himself to prevent any smirch
+from attaching to that leader; and he prevented the imprisonment of
+Asiaticus. Consequently the Scipios, too, relinquished their hatred of
+him and made a family alliance, Africanus bestowing upon him his own
+daughter. (Valesius, p. 610.)
+
+[Frag. LXIII]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (_a.u._ 567)] ¶ Some youths who had insulted the
+Carthaginian envoys that had come to Rome were sent to Carthage and
+delivered up to the people; they received no injury, however, at the
+hands of the citizens and were released. (Ursinus, p. 381.)
+
+[Frag. LXIV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (_a.u._ 571)] ¶ He himself [i.e. Hannibal] died by
+drinking poison near Bithynia, in a certain place called Libyssa by
+name; though he thought to die in Libyssa his own proper country. For an
+oracle had once been written down for Hannibal to the following effect:
+"A Libyssan clod shall hide the form of Hannibal." Later the Roman
+Emperor Severus, being of Libyan birth, interred in a tomb of white
+marble this man, the general Hannibal. (Tzetzes. Hist. 1, 798-805. Cp.
+Zonaras, 9, 21.)
+
+[Frag. LXV]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 169 (_a.u._ 585)] 1. ¶ Perseus hoped to eject the Romans
+from Greece completely, but through his excessive and inopportune
+parsimony and the consequent contempt of his allies he became weak once
+more. When Roman influence was declining slightly and his own was
+increasing, he was filled with scorn and thought he had no further need
+of his allies, but believed that either they would assist him free of
+cost or he could prevail by himself. Hence he paid neither Eumenes nor
+Gentius the money that he had promised, thinking that they must have
+reasons of their own strong enough to insure hostility towards the
+Romans. These princes, therefore, and the Thrasians--they, too, were not
+receiving their full pay--became indifferent; and Perseus fell into such
+depths of despair again as actually to sue for peace. (Valesius, p. 610.
+Zonaras, 9, 22.)
+
+2. ¶ Perseus sued for peace at the hands of the Romans, and would have
+obtained it but for the presence in his embassy of the Rhodians, who
+joined it through fear that a rival to the Romans might be annihilated.
+Their language had none of the moderation which petitioners should
+employ, and they talked as if they were not so much asking peace for
+Perseus as bestowing it, and adopted a generally haughty tone: finally
+they threatened those who should be responsible for their failing to
+come to a satisfactory agreement by saying that they would fight on the
+opposite side. They had previously been somewhat under the ban of Roman
+suspicion, but after this many more hard things were said of them and
+they prevented Perseus from obtaining peace. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras,
+9, 22.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (_a.u._ 586)]3. ¶ When Perseus was in the temple at
+Samothrace, a demand was made upon him for the surrender of one Evander,
+of Cretan stock, a most faithful follower who had assisted him in many
+schemes against the Romans and had helped to concoct the plot carried
+out at Delphi against Eumenes. The prince, fearing that he might declare
+all the intrigues to which he had been privy, did not deliver him but
+secretly slew him and spread abroad the report that he had made way with
+himself in advance. The associates of Perseus, fearing his treachery
+and blood-guiltiness, then began to desert his standard. (Valesius, p.
+610. Zonaras, 9, 23.)
+
+4. ¶ Perseus allowed himself [Footnote: Cp. Livy, XLV, 6.] to be found,
+and upon his being brought to Amphipolis Paulus accorded him no harsh
+treatment by deed or word, but on the contrary made way for him when he
+approached, entertained him in various ways and had him sit at his
+table, keeping him, meanwhile, although a prisoner, unconfined and
+showing him every courtesy. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 23.)
+
+[Frag. LXVI]
+
+¶ Paulus was not only good at generalship but most inaccessible to
+bribes. Of this the following is proof. Though he had at that time
+entered for a second term upon the consulship and had gained possession
+of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great indigence that when
+he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to his wife. Such was
+the nature of the man and such were his deeds. The only thing regarded
+as a blemish that attaches to his character is his turning over the
+possessions [of the Epirots?] to his soldiers for pillage: for the rest,
+he showed himself a man not devoid of charm and temperate in good
+fortune, who was seen to be extremely lucky and at the same time full of
+wise counsel in dealing with the enemy. As an illustration: he was not
+cowardly or heedless in waging war against Perseus, but afterward did
+not assume a pompous or boastful air toward him. (Valesius, p. 613.
+Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+[Frag. LXVII]
+
+1. ¶ The Rhodians, who formerly had possessed a vast amount of
+self-esteem, thinking that they, too, ranked as conquerors of Philip and
+Antiochus, and were stronger than the Romans, fell into such depths of
+terror as to despatch an ambassador to Antiochus, king of Syria, and
+summon Popilius, in whose presence they condemned all those opposed to
+the Roman policy and then sent such as were arrested to punishment.
+(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+2. ¶ The same persons, though they had often sent envoys to them, as
+frequently as they wanted anything, now ceased to bring to their
+attention any of the former enterprises, but mentioned only those cases
+which they could cite pertaining to services once rendered which might
+be useful in diverting Roman ill-will. They were especially anxious at
+this time to secure the title of Roman allies. Previously they had
+refused to accept it. They had wished to inspire some fear in
+Rome,--for, not being bound to friendship by any oath, they had power to
+transfer their allegiance at any time,--and furthermore to be courted by
+such states as from time to time might be engaged in war with that city.
+But now they were looking to confirm the favor of the Romans and to the
+consequent honor that was sure to be accorded to them by others.
+(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+[Frag. LXVIII]
+
+¶ Prusias himself entered the senate-house at Rome and covered the
+threshold with kisses. The senators he termed gods, and worshiped them.
+Thus, then, he obtained an abundance of pity, though he had fought
+against Attalus contrary to the Roman decision. It was said that at
+home, too, whenever their envoys came to him, he worshiped them, calling
+himself a freedman of the people, and often he would put on a slave's
+cap. (Ursinus, p. 383. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
+
+[Frag. LXIX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] ¶ Scipio Africanus excelled in
+planning out at leisure the requisite course, but excelled also in
+discovering at a moment's notice what needed to be done, and knew how to
+employ either method on the proper occasion. The duties that lay before
+him he reviewed boldly but accomplished their fulfillment as if with
+timidity. Therefore by his fearless detailed investigation he obtained
+accurate knowledge of the fitting action in every emergency, and by his
+good judgment in doubtful cases met these emergencies safely.
+Consequently, if he was ever brought face to face with some need that
+admitted of no deliberation,--as is wont to happen in the contradictions
+of warfare and the turns of fortune--not even then did he miss the
+proper course. Through accustoming himself to regard no happening as
+unreasonable he was not unprepared for the assault of sudden events,
+but through his incessant activity was able to meet the unexpected as if
+he had forseen it long before. As a result he showed himself daring in
+matters where he felt he was right, and ready to run risks where he felt
+bold. In bodily frame he was strong as the best of the soldiers. This
+led to one of his most remarkable characteristics: he would devise
+movements that looked advantageous as if he were merely going to command
+others, and at the time of action would execute them as if they had been
+ordered by others. Besides not swerving from the ordinary paths of
+rectitude, he kept faith scrupulously not only with the citizens and his
+acquaintances, but with foreign and most hostile nations. This, too,
+brought many individuals as well as many cities to his standard. He
+never spoke or acted without due consideration or through anger or fear,
+but as a result of the certainty of his calculations he was ready for
+all chances: he had thought out practically all human possibilities; he
+never did anything unexpected, but deliberated every matter beforehand,
+according to its nature. Thus he perceived very easily the right course
+to follow even before there was any necessity, and pursued it with
+firmness.
+
+These are the reasons, or chiefly these--I should mention also his
+moderation and amiability--that he alone of men escaped the envy of his
+peers, or of any one else. He chose to make himself like to his
+inferiors, not better than his equals, weaker than greater men, and so
+passed beyond the power of jealousy, which harasses only the noblest
+men. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 27.)
+
+[Frag. LXX]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 148 (_a.u._ 606)] Dio in Book 21: "Phameas, despairing
+of the Carthaginian cause" [lacuna] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 124, 9a. Zonaras,
+9, 27.)
+
+[Frag. LXXI]
+
+What age limit, pray, is imposed upon those who from their very boyhood
+set their faces toward obtaining a right state of mind? What number of
+years has been settled upon with reference to the fulfillment of duties?
+Is it not true that all who enjoy an excellent nature and good fortune
+both think and do in all things what is right from the very beginning,
+whereas those who at this age of their life have little sense would
+never subsequently grow more prudent, even if they should pass through
+many years? A man may continue to improve upon his former condition as
+he advances in age, but not one would turn out wise from being foolish,
+or sensible from being silly. Do not, therefore, put the young into a
+state of dejection through the idea that they are actually condemned to
+a state of inability to perform their duties. On the contrary, you ought
+to urge them to practice zealously the performance of all that they are
+required to do, and to look for both honors and offices even before they
+reach old age. By this course you will render their elders better,
+too,--first, by confronting them with many competitors, and next by
+making clear that you are going to establish not length of years but
+innate excellence as the test in conferring positions of command upon
+any citizens, even more than you do in the case of ordinary benefits.
+[Footnote: These words would appear to be taken from the speech before
+the senate of some such person as a tribune of the plebs, and to relate
+either to the consulship of Scipio AEmilianus (B.C. 148) or to the
+Spanish appointment of Scipio Africanus (B.C. 211), preferably the
+former.] (Mai, p. 547, and also Excerpts from a Florentine MS. of John
+of Antioch's _Parallela_. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 29.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
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