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<h2>
<a href="#startoftext">War of the Classes, by Jack London</a>
</h2>
<pre>
The Project Gutenberg eBook, War of the Classes, by Jack London


This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org





Title: War of the Classes


Author: Jack London



Release Date: May 6, 2007  [eBook #1187]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)


***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WAR OF THE CLASSES***
</pre>
<p><a name="startoftext"></a></p>
<p>Transcribed from the 1912 Macmillan edition by David Price, email 
ccx074@pglaf.org</p>
<h1>WAR OF THE CLASSES</h1>
<p style="text-align: center"><span class="smcap">by</span><br />
JACK LONDON<br />
<span class="smcap">author of &ldquo;the sea-wolf,&rdquo; &ldquo;call of 
the wild,&rdquo; etc.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center">THE REGENT PRESS<br />
NEW YORK</p>
<p style="text-align: center">Copyright, 1905,<br />
<span class="smcap">By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY</span>.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">Set up and electrotyped.&nbsp; Published 
April, 1905.&nbsp; Reprinted June, October, November, 1905; January, 1906; 
May, 1907; April, 1908; March, 19010; April, 1912.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">Printed and Bound by<br />
J. J. Little &amp; Ives Company<br />
New York</p>
<p>Contents:</p>
<p>Preface<br />
The Class Struggle<br />
The Tramp<br />
The Scab<br />
The Question of the Maximum<br />
A Review<br />
Wanted: A New Land of Development<br />
How I Became a Socialist</p>
<h2>PREFACE</h2>
<p>When I was a youngster I was looked upon as a weird sort of creature, 
because, forsooth, I was a socialist.&nbsp; Reporters from local papers 
interviewed me, and the interviews, when published, were pathological 
studies of a strange and abnormal specimen of man.&nbsp; At that time (nine
or ten years ago), because I made a stand in my native town for municipal 
ownership of public utilities, I was branded a &ldquo;red-shirt,&rdquo; a 
&ldquo;dynamiter,&rdquo; and an &ldquo;anarchist&rdquo;; and really decent 
fellows, who liked me very well, drew the line at my appearing in public 
with their sisters.</p>
<p>But the times changed.&nbsp; There came a day when I heard, in my native
town, a Republican mayor publicly proclaim that &ldquo;municipal ownership 
was a fixed American policy.&rdquo;&nbsp; And in that day I found myself 
picking up in the world.&nbsp; No longer did the pathologist study me, 
while the really decent fellows did not mind in the least the propinquity 
of myself and their sisters in the public eye.&nbsp; My political and 
sociological ideas were ascribed to the vagaries of youth, and good-natured
elderly men patronized me and told me that I would grow up some day and 
become an unusually intelligent member of the community.&nbsp; Also they 
told me that my views were biassed by my empty pockets, and that some day, 
when I had gathered to me a few dollars, my views would be wholly 
different,&mdash;in short, that my views would be their views.</p>
<p>And then came the day when my socialism grew respectable,&mdash;still a 
vagary of youth, it was held, but romantically respectable.&nbsp; Romance, 
to the bourgeois mind, was respectable because it was not dangerous.&nbsp; 
As a &ldquo;red-shirt,&rdquo; with bombs in all his pockets, I was 
dangerous.&nbsp; As a youth with nothing more menacing than a few 
philosophical ideas, Germanic in their origin, I was an interesting and 
pleasing personality.</p>
<p>Through all this experience I noted one thing.&nbsp; It was not I that 
changed, but the community.&nbsp; In fact, my socialistic views grew 
solider and more pronounced.&nbsp; I repeat, it was the community that 
changed, and to my chagrin I discovered that the community changed to such 
purpose that it was not above stealing my thunder.&nbsp; The community 
branded me a &ldquo;red-shirt&rdquo; because I stood for municipal 
ownership; a little later it applauded its mayor when he proclaimed 
municipal ownership to be a fixed American policy.&nbsp; He stole my 
thunder, and the community applauded the theft.&nbsp; And today the 
community is able to come around and give me points on municipal 
ownership.</p>
<p>What happened to me has been in no wise different from what has happened
to the socialist movement as a whole in the United States.&nbsp; In the 
bourgeois mind socialism has changed from a terrible disease to a youthful 
vagary, and later on had its thunder stolen by the two old 
parties,&mdash;socialism, like a meek and thrifty workingman, being 
exploited became respectable.</p>
<p>Only dangerous things are abhorrent.&nbsp; The thing that is not 
dangerous is always respectable.&nbsp; And so with socialism in the United 
States.&nbsp; For several years it has been very respectable,&mdash;a sweet
and beautiful Utopian dream, in the bourgeois mind, yet a dream, only a 
dream.&nbsp; During this period, which has just ended, socialism was 
tolerated because it was impossible and non-menacing.&nbsp; Much of its 
thunder had been stolen, and the workingmen had been made happy with full 
dinner-pails.&nbsp; There was nothing to fear.&nbsp; The kind old world 
spun on, coupons were clipped, and larger profits than ever were extracted 
from the toilers.&nbsp; Coupon-clipping and profit-extracting would 
continue to the end of time.&nbsp; These were functions divine in origin 
and held by divine right.&nbsp; The newspapers, the preachers, and the 
college presidents said so, and what they say, of course, is so&mdash;to 
the bourgeois mind.</p>
<p>Then came the presidential election of 1904.&nbsp; Like a bolt out of a 
clear sky was the socialist vote of 435,000,&mdash;an increase of nearly 
400 per cent in four years, the largest third-party vote, with one 
exception, since the Civil War.&nbsp; Socialism had shown that it was a 
very live and growing revolutionary force, and all its old menace 
revived.&nbsp; I am afraid that neither it nor I are any longer 
respectable.&nbsp; The capitalist press of the country confirms me in my 
opinion, and herewith I give a few post-election utterances of the 
capitalist press:&mdash;</p>
<blockquote>
<p>&ldquo;The Democratic party of the constitution is dead.&nbsp; The 
Social-Democratic party of continental Europe, preaching discontent and 
class hatred, assailing law, property, and personal rights, and insinuating
confiscation and plunder, is here.&rdquo;&mdash;Chicago Chronicle.</p>
<p>&ldquo;That over forty thousand votes should have been cast in this city
to make such a person as Eugene V. Debs the President of the United States 
is about the worst kind of advertising that Chicago could 
receive.&rdquo;&mdash;Chicago Inter-Ocean.</p>
<p>&ldquo;We cannot blink the fact that socialism is making rapid growth in
this country, where, of all others, there would seem to be less inspiration
for it.&rdquo;&mdash;Brooklyn Daily Eagle.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Upon the hands of the Republican party an awful responsibility 
was placed last Tuesday. . . It knows that reforms&mdash;great, 
far-sweeping reforms&mdash;are necessary, and it has the power to make 
them.&nbsp; God help our civilization if it does not! . . . It must repress
the trusts or stand before the world responsible for our system of 
government being changed into a social republic.&nbsp; The arbitrary 
cutting down of wages must cease, or socialism will seize another lever to 
lift itself into power.&rdquo;&mdash;The Chicago New World.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Scarcely any phase of the election is more sinisterly interesting
than the increase in the socialist vote.&nbsp; Before election we said that
we could not afford to give aid and comfort to the socialists in any 
manner. . . It (socialism) must be fought in all its phases, in its every 
manifestation.&rdquo;&mdash;San Francisco Argonaut.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>And far be it from me to deny that socialism is a menace.&nbsp; It is 
its purpose to wipe out, root and branch, all capitalistic institutions of 
present-day society.&nbsp; It is distinctly revolutionary, and in scope and
depth is vastly more tremendous than any revolution that has ever occurred 
in the history of the world.&nbsp; It presents a new spectacle to the 
astonished world,&mdash;that of an <i>organized</i>, <i>international</i>, 
<i>revolutionary movement</i>.&nbsp; In the bourgeois mind a class struggle
is a terrible and hateful thing, and yet that is precisely what socialism 
is,&mdash;a world-wide class struggle between the propertyless workers and 
the propertied masters of workers.&nbsp; It is the prime preachment of 
socialism that the struggle is a class struggle.&nbsp; The working class, 
in the process of social evolution, (in the very nature of things), is 
bound to revolt from the sway of the capitalist class and to overthrow the 
capitalist class.&nbsp; This is the menace of socialism, and in affirming 
it and in tallying myself an adherent of it, I accept my own consequent 
unrespectability.</p>
<p>As yet, to the average bourgeois mind, socialism is merely a menace, 
vague and formless.&nbsp; The average member of the capitalist class, when 
he discusses socialism, is condemned an ignoramus out of his own 
mouth.&nbsp; He does not know the literature of socialism, its philosophy, 
nor its politics.&nbsp; He wags his head sagely and rattles the dry bones 
of dead and buried ideas.&nbsp; His lips mumble mouldy phrases, such as, 
&ldquo;Men are not born equal and never can be;&rdquo; &ldquo;It is Utopian
and impossible;&rdquo; &ldquo;Abstinence should be rewarded;&rdquo; 
&ldquo;Man will first have to be born again;&rdquo; &ldquo;Co&ouml;perative
colonies have always failed;&rdquo; and &ldquo;What if we do divide up? in 
ten years there would be rich and poor men such as there are 
today.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It surely is time that the capitalists knew something about this 
socialism that they feel menaces them.&nbsp; And it is the hope of the 
writer that the socialistic studies in this volume may in some slight 
degree enlighten a few capitalistic minds.&nbsp; The capitalist must learn,
first and for always, that socialism is based, not upon the equality, but 
upon the inequality, of men.&nbsp; Next, he must learn that no new birth 
into spiritual purity is necessary before socialism becomes possible.&nbsp;
He must learn that socialism deals with what is, not with what ought to be;
and that the material with which it deals is the &ldquo;clay of the common 
road,&rdquo; the warm human, fallible and frail, sordid and petty, absurd 
and contradictory, even grotesque, and yet, withal, shot through with 
flashes and glimmerings of something finer and God-like, with here and 
there sweetnesses of service and unselfishness, desires for goodness, for 
renunciation and sacrifice, and with conscience, stern and awful, at times 
blazingly imperious, demanding the right,&mdash;the right, nothing more nor
less than the right.</p>
<p style="text-align: right">JACK LONDON.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">Oakland</span>, <span 
class="smcap">California</span>.<br />
January 12, 1905.</p>
<h2>THE CLASS STRUGGLE</h2>
<p>Unfortunately or otherwise, people are prone to believe in the reality 
of the things they think ought to be so.&nbsp; This comes of the cheery 
optimism which is innate with life itself; and, while it may sometimes be 
deplored, it must never be censured, for, as a rule, it is productive of 
more good than harm, and of about all the achievement there is in the 
world.&nbsp; There are cases where this optimism has been disastrous, as 
with the people who lived in Pompeii during its last quivering days; or 
with the aristocrats of the time of Louis XVI, who confidently expected the
Deluge to overwhelm their children, or their children&rsquo;s children, but
never themselves.&nbsp; But there is small likelihood that the case of 
perverse optimism here to be considered will end in such disaster, while 
there is every reason to believe that the great change now manifesting 
itself in society will be as peaceful and orderly in its culmination as it 
is in its present development.</p>
<p>Out of their constitutional optimism, and because a class struggle is an
abhorred and dangerous thing, the great American people are unanimous in 
asserting that there is no class struggle.&nbsp; And by &ldquo;American 
people&rdquo; is meant the recognized and authoritative mouth-pieces of the
American people, which are the press, the pulpit, and the university.&nbsp;
The journalists, the preachers, and the professors are practically of one 
voice in declaring that there is no such thing as a class struggle now 
going on, much less that a class struggle will ever go on, in the United 
States.&nbsp; And this declaration they continually make in the face of a 
multitude of facts which impeach, not so much their sincerity, as affirm, 
rather, their optimism.</p>
<p>There are two ways of approaching the subject of the class 
struggle.&nbsp; The existence of this struggle can be shown theoretically, 
and it can be shown actually.&nbsp; For a class struggle to exist in 
society there must be, first, a class inequality, a superior class and an 
inferior class (as measured by power); and, second, the outlets must be 
closed whereby the strength and ferment of the inferior class have been 
permitted to escape.</p>
<p>That there are even classes in the United States is vigorously denied by
many; but it is incontrovertible, when a group of individuals is formed, 
wherein the members are bound together by common interests which are 
peculiarly their interests and not the interests of individuals outside the
group, that such a group is a class.&nbsp; The owners of capital, with 
their dependents, form a class of this nature in the United States; the 
working people form a similar class.&nbsp; The interest of the capitalist 
class, say, in the matter of income tax, is quite contrary to the interest 
of the laboring class; and, <i>vice versa</i>, in the matter of 
poll-tax.</p>
<p>If between these two classes there be a clear and vital conflict of 
interest, all the factors are present which make a class struggle; but this
struggle will lie dormant if the strong and capable members of the inferior
class be permitted to leave that class and join the ranks of the superior 
class.&nbsp; The capitalist class and the working class have existed side 
by side and for a long time in the United States; but hitherto all the 
strong, energetic members of the working class have been able to rise out 
of their class and become owners of capital.&nbsp; They were enabled to do 
this because an undeveloped country with an expanding frontier gave 
equality of opportunity to all.&nbsp; In the almost lottery-like scramble 
for the ownership of vast unowned natural resources, and in the 
exploitation of which there was little or no competition of capital, (the 
capital itself rising out of the exploitation), the capable, intelligent 
member of the working class found a field in which to use his brains to his
own advancement.&nbsp; Instead of being discontented in direct ratio with 
his intelligence and ambitions, and of radiating amongst his fellows a 
spirit of revolt as capable as he was capable, he left them to their fate 
and carved his own way to a place in the superior class.</p>
<p>But the day of an expanding frontier, of a lottery-like scramble for the
ownership of natural resources, and of the upbuilding of new industries, is
past.&nbsp; Farthest West has been reached, and an immense volume of 
surplus capital roams for investment and nips in the bud the patient 
efforts of the embryo capitalist to rise through slow increment from small 
beginnings.&nbsp; The gateway of opportunity after opportunity has been 
closed, and closed for all time.&nbsp; Rockefeller has shut the door on 
oil, the American Tobacco Company on tobacco, and Carnegie on steel.&nbsp; 
After Carnegie came Morgan, who triple-locked the door.&nbsp; These doors 
will not open again, and before them pause thousands of ambitious young men
to read the placard: <span class="smcap">No Thorough-fare</span>.</p>
<p>And day by day more doors are shut, while the ambitious young men 
continue to be born.&nbsp; It is they, denied the opportunity to rise from 
the working class, who preach revolt to the working class.&nbsp; Had he 
been born fifty years later, Andrew Carnegie, the poor Scotch boy, might 
have risen to be president of his union, or of a federation of unions; but 
that he would never have become the builder of Homestead and the founder of
multitudinous libraries, is as certain as it is certain that some other man
would have developed the steel industry had Andrew Carnegie never been 
born.</p>
<p>Theoretically, then, there exist in the United States all the factors 
which go to make a class struggle.&nbsp; There are the capitalists and 
working classes, the interests of which conflict, while the working class 
is no longer being emasculated to the extent it was in the past by having 
drawn off from it its best blood and brains.&nbsp; Its more capable members
are no longer able to rise out of it and leave the great mass leaderless 
and helpless.&nbsp; They remain to be its leaders.</p>
<p>But the optimistic mouthpieces of the great American people, who are 
themselves deft theoreticians, are not to be convinced by mere 
theoretics.&nbsp; So it remains to demonstrate the existence of the class 
struggle by a marshalling of the facts.</p>
<p>When nearly two millions of men, finding themselves knit together by 
certain interests peculiarly their own, band together in a strong 
organization for the aggressive pursuit of those interests, it is evident 
that society has within it a hostile and warring class.&nbsp; But when the 
interests which this class aggressively pursues conflict sharply and 
vitally with the interests of another class, class antagonism arises and a 
class struggle is the inevitable result.&nbsp; One great organization of 
labor alone has a membership of 1,700,000 in the United States.&nbsp; This 
is the American Federation of Labor, and outside of it are many other large
organizations.&nbsp; All these men are banded together for the frank 
purpose of bettering their condition, regardless of the harm worked thereby
upon all other classes.&nbsp; They are in open antagonism with the 
capitalist class, while the manifestos of their leaders state that the 
struggle is one which can never end until the capitalist class is 
exterminated.</p>
<p>Their leaders will largely deny this last statement, but an examination 
of their utterances, their actions, and the situation will forestall such 
denial.&nbsp; In the first place, the conflict between labor and capital is
over the division of the join product.&nbsp; Capital and labor apply 
themselves to raw material and make it into a finished product.&nbsp; The 
difference between the value of the raw material and the value of the 
finished product is the value they have added to it by their joint 
effort.&nbsp; This added value is, therefore, their joint product, and it 
is over the division of this joint product that the struggle between labor 
and capital takes place.&nbsp; Labor takes its share in wages; capital 
takes its share in profits.&nbsp; It is patent, if capital took in profits 
the whole joint product, that labor would perish.&nbsp; And it is equally 
patent, if labor took in wages the whole joint product, that capital would 
perish.&nbsp; Yet this last is the very thing labor aspires to do, and that
it will never be content with anything less than the whole joint product is
evidenced by the words of its leaders.</p>
<p>Mr. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, has 
said: &ldquo;The workers want more wages; more of the comforts of life; 
more leisure; more chance for self-improvement as men, as trade-unionists, 
as citizens.&nbsp; <i>These were the wants of yesterday</i>; <i>they are 
the wants of today</i>; <i>they will be the wants of tomorrow</i>, <i>and 
of tomorrow&rsquo;s morrow</i>.&nbsp; The struggle may assume new forms, 
but the issue is the immemorial one,&mdash;an effort of the producers to 
obtain an increasing measure of the wealth that flows from their 
production.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Mr. Henry White, secretary of the United Garment Workers of America and 
a member of the Industrial Committee of the National Civic Federation, 
speaking of the National Civic Federation soon after its inception, said: 
&ldquo;To fall into one another&rsquo;s arms, to avow friendship, to 
express regret at the injury which has been done, would not alter the facts
of the situation.&nbsp; Workingmen will continue to demand more pay, and 
the employer will naturally oppose them.&nbsp; The readiness and ability of
the workmen to fight will, as usual, largely determine the amount of their 
wages or their share in the product. . . But when it comes to dividing the 
proceeds, there is the rub.&nbsp; We can also agree that the larger the 
product through the employment of labor-saving methods the better, as there
will be more to be divided, but again the question of the division. . . . A
Conciliation Committee, having the confidence of the community, and 
composed of men possessing practical knowledge of industrial affairs, can 
therefore aid in mitigating this antagonism, in preventing avoidable 
conflicts, in bringing about a <i>truce</i>; I use the word 
&lsquo;truce&rsquo; because understandings can only be 
temporary.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Here is a man who might have owned cattle on a thousand hills, been a 
lumber baron or a railroad king, had he been born a few years sooner.&nbsp;
As it is, he remains in his class, is secretary of the United Garment 
Workers of America, and is so thoroughly saturated with the class struggle 
that he speaks of the dispute between capital and labor in terms of 
war,&mdash;workmen <i>fight</i> with employers; it is possible to avoid 
some <i>conflicts</i>; in certain cases <i>truces</i> may be, for the time 
being, effected.</p>
<p>Man being man and a great deal short of the angels, the quarrel over the
division of the joint product is irreconcilable.&nbsp; For the last twenty 
years in the United States, there has been an average of over a thousand 
strikes per year; and year by year these strikes increase in magnitude, and
the front of the labor army grows more imposing.&nbsp; And it is a class 
struggle, pure and simple.&nbsp; Labor as a class is fighting with capital 
as a class.</p>
<p>Workingmen will continue to demand more pay, and employers will continue
to oppose them.&nbsp; This is the key-note to <i>laissez 
faire</i>,&mdash;everybody for himself and devil take the hindmost.&nbsp; 
It is upon this that the rampant individualist bases his 
individualism.&nbsp; It is the let-alone policy, the struggle for 
existence, which strengthens the strong, destroys the weak, and makes a 
finer and more capable breed of men.&nbsp; But the individual has passed 
away and the group has come, for better or worse, and the struggle has 
become, not a struggle between individuals, but a struggle between 
groups.&nbsp; So the query rises: Has the individualist never speculated 
upon the labor group becoming strong enough to destroy the capitalist 
group, and take to itself and run for itself the machinery of 
industry?&nbsp; And, further, has the individualist never speculated upon 
this being still a triumphant expression of individualism,&mdash;of group 
individualism,&mdash;if the confusion of terms may be permitted?</p>
<p>But the facts of the class struggle are deeper and more significant than
have so far been presented.&nbsp; A million or so of workmen may organize 
for the pursuit of interests which engender class antagonism and strife, 
and at the same time be unconscious of what is engendered.&nbsp; But when a
million or so of workmen show unmistakable signs of being conscious of 
their class,&mdash;of being, in short, class conscious,&mdash;then the 
situation grows serious.&nbsp; The uncompromising and terrible hatred of 
the trade-unionist for a scab is the hatred of a class for a traitor to 
that class,&mdash;while the hatred of a trade-unionist for the militia is 
the hatred of a class for a weapon wielded by the class with which it is 
fighting.&nbsp; No workman can be true to his class and at the same time be
a member of the militia: this is the dictum of the labor leaders.</p>
<p>In the town of the writer, the good citizens, when they get up a Fourth 
of July parade and invite the labor unions to participate, are informed by 
the unions that they will not march in the parade if the militia 
marches.&nbsp; Article 8 of the constitution of the Painters&rsquo; and 
Decorators&rsquo; Union of Schenectady provides that a member must not be a
&ldquo;militiaman, special police officer, or deputy marshal in the employ 
of corporations or individuals during strikes, lockouts, or other labor 
difficulties, and any member occupying any of the above positions will be 
debarred from membership.&rdquo;&nbsp; Mr. William Potter was a member of 
this union and a member of the National Guard.&nbsp; As a result, because 
he obeyed the order of the Governor when his company was ordered out to 
suppress rioting, he was expelled from his union.&nbsp; Also his union 
demanded his employers, Shafer &amp; Barry, to discharge him from their 
service.&nbsp; This they complied with, rather than face the threatened 
strike.</p>
<p>Mr. Robert L. Walker, first lieutenant of the Light Guards, a New Haven 
militia company, recently resigned.&nbsp; His reason was, that he was a 
member of the Car Builders&rsquo; Union, and that the two organizations 
were antagonistic to each other.&nbsp; During a New Orleans street-car 
strike not long ago, a whole company of militia, called out to protect 
non-union men, resigned in a body.&nbsp; Mr. John Mulholland, president of 
the International Association of Allied Metal Mechanics, has stated that he
does not want the members to join the militia.&nbsp; The Local 
Trades&rsquo; Assembly of Syracuse, New York, has passed a resolution, by 
unanimous vote, requiring union men who are members of the National Guard 
to resign, under pain of expulsion, from the unions.&nbsp; The Amalgamated 
Sheet Metal Workers&rsquo; Association has incorporated in its constitution
an amendment excluding from membership in its organization &ldquo;any 
person a member of the regular army, or of the State militia or naval 
reserve.&rdquo;&nbsp; The Illinois State Federation of Labor, at a recent 
convention, passed without a dissenting vote a resolution declaring that 
membership in military organizations is a violation of labor union 
obligations, and requesting all union men to withdraw from the 
militia.&nbsp; The president of the Federation, Mr. Albert Young, declared 
that the militia was a menace not only to unions, but to all workers 
throughout the country.</p>
<p>These instances may be multiplied a thousand fold.&nbsp; The union 
workmen are becoming conscious of their class, and of the struggle their 
class is waging with the capitalist class.&nbsp; To be a member of the 
militia is to be a traitor to the union, for the militia is a weapon 
wielded by the employers to crush the workers in the struggle between the 
warring groups.</p>
<p>Another interesting, and even more pregnant, phase of the class struggle
is the political aspect of it as displayed by the socialists.&nbsp; Five 
men, standing together, may perform prodigies; 500 men, marching as marched
the historic Five Hundred of Marseilles, may sack a palace and destroy a 
king; while 500,000 men, passionately preaching the propaganda of a class 
struggle, waging a class struggle along political lines, and backed by the 
moral and intellectual support of 10,000,000 more men of like convictions 
throughout the world, may come pretty close to realizing a class struggle 
in these United States of ours.</p>
<p>In 1900 these men cast 150,000 votes; two years later, in 1902, they 
cast 300,000 votes; and in 1904 they cast 450,000.&nbsp; They have behind 
them a most imposing philosophic and scientific literature; they own 
illustrated magazines and reviews, high in quality, dignity, and restraint;
they possess countless daily and weekly papers which circulate throughout 
the land, and single papers which have subscribers by the hundreds of 
thousands; and they literally swamp the working classes in a vast sea of 
tracts and pamphlets.&nbsp; No political party in the United States, no 
church organization nor mission effort, has as indefatigable workers as has
the socialist party.&nbsp; They multiply themselves, know of no effort nor 
sacrifice too great to make for the Cause; and &ldquo;Cause,&rdquo; with 
them, is spelled out in capitals.&nbsp; They work for it with a religious 
zeal, and would die for it with a willingness similar to that of the 
Christian martyrs.</p>
<p>These men are preaching an uncompromising and deadly class 
struggle.&nbsp; In fact, they are organized upon the basis of a class 
struggle.&nbsp; &ldquo;The history of society,&rdquo; they say, &ldquo;is a
history of class struggles.&nbsp; Patrician struggled with plebeian in 
early Rome; the king and the burghers, with the nobles in the Middle Ages; 
later on, the king and the nobles with the bourgeoisie; and today the 
struggle is on between the triumphant bourgeoisie and the rising 
proletariat.&nbsp; By &lsquo;proletariat&rsquo; is meant the class of 
people without capital which sells its labor for a living.</p>
<p>&ldquo;That the proletariat shall conquer,&rdquo; (mark the note of 
fatalism), &ldquo;is as certain as the rising sun.&nbsp; Just as the 
bourgeoisie of the eighteenth century wanted democracy applied to politics,
so the proletariat of the twentieth century wants democracy applied to 
industry.&nbsp; As the bourgeoisie complained against the government being 
run by and for the nobles, so the proletariat complains against the 
government and industry being run by and for the bourgeoisie; and so, 
following in the footsteps of its predecessor, the proletariat will possess
itself of the government, apply democracy to industry, abolish wages, which
are merely legalized robbery, and run the business of the country in its 
own interest.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;Their aim,&rdquo; they say, &ldquo;is to organize the working 
class, and those in sympathy with it, into a political party, with the 
object of conquering the powers of government and of using them for the 
purpose of transforming the present system of private ownership of the 
means of production and distribution into collective ownership by the 
entire people.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Briefly stated, this is the battle plan of these 450,000 men who call 
themselves &ldquo;socialists.&rdquo;&nbsp; And, in the face of the 
existence of such an aggressive group of men, a class struggle cannot very 
well be denied by the optimistic Americans who say: &ldquo;A class struggle
is monstrous.&nbsp; Sir, there is no class struggle.&rdquo;&nbsp; The class
struggle is here, and the optimistic American had better gird himself for 
the fray and put a stop to it, rather than sit idly declaiming that what 
ought not to be is not, and never will be.</p>
<p>But the socialists, fanatics and dreamers though they may well be, 
betray a foresight and insight, and a genius for organization, which put to
shame the class with which they are openly at war.&nbsp; Failing of rapid 
success in waging a sheer political propaganda, and finding that they were 
alienating the most intelligent and most easily organized portion of the 
voters, the socialists lessoned from the experience and turned their 
energies upon the trade-union movement.&nbsp; To win the trade unions was 
well-nigh to win the war, and recent events show that they have done far 
more winning in this direction than have the capitalists.</p>
<p>Instead of antagonizing the unions, which had been their previous 
policy, the socialists proceeded to conciliate the unions.&nbsp; &ldquo;Let
every good socialist join the union of his trade,&rdquo; the edict went 
forth.&nbsp; &ldquo;Bore from within and capture the trade-union 
movement.&rdquo;&nbsp; And this policy, only several years old, has reaped 
fruits far beyond their fondest expectations.&nbsp; Today the great labor 
unions are honeycombed with socialists, &ldquo;boring from within,&rdquo; 
as they picturesquely term their undermining labor.&nbsp; At work and at 
play, at business meeting and council, their insidious propaganda goes 
on.&nbsp; At the shoulder of the trade-unionist is the socialist, 
sympathizing with him, aiding him with head and hand, 
suggesting&mdash;perpetually suggesting&mdash;the necessity for political 
action.&nbsp; As the <i>Journal</i>, of Lansing, Michigan, a republican 
paper, has remarked: &ldquo;The socialists in the labor unions are tireless
workers.&nbsp; They are sincere, energetic, and self-sacrificing. . . . 
They stick to the union and work all the while, thus making a showing 
which, reckoned by ordinary standards, is out of all proportion to their 
numbers.&nbsp; Their cause is growing among union laborers, and their long 
fight, intended to turn the Federation into a political organization, is 
likely to win.&rdquo;</p>
<p>They miss no opportunity of driving home the necessity for political 
action, the necessity for capturing the political machinery of society 
whereby they may master society.&nbsp; As an instance of this is the 
avidity with which the American socialists seized upon the famous Taft-Vale
Decision in England, which was to the effect that an unincorporated union 
could be sued and its treasury rifled by process of law.&nbsp; Throughout 
the United States, the socialists pointed the moral in similar fashion to 
the way it was pointed by the Social-Democratic Herald, which advised the 
trade-unionists, in view of the decision, to stop trying to fight capital 
with money, which they lacked, and to begin fighting with the ballot, which
was their strongest weapon.</p>
<p>Night and day, tireless and unrelenting, they labor at their 
self-imposed task of undermining society.&nbsp; Mr. M. G. Cunniff, who 
lately made an intimate study of trade-unionism, says: &ldquo;All through 
the unions socialism filters.&nbsp; Almost every other man is a socialist, 
preaching that unionism is but a makeshift.&rdquo;&nbsp; &ldquo;Malthus be 
damned,&rdquo; they told him, &ldquo;for the good time was coming when 
every man should be able to rear his family in comfort.&rdquo;&nbsp; In one
union, with two thousand members, Mr. Cunniff found every man a socialist, 
and from his experiences Mr. Cunniff was forced to confess, &ldquo;I lived 
in a world that showed our industrial life a-tremble from beneath with a 
never-ceasing ferment.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The socialists have already captured the Western Federation of Miners, 
the Western Hotel and Restaurant Employees&rsquo; Union, and the 
Patternmakers&rsquo; National Association.&nbsp; The Western Federation of 
Miners, at a recent convention, declared: &ldquo;The strike has failed to 
secure to the working classes their liberty; we therefore call upon the 
workers to strike as one man for their liberties at the ballot box. . . . 
We put ourselves on record as committed to the programme of independent 
political action. . . . We indorse the platform of the socialist party, and
accept it as the declaration of principles of our organization.&nbsp; We 
call upon our members as individuals to commence immediately the 
organization of the socialist movement in their respective towns and 
states, and to co&ouml;perate in every way for the furtherance of the 
principles of socialism and of the socialist party.&nbsp; In states where 
the socialist party has not perfected its organization, we advise that 
every assistance be given by our members to that end. . . . We therefore 
call for organizers, capable and well-versed in the whole programme of the 
labor movement, to be sent into each state to preach the necessity of 
organization on the political as well as on the economic field.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The capitalist class has a glimmering consciousness of the class 
struggle which is shaping itself in the midst of society; but the 
capitalists, as a class, seem to lack the ability for organizing, for 
coming together, such as is possessed by the working class.&nbsp; No 
American capitalist ever aids an English capitalist in the common fight, 
while workmen have formed international unions, the socialists a world-wide
international organization, and on all sides space and race are bridged in 
the effort to achieve solidarity.&nbsp; Resolutions of sympathy, and, fully
as important, donations of money, pass back and forth across the sea to 
wherever labor is fighting its pitched battles.</p>
<p>For divers reasons, the capitalist class lacks this cohesion or 
solidarity, chief among which is the optimism bred of past success.&nbsp; 
And, again, the capitalist class is divided; it has within itself a class 
struggle of no mean proportions, which tends to irritate and harass it and 
to confuse the situation.&nbsp; The small capitalist and the large 
capitalist are grappled with each other, struggling over what Achille Loria
calls the &ldquo;bi-partition of the revenues.&rdquo;&nbsp; Such a 
struggle, though not precisely analogous, was waged between the landlords 
and manufacturers of England when the one brought about the passage of the 
Factory Acts and the other the abolition of the Corn Laws.</p>
<p>Here and there, however, certain members of the capitalist class see 
clearly the cleavage in society along which the struggle is beginning to 
show itself, while the press and magazines are beginning to raise an 
occasional and troubled voice.&nbsp; Two leagues of class-conscious 
capitalists have been formed for the purpose of carrying on their side of 
the struggle.&nbsp; Like the socialists, they do not mince matters, but 
state boldly and plainly that they are fighting to subjugate the opposing 
class.&nbsp; It is the barons against the commons.&nbsp; One of these 
leagues, the National Association of Manufacturers, is stopping short of 
nothing in what it conceives to be a life-and-death struggle.&nbsp; Mr. D. 
M. Parry, who is the president of the league, as well as president of the 
National Metal Trades&rsquo; Association, is leaving no stone unturned in 
what he feels to be a desperate effort to organize his class.&nbsp; He has 
issued the call to arms in terms everything but ambiguous: &ldquo;<i>There 
is still time in the United States to head off the socialistic 
programme</i>, <i>which</i>, <i>unrestrained</i>, <i>is sure to wreck our 
country</i>.&rdquo;</p>
<p>As he says, the work is for &ldquo;federating employers in order that we
may meet with a united front all issues that affect us.&nbsp; We must come 
to this sooner or later. . . . The work immediately before the National 
Association of Manufacturers is, first, <i>keep the vicious eight-hour Bill
off the books</i>; second, to <i>destroy the Anti-injunction Bill</i>, 
which wrests your business from you and places it in the hands of your 
employees; third, to secure the <i>passage of the Department of Commerce 
and Industry Bill</i>; the latter would go through with a rush were it not 
for the hectoring opposition of Organized Labor.&rdquo;&nbsp; By this 
department, he further says, &ldquo;business interests would have direct 
and sympathetic representation at Washington.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In a later letter, issued broadcast to the capitalists outside the 
League, President Parry points out the success which is already beginning 
to attend the efforts of the League at Washington.&nbsp; &ldquo;We have 
contributed more than any other influence to the quick passage of the new 
Department of Commerce Bill.&nbsp; It is said that the activities of this 
office are numerous and satisfactory; but of that I must not say too 
much&mdash;or anything. . . . At Washington the Association is not 
represented too much, either directly or indirectly.&nbsp; Sometimes it is 
known in a most powerful way that it is represented vigorously and 
unitedly.&nbsp; Sometimes it is not known that it is represented at 
all.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The second class-conscious capitalist organization is called the 
National Economic League.&nbsp; It likewise manifests the frankness of men 
who do not dilly-dally with terms, but who say what they mean, and who mean
to settle down to a long, hard fight.&nbsp; Their letter of invitation to 
prospective members opens boldly.&nbsp; &ldquo;We beg to inform you that 
the National Economic League will render its services in an impartial 
educational movement <i>to oppose socialism and class 
hatred</i>.&rdquo;&nbsp; Among its class-conscious members, men who 
recognize that the opening guns of the class struggle have been fired, may 
be instanced the following names: Hon. Lyman J. Gage, Ex-Secretary U. S. 
Treasury; Hon. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, Ex-Minister to France; Rev. Henry
C. Potter, Bishop New York Diocese; Hon. John D. Long, Ex-Secretary U. S. 
Navy; Hon. Levi P. Morton, Ex-Vice President United States; Henry Clews; 
John F. Dryden, President Prudential Life Insurance Co.; John A. McCall, 
President New York Life Insurance Co.; J. L. Greatsinger, President 
Brooklyn Rapid Transit Co.; the shipbuilding firm of William Cramp &amp; 
Sons, the Southern Railway system, and the Atchison, Topeka, &amp; Santa 
F&eacute; Railway Company.</p>
<p>Instances of the troubled editorial voice have not been rare during the 
last several years.&nbsp; There were many cries from the press during the 
last days of the anthracite coal strike that the mine owners, by their 
stubbornness, were sowing the regrettable seeds of socialism.&nbsp; The 
World&rsquo;s Work for December, 1902, said: &ldquo;The next significant 
fact is the recommendation by the Illinois State Federation of Labor that 
all members of labor unions who are also members of the state militia shall
resign from the militia.&nbsp; This proposition has been favorably regarded
by some other labor organizations.&nbsp; It has done more than any other 
single recent declaration or action to cause a public distrust of such 
unions as favor it.&nbsp; <i>It hints of a class separation that in turn 
hints of anarchy</i>.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The <i>Outlook</i>, February 14, 1903, in reference to the rioting at 
Waterbury, remarks, &ldquo;That all this disorder should have occurred in a
city of the character and intelligence of Waterbury indicates that the 
industrial war spirit is by no means confined to the immigrant or ignorant 
working classes.&rdquo;</p>
<p>That President Roosevelt has smelt the smoke from the firing line of the
class struggle is evidenced by his words, &ldquo;Above all we need to 
remember that any kind of <i>class animosity in the political world</i> is,
if possible, even more destructive to national welfare than sectional, 
race, or religious animosity.&rdquo;&nbsp; The chief thing to be noted here
is President Roosevelt&rsquo;s tacit recognition of class animosity in the 
industrial world, and his fear, which language cannot portray stronger, 
that this class animosity may spread to the political world.&nbsp; Yet this
is the very policy which the socialists have announced in their declaration
of war against present-day society&mdash;to capture the political machinery
of society and by that machinery destroy present-day society.</p>
<p>The New York Independent for February 12, 1903, recognized without 
qualification the class struggle.&nbsp; &ldquo;It is impossible fairly to 
pass upon the methods of labor unions, or to devise plans for remedying 
their abuses, until it is recognized, to begin with, that unions are based 
upon class antagonism and that their policies are dictated by the 
necessities of social warfare.&nbsp; A strike is a rebellion against the 
owners of property.&nbsp; The rights of property are protected by 
government.&nbsp; And a strike, under certain provocation, may extend as 
far as did the general strike in Belgium a few years since, when 
practically the entire wage-earning population stopped work in order to 
force political concessions from the property-owning classes.&nbsp; This is
an extreme case, but it brings out vividly the real nature of labor 
organization as a species of warfare whose object is the coercion of one 
class by another class.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It has been shown, theoretically and actually, that there is a class 
struggle in the United States.&nbsp; The quarrel over the division of the 
joint product is irreconcilable.&nbsp; The working class is no longer 
losing its strongest and most capable members.&nbsp; These men, denied room
for their ambition in the capitalist ranks, remain to be the leaders of the
workers, to spur them to discontent, to make them conscious of their class,
to lead them to revolt.</p>
<p>This revolt, appearing spontaneously all over the industrial field in 
the form of demands for an increased share of the joint product, is being 
carefully and shrewdly shaped for a political assault upon society.&nbsp; 
The leaders, with the carelessness of fatalists, do not hesitate for an 
instant to publish their intentions to the world.&nbsp; They intend to 
direct the labor revolt to the capture of the political machinery of 
society.&nbsp; With the political machinery once in their hands, which will
also give them the control of the police, the army, the navy, and the 
courts, they will confiscate, with or without remuneration, all the 
possessions of the capitalist class which are used in the production and 
distribution of the necessaries and luxuries of life.&nbsp; By this, they 
mean to apply the law of eminent domain to the land, and to extend the law 
of eminent domain till it embraces the mines, the factories, the railroads,
and the ocean carriers.&nbsp; In short, they intend to destroy present-day 
society, which they contend is run in the interest of another class, and 
from the materials to construct a new society, which will be run in their 
interest.</p>
<p>On the other hand, the capitalist class is beginning to grow conscious 
of itself and of the struggle which is being waged.&nbsp; It is already 
forming offensive and defensive leagues, while some of the most prominent 
figures in the nation are preparing to lead it in the attack upon 
socialism.</p>
<p>The question to be solved is not one of Malthusianism, &ldquo;projected 
efficiency,&rdquo; nor ethics.&nbsp; It is a question of might.&nbsp; 
Whichever class is to win, will win by virtue of superior strength; for the
workers are beginning to say, as they said to Mr. Cunniff, &ldquo;Malthus 
be damned.&rdquo;&nbsp; In their own minds they find no sanction for 
continuing the individual struggle for the survival of the fittest.&nbsp; 
As Mr. Gompers has said, they want more, and more, and more.&nbsp; The 
ethical import of Mr. Kidd&rsquo;s plan of the present generation putting 
up with less in order that race efficiency may be projected into a remote 
future, has no bearing upon their actions.&nbsp; They refuse to be the 
&ldquo;glad perishers&rdquo; so glowingly described by Nietzsche.</p>
<p>It remains to be seen how promptly the capitalist class will respond to 
the call to arms.&nbsp; Upon its promptness rests its existence, for if it 
sits idly by, soothfully proclaiming that what ought not to be cannot be, 
it will find the roof beams crashing about its head.&nbsp; The capitalist 
class is in the numerical minority, and bids fair to be outvoted if it does
not put a stop to the vast propaganda being waged by its enemy.&nbsp; It is
no longer a question of whether or not there is a class struggle.&nbsp; The
question now is, what will be the outcome of the class struggle?</p>
<h2>THE TRAMP</h2>
<p>Mr. Francis O&rsquo;Neil, General Superintendent of Police, Chicago, 
speaking of the tramp, says: &ldquo;Despite the most stringent police 
regulations, a great city will have a certain number of homeless vagrants 
to shelter through the winter.&rdquo;&nbsp; 
&ldquo;Despite,&rdquo;&mdash;mark the word, a confession of organized 
helplessness as against unorganized necessity.&nbsp; If police regulations 
are stringent and yet fail, then that which makes them fail, namely, the 
tramp, must have still more stringent reasons for succeeding.&nbsp; This 
being so, it should be of interest to inquire into these reasons, to 
attempt to discover why the nameless and homeless vagrant sets at naught 
the right arm of the corporate power of our great cities, why all that is 
weak and worthless is stronger than all that is strong and of value.</p>
<p>Mr. O&rsquo;Neil is a man of wide experience on the subject of 
tramps.&nbsp; He may be called a specialist.&nbsp; As he says of himself: 
&ldquo;As an old-time desk sergeant and police captain, I have had almost 
unlimited opportunity to study and analyze this class of floating 
population, which seeks the city in winter and scatters abroad through the 
country in the spring.&rdquo;&nbsp; He then continues: &ldquo;This 
experience reiterated the lesson that the vast majority of these wanderers 
are of the class with whom a life of vagrancy is a chosen means of living 
without work.&rdquo;&nbsp; Not only is it to be inferred from this that 
there is a large class in society which lives without work, for Mr. 
O&rsquo;Neil&rsquo;s testimony further shows that this class is forced to 
live without work.</p>
<p>He says: &ldquo;I have been astonished at the multitude of those who 
have unfortunately engaged in occupations which practically force them to 
become loafers for at least a third of the year.&nbsp; And it is from this 
class that the tramps are largely recruited.&nbsp; I recall a certain 
winter when it seemed to me that a large portion of the inhabitants of 
Chicago belonged to this army of unfortunates.&nbsp; I was stationed at a 
police station not far from where an ice harvest was ready for the 
cutters.&nbsp; The ice company advertised for helpers, and the very night 
this call appeared in the newspapers our station was packed with homeless 
men, who asked shelter in order to be at hand for the morning&rsquo;s 
work.&nbsp; Every foot of floor space was given over to these lodgers and 
scores were still unaccommodated.&rdquo;</p>
<p>And again: &ldquo;And it must be confessed that the man who is willing 
to do honest labor for food and shelter is a rare specimen in this vast 
army of shabby and tattered wanderers who seek the warmth of the city with 
the coming of the first snow.&rdquo;&nbsp; Taking into consideration the 
crowd of honest laborers that swamped Mr. O&rsquo;Neil&rsquo;s 
station-house on the way to the ice-cutting, it is patent, if all tramps 
were looking for honest labor instead of a small minority, that the honest 
laborers would have a far harder task finding something honest to do for 
food and shelter.&nbsp; If the opinion of the honest laborers who swamped 
Mr. O&rsquo;Neil&rsquo;s station-house were asked, one could rest confident
that each and every man would express a preference for fewer honest 
laborers on the morrow when he asked the ice foreman for a job.</p>
<p>And, finally, Mr. O&rsquo;Neil says: &ldquo;The humane and generous 
treatment which this city has accorded the great army of homeless 
unfortunates has made it the victim of wholesale imposition, and this 
well-intended policy of kindness has resulted in making Chicago the winter 
Mecca of a vast and undesirable floating population.&rdquo;&nbsp; That is 
to say, because of her kindness, Chicago had more than her fair share of 
tramps; because she was humane and generous she suffered whole-sale 
imposition.&nbsp; From this we must conclude that it does not do to be 
<i>humane</i> and <i>generous</i> to our fellow-men&mdash;when they are 
tramps.&nbsp; Mr. O&rsquo;Neil is right, and that this is no sophism it is 
the intention of this article, among other things, to show.</p>
<p>In a general way we may draw the following inferences from the remarks 
of Mr. O&rsquo;Neil: (1) The tramp is stronger than organized society and 
cannot be put down; (2) The tramp is &ldquo;shabby,&rdquo; 
&ldquo;tattered,&rdquo; &ldquo;homeless,&rdquo; &ldquo;unfortunate&rdquo;; 
(3) There is a &ldquo;vast&rdquo; number of tramps; (4) Very few tramps are
willing to do honest work; (5) Those tramps who are willing to do honest 
work have to hunt very hard to find it; (6) The tramp is undesirable.</p>
<p>To this last let the contention be appended that the tramp is only 
<i>personally</i> undesirable; that he is <i>negatively</i> desirable; that
the function he performs in society is a negative function; and that he is 
the by-product of economic necessity.</p>
<p>It is very easy to demonstrate that there are more men than there is 
work for men to do.&nbsp; For instance, what would happen tomorrow if one 
hundred thousand tramps should become suddenly inspired with an 
overmastering desire for work?&nbsp; It is a fair question.&nbsp; &ldquo;Go
to work&rdquo; is preached to the tramp every day of his life.&nbsp; The 
judge on the bench, the pedestrian in the street, the housewife at the 
kitchen door, all unite in advising him to go to work.&nbsp; So what would 
happen tomorrow if one hundred thousand tramps acted upon this advice and 
strenuously and indomitably sought work?&nbsp; Why, by the end of the week 
one hundred thousand workers, their places taken by the tramps, would 
receive their time and be &ldquo;hitting the road&rdquo; for a job.</p>
<p>Ella Wheeler Wilcox unwittingly and uncomfortably demonstrated the 
disparity between men and work. <a name="citation1"></a><a 
href="#footnote1" class="citation">[1]</a>&nbsp; She made a casual 
reference, in a newspaper column she conducts, to the difficulty two 
business men found in obtaining good employees.&nbsp; The first morning 
mail brought her seventy-five applications for the position, and at the end
of two weeks over two hundred people had applied.</p>
<p>Still more strikingly was the same proposition recently demonstrated in 
San Francisco.&nbsp; A sympathetic strike called out a whole federation of 
trades&rsquo; unions.&nbsp; Thousands of men, in many branches of trade, 
quit work,&mdash;draymen, sand teamsters, porters and packers, 
longshoremen, stevedores, warehousemen, stationary engineers, sailors, 
marine firemen, stewards, sea-cooks, and so forth,&mdash;an interminable 
list.&nbsp; It was a strike of large proportions.&nbsp; Every Pacific coast
shipping city was involved, and the entire coasting service, from San Diego
to Puget Sound, was virtually tied up.&nbsp; The time was considered 
auspicious.&nbsp; The Philippines and Alaska had drained the Pacific coast 
of surplus labor.&nbsp; It was summer-time, when the agricultural demand 
for laborers was at its height, and when the cities were bare of their 
floating populations.&nbsp; And yet there remained a body of surplus labor 
sufficient to take the places of the strikers.&nbsp; No matter what 
occupation, sea-cook or stationary engineer, sand teamster or warehouseman,
in every case there was an idle worker ready to do the work.&nbsp; And not 
only ready but anxious.&nbsp; They fought for a chance to work.&nbsp; Men 
were killed, hundreds of heads were broken, the hospitals were filled with 
injured men, and thousands of assaults were committed.&nbsp; And still 
surplus laborers, &ldquo;scabs,&rdquo; came forward to replace the 
strikers.</p>
<p>The question arises: <i>Whence came this second army of workers to 
replace the first army</i>?&nbsp; One thing is certain: the trades&rsquo; 
unions did not scab on one another.&nbsp; Another thing is certain: no 
industry on the Pacific slope was crippled in the slightest degree by its 
workers being drawn away to fill the places of the strikers.&nbsp; A third 
thing is certain: the agricultural workers did not flock to the cities to 
replace the strikers.&nbsp; In this last instance it is worth while to note
that the agricultural laborers wailed to High Heaven when a few of the 
strikers went into the country to compete with them in unskilled 
employments.&nbsp; So there is no accounting for this second army of 
workers.&nbsp; It simply was.&nbsp; It was there all this time, a surplus 
labor army in the year of our Lord 1901, a year adjudged most prosperous in
the annals of the United States. <a name="citation2"></a><a 
href="#footnote2" class="citation">[2]</a></p>
<p>The existence of the surplus labor army being established, there remains
to be established the economic necessity for the surplus labor army.&nbsp; 
The simplest and most obvious need is that brought about by the fluctuation
of production.&nbsp; If, when production is at low ebb, all men are at 
work, it necessarily follows that when production increases there will be 
no men to do the increased work.&nbsp; This may seem almost childish, and, 
if not childish, at least easily remedied.&nbsp; At low ebb let the men 
work shorter time; at high flood let them work overtime.&nbsp; The main 
objection to this is, that it is not done, and that we are considering what
is, not what might be or should be.</p>
<p>Then there are great irregular and periodical demands for labor which 
must be met.&nbsp; Under the first head come all the big building and 
engineering enterprises.&nbsp; When a canal is to be dug or a railroad put 
through, requiring thousands of laborers, it would be hurtful to withdraw 
these laborers from the constant industries.&nbsp; And whether it is a 
canal to be dug or a cellar, whether five thousand men are required or 
five, it is well, in society as at present organized, that they be taken 
from the surplus labor army.&nbsp; The surplus labor army is the reserve 
fund of social energy, and this is one of the reasons for its 
existence.</p>
<p>Under the second head, periodical demands, come the harvests.&nbsp; 
Throughout the year, huge labor tides sweep back and forth across the 
United States.&nbsp; That which is sown and tended by few men, comes to 
sudden ripeness and must be gathered by many men; and it is inevitable that
these many men form floating populations.&nbsp; In the late spring the 
berries must be picked, in the summer the grain garnered, in the fall, the 
hops gathered, in the winter the ice harvested.&nbsp; In California a man 
may pick berries in Siskiyou, peaches in Santa Clara, grapes in the San 
Joaquin, and oranges in Los Angeles, going from job to job as the season 
advances, and travelling a thousand miles ere the season is done.&nbsp; But
the great demand for agricultural labor is in the summer.&nbsp; In the 
winter, work is slack, and these floating populations eddy into the cities 
to eke out a precarious existence and harrow the souls of the police 
officers until the return of warm weather and work.&nbsp; If there were 
constant work at good wages for every man, who would harvest the crops?</p>
<p>But the last and most significant need for the surplus labor army 
remains to be stated.&nbsp; This surplus labor acts as a check upon all 
employed labor.&nbsp; It is the lash by which the masters hold the workers 
to their tasks, or drive them back to their tasks when they have 
revolted.&nbsp; It is the goad which forces the workers into the compulsory
&ldquo;free contracts&rdquo; against which they now and again rebel.&nbsp; 
There is only one reason under the sun that strikes fail, and that is 
because there are always plenty of men to take the strikers&rsquo; 
places.</p>
<p>The strength of the union today, other things remaining equal, is 
proportionate to the skill of the trade, or, in other words, proportionate 
to the pressure the surplus labor army can put upon it.&nbsp; If a thousand
ditch-diggers strike, it is easy to replace them, wherefore the 
ditch-diggers have little or no organized strength.&nbsp; But a thousand 
highly skilled machinists are somewhat harder to replace, and in 
consequence the machinist unions are strong.&nbsp; The ditch-diggers are 
wholly at the mercy of the surplus labor army, the machinists only 
partly.&nbsp; To be invincible, a union must be a monopoly.&nbsp; It must 
control every man in its particular trade, and regulate apprentices so that
the supply of skilled workmen may remain constant; this is the dream of the
&ldquo;Labor Trust&rdquo; on the part of the captains of labor.</p>
<p>Once, in England, after the Great Plague, labor awoke to find there was 
more work for men than there were men to work.&nbsp; Instead of workers 
competing for favors from employers, employers were competing for favors 
from the workers.&nbsp; Wages went up and up, and continued to go up, until
the workers demanded the full product of their toil.&nbsp; Now it is clear 
that, when labor receives its full product capital must perish.&nbsp; And 
so the pygmy capitalists of that post-Plague day found their existence 
threatened by this untoward condition of affairs.&nbsp; To save themselves,
they set a maximum wage, restrained the workers from moving about from 
place to place, smashed incipient organization, refused to tolerate idlers,
and by most barbarous legal penalties punished those who disobeyed.&nbsp; 
After that, things went on as before.</p>
<p>The point of this, of course, is to demonstrate the need of the surplus 
labor army.&nbsp; Without such an army, our present capitalist society 
would be powerless.&nbsp; Labor would organize as it never organized 
before, and the last least worker would be gathered into the unions.&nbsp; 
The full product of toil would be demanded, and capitalist society would 
crumble away.&nbsp; Nor could capitalist society save itself as did the 
post-Plague capitalist society.&nbsp; The time is past when a handful of 
masters, by imprisonment and barbarous punishment, can drive the legions of
the workers to their tasks.&nbsp; Without a surplus labor army, the courts,
police, and military are impotent.&nbsp; In such matters the function of 
the courts, police, and military is to preserve order, and to fill the 
places of strikers with surplus labor.&nbsp; If there be no surplus labor 
to instate, there is no function to perform; for disorder arises only 
during the process of instatement, when the striking labor army and the 
surplus labor army clash together.&nbsp; That is to say, that which 
maintains the integrity of the present industrial society more potently 
than the courts, police, and military is the surplus labor army.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p>It has been shown that there are more men than there is work for men, 
and that the surplus labor army is an economic necessity.&nbsp; To show how
the tramp is a by-product of this economic necessity, it is necessary to 
inquire into the composition of the surplus labor army.&nbsp; What men form
it?&nbsp; Why are they there?&nbsp; What do they do?</p>
<p>In the first place, since the workers must compete for employment, it 
inevitably follows that it is the fit and efficient who find 
employment.&nbsp; The skilled worker holds his place by virtue of his skill
and efficiency.&nbsp; Were he less skilled, or were he unreliable or 
erratic, he would be swiftly replaced by a stronger competitor.&nbsp; The 
skilled and steady employments are not cumbered with clowns and 
idiots.&nbsp; A man finds his place according to his ability and the needs 
of the system, and those without ability, or incapable of satisfying the 
needs of the system, have no place.&nbsp; Thus, the poor telegrapher may 
develop into an excellent wood-chopper.&nbsp; But if the poor telegrapher 
cherishes the delusion that he is a good telegrapher, and at the same time 
disdains all other employments, he will have no employment at all, or he 
will be so poor at all other employments that he will work only now and 
again in lieu of better men.&nbsp; He will be among the first let off when 
times are dull, and among the last taken on when times are good.&nbsp; Or, 
to the point, he will be a member of the surplus labor army.</p>
<p>So the conclusion is reached that the less fit and less efficient, or 
the unfit and inefficient, compose the surplus labor army.&nbsp; Here are 
to be found the men who have tried and failed, the men who cannot hold 
jobs,&mdash;the plumber apprentice who could not become a journeyman, and 
the plumber journeyman too clumsy and dull to retain employment; switchmen 
who wreck trains; clerks who cannot balance books; blacksmiths who lame 
horses; lawyers who cannot plead; in short, the failures of every trade and
profession, and failures, many of them, in divers trades and 
professions.&nbsp; Failure is writ large, and in their wretchedness they 
bear the stamp of social disapprobation.&nbsp; Common work, any kind of 
work, wherever or however they can obtain it, is their portion.</p>
<p>But these hereditary inefficients do not alone compose the surplus labor
army.&nbsp; There are the skilled but unsteady and unreliable men; and the 
old men, once skilled, but, with dwindling powers, no longer skilled. <a 
name="citation3"></a><a href="#footnote3" class="citation">[3]</a>&nbsp; 
And there are good men, too, splendidly skilled and efficient, but thrust 
out of the employment of dying or disaster-smitten industries.&nbsp; In 
this connection it is not out of place to note the misfortune of the 
workers in the British iron trades, who are suffering because of American 
inroads.&nbsp; And, last of all, are the unskilled laborers, the hewers of 
wood and drawers of water, the ditch-diggers, the men of pick and shovel, 
the helpers, lumpers, roustabouts.&nbsp; If trade is slack on a seacoast of
two thousand miles, or the harvests are light in a great interior valley, 
myriads of these laborers lie idle, or make life miserable for their 
fellows in kindred unskilled employments.</p>
<p>A constant filtration goes on in the working world, and good material is
continually drawn from the surplus labor army.&nbsp; Strikes and industrial
dislocations shake up the workers, bring good men to the surface and sink 
men as good or not so good.&nbsp; The hope of the skilled striker is in 
that the scabs are less skilled, or less capable of becoming skilled; yet 
each strike attests to the efficiency that lurks beneath.&nbsp; After the 
Pullman strike, a few thousand railroad men were chagrined to find the work
they had flung down taken up by men as good as themselves.</p>
<p>But one thing must be considered here.&nbsp; Under the present system, 
if the weakest and least fit were as strong and fit as the best, and the 
best were correspondingly stronger and fitter, the same condition would 
obtain.&nbsp; There would be the same army of employed labor, the same army
of surplus labor.&nbsp; The whole thing is relative.&nbsp; There is no 
absolute standard of efficiency.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p>Comes now the tramp.&nbsp; And all conclusions may be anticipated by 
saying at once that he is a tramp because some one has to be a tramp.&nbsp;
If he left the &ldquo;road&rdquo; and became a <i>very</i> efficient common
laborer, some <i>ordinarily efficient</i> common laborer would have to take
to the &ldquo;road.&rdquo;&nbsp; The nooks and crannies are crowded by the 
surplus laborers; and when the first snow flies, and the tramps are driven 
into the cities, things become overcrowded and stringent police regulations
are necessary.</p>
<p>The tramp is one of two kinds of men: he is either a discouraged worker 
or a discouraged criminal.&nbsp; Now a discouraged criminal, on 
investigation, proves to be a discouraged worker, or the descendant of 
discouraged workers; so that, in the last analysis, the tramp is a 
discouraged worker.&nbsp; Since there is not work for all, discouragement 
for some is unavoidable.&nbsp; How, then, does this process of 
discouragement operate?</p>
<p>The lower the employment in the industrial scale, the harder the 
conditions.&nbsp; The finer, the more delicate, the more skilled the trade,
the higher is it lifted above the struggle.&nbsp; There is less pressure, 
less sordidness, less savagery.&nbsp; There are fewer glass-blowers 
proportionate to the needs of the glass-blowing industry than there are 
ditch-diggers proportionate to the needs of the ditch-digging 
industry.&nbsp; And not only this, for it requires a glass-blower to take 
the place of a striking glass-blower, while any kind of a striker or 
out-of-work can take the place of a ditch-digger.&nbsp; So the skilled 
trades are more independent, have more individuality and latitude.&nbsp; 
They may confer with their masters, make demands, assert themselves.&nbsp; 
The unskilled laborers, on the other hand, have no voice in their 
affairs.&nbsp; The settlement of terms is none of their business.&nbsp; 
&ldquo;Free contract&rdquo; is all that remains to them.&nbsp; They may 
take what is offered, or leave it.&nbsp; There are plenty more of their 
kind.&nbsp; They do not count.&nbsp; They are members of the surplus labor 
army, and must be content with a hand-to-mouth existence.</p>
<p>The reward is likewise proportioned.&nbsp; The strong, fit worker in a 
skilled trade, where there is little labor pressure, is well 
compensated.&nbsp; He is a king compared with his less fortunate brothers 
in the unskilled occupations where the labor pressure is great.&nbsp; The 
mediocre worker not only is forced to be idle a large portion of the time, 
but when employed is forced to accept a pittance.&nbsp; A dollar a day on 
some days and nothing on other days will hardly support a man and wife and 
send children to school.&nbsp; And not only do the masters bear heavily 
upon him, and his own kind struggle for the morsel at his mouth, but all 
skilled and organized labor adds to his woe.&nbsp; Union men do not scab on
one another, but in strikes, or when work is slack, it is considered 
&ldquo;fair&rdquo; for them to descend and take away the work of the common
laborers.&nbsp; And take it away they do; for, as a matter of fact, a 
well-fed, ambitious machinist or a core-maker will transiently shovel coal 
better than an ill-fed, spiritless laborer.</p>
<p>Thus there is no encouragement for the unfit, inefficient, and 
mediocre.&nbsp; Their very inefficiency and mediocrity make them helpless 
as cattle and add to their misery.&nbsp; And the whole tendency for such is
downward, until, at the bottom of the social pit, they are wretched, 
inarticulate beasts, living like beasts, breeding like beasts, dying like 
beasts.&nbsp; And how do they fare, these creatures born mediocre, whose 
heritage is neither brains nor brawn nor endurance?&nbsp; They are sweated 
in the slums in an atmosphere of discouragement and despair.&nbsp; There is
no strength in weakness, no encouragement in foul air, vile food, and dank 
dens.&nbsp; They are there because they are so made that they are not fit 
to be higher up; but filth and obscenity do not strengthen the neck, nor 
does chronic emptiness of belly stiffen the back.</p>
<p>For the mediocre there is no hope.&nbsp; Mediocrity is a sin.&nbsp; 
Poverty is the penalty of failure,&mdash;poverty, from whose loins spring 
the criminal and the tramp, both failures, both discouraged workers.&nbsp; 
Poverty is the inferno where ignorance festers and vice corrodes, and where
the physical, mental, and moral parts of nature are aborted and denied.</p>
<p>That the charge of rashness in splashing the picture be not incurred, 
let the following authoritative evidence be considered: first, the work and
wages of mediocrity and inefficiency, and, second, the habitat:</p>
<p>The New York Sun of February 28, 1901, describes the opening of a 
factory in New York City by the American Tobacco Company.&nbsp; Cheroots 
were to be made in this factory in competition with other factories which 
refused to be absorbed by the trust.&nbsp; The trust advertised for 
girls.&nbsp; The crowd of men and boys who wanted work was so great in 
front of the building that the police were forced with their clubs to clear
them away.&nbsp; The wage paid the girls was $2.50 per week, sixty cents of
which went for car fare. <a name="citation4"></a><a href="#footnote4" 
class="citation">[4]</a></p>
<p>Miss Nellie Mason Auten, a graduate student of the department of 
sociology at the University of Chicago, recently made a thorough 
investigation of the garment trades of Chicago.&nbsp; Her figures were 
published in the American Journal of Sociology, and commented upon by the 
Literary Digest.&nbsp; She found women working ten hours a day, six days a 
week, for forty cents per week (a rate of two-thirds of a cent an 
hour).&nbsp; Many women earned less than a dollar a week, and none of them 
worked every week.&nbsp; The following table will best summarize Miss 
Auten&rsquo;s investigations among a portion of the garment-workers:</p>
<p></p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<p><span class="smcap">Industry</span></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><span class="smcap">Average Individual Weekly Wages</span></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><span class="smcap">Average Number Of Weeks Employed</span></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><span class="smcap">Average Yearly Earnings</span></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Dressmakers</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>$.90</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>42.</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>$37.00</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Pants-Finishers</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1.31</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>27.58</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>42.41</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Housewives and Pants-Finishers</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1.58</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>30.21</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>47.49</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Seamstresses</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>2.03</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>32.78</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>64.10</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Pants-makers</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>2.13</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>30.77</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>75.61</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Miscellaneous</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>2.77</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>29.</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>81.80</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Tailors</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>6.22</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>31.96</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>211.92</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>General Averages </p>
</td>
<td>
<p>2.48</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>31.18</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>76.74</p>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p></p>
<p>Walter A. Wyckoff, who is as great an authority upon the worker as 
Josiah Flynt is on the tramp, furnishes the following Chicago 
experience:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>&ldquo;Many of the men were so weakened by the want and hardship of the 
winter that they were no longer in condition for effective labor.&nbsp; 
Some of the bosses who were in need of added hands were obliged to turn men
away because of physical incapacity.&nbsp; One instance of this I shall not
soon forget.&nbsp; It was when I overheard, early one morning at a factory 
gate, an interview between a would-be laborer and the boss.&nbsp; I knew 
the applicant for a Russian Jew, who had at home an old mother and a wife 
and two young children to support.&nbsp; He had had intermittent employment
throughout the winter in a sweater&rsquo;s den, <a name="citation5"></a><a 
href="#footnote5" class="citation">[5]</a> barely enough to keep them all 
alive, and, after the hardships of the cold season, he was again in 
desperate straits for work.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The boss had all but agreed to take him on for some sort of 
unskilled labor, when, struck by the cadaverous look of the man, he told 
him to bare his arm.&nbsp; Up went the sleeve of his coat and his ragged 
flannel shirt, exposing a naked arm with the muscles nearly gone, and the 
blue-white transparent skin stretched over sinews and the outlines of the 
bones.&nbsp; Pitiful beyond words was his effort to give a semblance of 
strength to the biceps which rose faintly to the upward movement of the 
forearm.&nbsp; But the boss sent him off with an oath and a contemptuous 
laugh; and I watched the fellow as he turned down the street, facing the 
fact of his starving family with a despair at his heart which only mortal 
man can feel and no mortal tongue can speak.&rdquo;</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Concerning habitat, Mr. Jacob Riis has stated that in New York City, in 
the block bounded by Stanton, Houston, Attorney, and Ridge streets, the 
size of which is 200 by 300, there is a warren of 2244 human beings.</p>
<p>In the block bounded by Sixty-first and Sixty-second streets, and 
Amsterdam and West End avenues, are over four thousand human 
creatures,&mdash;quite a comfortable New England village to crowd into one 
city block.</p>
<p>The Rev. Dr. Behrends, speaking of the block bounded by Canal, Hester, 
Eldridge, and Forsyth streets, says: &ldquo;In a room 12 by 8 and 5&frac12;
feet high, it was found that nine persons slept and prepared their food. . 
. . In another room, located in a dark cellar, without screens or 
partitions, were together two men with their wives and a girl of fourteen, 
two single men and a boy of seventeen, two women and four boys,&mdash;nine,
ten, eleven, and fifteen years old,&mdash;fourteen persons in 
all.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Here humanity rots.&nbsp; Its victims, with grim humor, call it 
&ldquo;tenant-house rot.&rdquo;&nbsp; Or, as a legislative report puts it: 
&ldquo;Here infantile life unfolds its bud, but perishes before its first 
anniversary.&nbsp; Here youth is ugly with loathsome disease, and the 
deformities which follow physical degeneration.&rdquo;</p>
<p>These are the men and women who are what they are because they were not 
better born, or because they happened to be unluckily born in time and 
space.&nbsp; Gauged by the needs of the system, they are weak and 
worthless.&nbsp; The hospital and the pauper&rsquo;s grave await them, and 
they offer no encouragement to the mediocre worker who has failed higher up
in the industrial structure.&nbsp; Such a worker, conscious that he has 
failed, conscious from the hard fact that he cannot obtain work in the 
higher employments, finds several courses open to him.&nbsp; He may come 
down and be a beast in the social pit, for instance; but if he be of a 
certain caliber, the effect of the social pit will be to discourage him 
from work.&nbsp; In his blood a rebellion will quicken, and he will elect 
to become either a felon or a tramp.</p>
<p>If he have fought the hard fight he is not unacquainted with the lure of
the &ldquo;road.&rdquo;&nbsp; When out of work and still undiscouraged, he 
has been forced to &ldquo;hit the road&rdquo; between large cities in his 
quest for a job.&nbsp; He has loafed, seen the country and green things, 
laughed in joy, lain on his back and listened to the birds singing 
overhead, unannoyed by factory whistles and bosses&rsquo; harsh commands; 
and, most significant of all, <i>he has lived</i>!&nbsp; That is the 
point!&nbsp; He has not starved to death.&nbsp; Not only has he been 
care-free and happy, but he has lived!&nbsp; And from the knowledge that he
has idled and is still alive, he achieves a new outlook on life; and the 
more he experiences the unenviable lot of the poor worker, the more the 
blandishments of the &ldquo;road&rdquo; take hold of him.&nbsp; And finally
he flings his challenge in the face of society, imposes a valorous boycott 
on all work, and joins the far-wanderers of Hoboland, the gypsy folk of 
this latter day.</p>
<p>But the tramp does not usually come from the slums.&nbsp; His place of 
birth is ordinarily a bit above, and sometimes a very great bit 
above.&nbsp; A confessed failure, he yet refuses to accept the punishment, 
and swerves aside from the slum to vagabondage.&nbsp; The average beast in 
the social pit is either too much of a beast, or too much of a slave to the
bourgeois ethics and ideals of his masters, to manifest this flicker of 
rebellion.&nbsp; But the social pit, out of its discouragement and 
viciousness, breeds criminals, men who prefer being beasts of prey to being
beasts of work.&nbsp; And the mediocre criminal, in turn, the unfit and 
inefficient criminal, is discouraged by the strong arm of the law and goes 
over to trampdom.</p>
<p>These men, the discouraged worker and the discouraged criminal, 
voluntarily withdraw themselves from the struggle for work.&nbsp; Industry 
does not need them.&nbsp; There are no factories shut down through lack of 
labor, no projected railroads unbuilt for want of pick-and-shovel 
men.&nbsp; Women are still glad to toil for a dollar a week, and men and 
boys to clamor and fight for work at the factory gates.&nbsp; No one misses
these discouraged men, and in going away they have made it somewhat easier 
for those that remain.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p>So the case stands thus: There being more men than there is work for men
to do, a surplus labor army inevitably results.&nbsp; The surplus labor 
army is an economic necessity; without it, present society would fall to 
pieces.&nbsp; Into the surplus labor army are herded the mediocre, the 
inefficient, the unfit, and those incapable of satisfying the industrial 
needs of the system.&nbsp; The struggle for work between the members of the
surplus labor army is sordid and savage, and at the bottom of the social 
pit the struggle is vicious and beastly.&nbsp; This struggle tends to 
discouragement, and the victims of this discouragement are the criminal and
the tramp.&nbsp; The tramp is not an economic necessity such as the surplus
labor army, but he is the by-product of an economic necessity.</p>
<p>The &ldquo;road&rdquo; is one of the safety-valves through which the 
waste of the social organism is given off.&nbsp; And <i>being given off</i>
constitutes the negative function of the tramp.&nbsp; Society, as at 
present organized, makes much waste of human life.&nbsp; This waste must be
eliminated.&nbsp; Chloroform or electrocution would be a simple, merciful 
solution of this problem of elimination; but the ruling ethics, while 
permitting the human waste, will not permit a humane elimination of that 
waste.&nbsp; This paradox demonstrates the irreconcilability of theoretical
ethics and industrial need.</p>
<p>And so the tramp becomes self-eliminating.&nbsp; And not only 
self!&nbsp; Since he is manifestly unfit for things as they are, and since 
kind is prone to beget kind, it is necessary that his kind cease with him, 
that his progeny shall not be, that he play the eunuch&rsquo;s part in this
twentieth century after Christ.&nbsp; And he plays it.&nbsp; He does not 
breed.&nbsp; Sterility is his portion, as it is the portion of the woman on
the street.&nbsp; They might have been mates, but society has decreed 
otherwise.</p>
<p>And, while it is not nice that these men should die, it is ordained that
they must die, and we should not quarrel with them if they cumber our 
highways and kitchen stoops with their perambulating carcasses.&nbsp; This 
is a form of elimination we not only countenance but compel.&nbsp; 
Therefore let us be cheerful and honest about it.&nbsp; Let us be as 
stringent as we please with our police regulations, but for goodness&rsquo;
sake let us refrain from telling the tramp to go to work.&nbsp; Not only is
it unkind, but it is untrue and hypocritical.&nbsp; We know there is no 
work for him.&nbsp; As the scapegoat to our economic and industrial 
sinning, or to the plan of things, if you will, we should give him 
credit.&nbsp; Let us be just.&nbsp; He is so made.&nbsp; Society made 
him.&nbsp; He did not make himself.</p>
<h2>THE SCAB</h2>
<p>In a competitive society, where men struggle with one another for food 
and shelter, what is more natural than that generosity, when it diminishes 
the food and shelter of men other than he who is generous, should be held 
an accursed thing?&nbsp; Wise old saws to the contrary, he who takes from a
man&rsquo;s purse takes from his existence.&nbsp; To strike at a 
man&rsquo;s food and shelter is to strike at his life; and in a society 
organized on a tooth-and-nail basis, such an act, performed though it may 
be under the guise of generosity, is none the less menacing and 
terrible.</p>
<p>It is for this reason that a laborer is so fiercely hostile to another 
laborer who offers to work for less pay or longer hours.&nbsp; To hold his 
place, (which is to live), he must offset this offer by another equally 
liberal, which is equivalent to giving away somewhat from the food and 
shelter he enjoys.&nbsp; To sell his day&rsquo;s work for $2, instead of 
$2.50, means that he, his wife, and his children will not have so good a 
roof over their heads, so warm clothes on their backs, so substantial food 
in their stomachs.&nbsp; Meat will be bought less frequently and it will be
tougher and less nutritious, stout new shoes will go less often on the 
children&rsquo;s feet, and disease and death will be more imminent in a 
cheaper house and neighborhood.</p>
<p>Thus the generous laborer, giving more of a day&rsquo;s work for less 
return, (measured in terms of food and shelter), threatens the life of his 
less generous brother laborer, and at the best, if he does not destroy that
life, he diminishes it.&nbsp; Whereupon the less generous laborer looks 
upon him as an enemy, and, as men are inclined to do in a tooth-and-nail 
society, he tries to kill the man who is trying to kill him.</p>
<p>When a striker kills with a brick the man who has taken his place, he 
has no sense of wrong-doing.&nbsp; In the deepest holds of his being, 
though he does not reason the impulse, he has an ethical sanction.&nbsp; He
feels dimly that he has justification, just as the home-defending Boer 
felt, though more sharply, with each bullet he fired at the invading 
English.&nbsp; Behind every brick thrown by a striker is the selfish will 
&ldquo;to live&rdquo; of himself, and the slightly altruistic will 
&ldquo;to live&rdquo; of his family.&nbsp; The family group came into the 
world before the State group, and society, being still on the primitive 
basis of tooth and nail, the will &ldquo;to live&rdquo; of the State is not
so compelling to the striker as is the will &ldquo;to live&rdquo; of his 
family and himself.</p>
<p>In addition to the use of bricks, clubs, and bullets, the selfish 
laborer finds it necessary to express his feelings in speech.&nbsp; Just as
the peaceful country-dweller calls the sea-rover a &ldquo;pirate,&rdquo; 
and the stout burgher calls the man who breaks into his strong-box a 
&ldquo;robber,&rdquo; so the selfish laborer applies the opprobrious 
epithet a &ldquo;scab&rdquo; to the laborer who takes from him food and 
shelter by being more generous in the disposal of his labor power.&nbsp; 
The sentimental connotation of &ldquo;scab&rdquo; is as terrific as that of
&ldquo;traitor&rdquo; or &ldquo;Judas,&rdquo; and a sentimental definition 
would be as deep and varied as the human heart.&nbsp; It is far easier to 
arrive at what may be called a technical definition, worded in commercial 
terms, as, for instance, that <i>a scab is one who gives more value for the
same price than another</i>.</p>
<p>The laborer who gives more time or strength or skill for the same wage 
than another, or equal time or strength or skill for a less wage, is a 
scab.&nbsp; This generousness on his part is hurtful to his 
fellow-laborers, for it compels them to an equal generousness which is not 
to their liking, and which gives them less of food and shelter.&nbsp; But a
word may be said for the scab.&nbsp; Just as his act makes his rivals 
compulsorily generous, so do they, by fortune of birth and training, make 
compulsory his act of generousness.&nbsp; He does not scab because he wants
to scab.&nbsp; No whim of the spirit, no burgeoning of the heart, leads him
to give more of his labor power than they for a certain sum.</p>
<p>It is because he cannot get work on the same terms as they that he is a 
scab.&nbsp; There is less work than there are men to do work.&nbsp; This is
patent, else the scab would not loom so large on the labor-market 
horizon.&nbsp; Because they are stronger than he, or more skilled, or more 
energetic, it is impossible for him to take their places at the same 
wage.&nbsp; To take their places he must give more value, must work longer 
hours or receive a smaller wage.&nbsp; He does so, and he cannot help it, 
for his will &ldquo;to live&rdquo; is driving him on as well as they are 
being driven on by their will &ldquo;to live&rdquo;; and to live he must 
win food and shelter, which he can do only by receiving permission to work 
from some man who owns a bit of land or a piece of machinery.&nbsp; And to 
receive permission from this man, he must make the transaction profitable 
for him.</p>
<p>Viewed in this light, the scab, who gives more labor power for a certain
price than his fellows, is not so generous after all.&nbsp; He is no more 
generous with his energy than the chattel slave and the convict laborer, 
who, by the way, are the almost perfect scabs.&nbsp; They give their labor 
power for about the minimum possible price.&nbsp; But, within limits, they 
may loaf and malinger, and, as scabs, are exceeded by the machine, which 
never loafs and malingers and which is the ideally perfect scab.</p>
<p>It is not nice to be a scab.&nbsp; Not only is it not in good social 
taste and comradeship, but, from the standpoint of food and shelter, it is 
bad business policy.&nbsp; Nobody desires to scab, to give most for 
least.&nbsp; The ambition of every individual is quite the opposite, to 
give least for most; and, as a result, living in a tooth-and-nail society, 
battle royal is waged by the ambitious individuals.&nbsp; But in its most 
salient aspect, that of the struggle over the division of the joint 
product, it is no longer a battle between individuals, but between groups 
of individuals.&nbsp; Capital and labor apply themselves to raw material, 
make something useful out of it, add to its value, and then proceed to 
quarrel over the division of the added value.&nbsp; Neither cares to give 
most for least.&nbsp; Each is intent on giving less than the other and on 
receiving more.</p>
<p>Labor combines into its unions, capital into partnerships, associations,
corporations, and trusts.&nbsp; A group-struggle is the result, in which 
the individuals, as individuals, play no part.&nbsp; The Brotherhood of 
Carpenters and Joiners, for instance, serves notice on the Master 
Builders&rsquo; Association that it demands an increase of the wage of its 
members from $3.50 a day to $4, and a Saturday half-holiday without 
pay.&nbsp; This means that the carpenters are trying to give less for 
more.&nbsp; Where they received $21 for six full days, they are endeavoring
to get $22 for five days and a half,&mdash;that is, they will work half a 
day less each week and receive a dollar more.</p>
<p>Also, they expect the Saturday half-holiday to give work to one 
additional man for each eleven previously employed.&nbsp; This last affords
a splendid example of the development of the group idea.&nbsp; In this 
particular struggle the individual has no chance at all for life.&nbsp; The
individual carpenter would be crushed like a mote by the Master 
Builders&rsquo; Association, and like a mote the individual master builder 
would be crushed by the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners.</p>
<p>In the group-struggle over the division of the joint product, labor 
utilizes the union with its two great weapons, the strike and the boycott; 
while capital utilizes the trust and the association, the weapons of which 
are the black-list, the lockout, and the scab.&nbsp; The scab is by far the
most formidable weapon of the three.&nbsp; He is the man who breaks strikes
and causes all the trouble.&nbsp; Without him there would be no trouble, 
for the strikers are willing to remain out peacefully and indefinitely so 
long as other men are not in their places, and so long as the particular 
aggregation of capital with which they are fighting is eating its head off 
in enforced idleness.</p>
<p>But both warring groups have reserve weapons.&nbsp; Were it not for the 
scab, these weapons would not be brought into play.&nbsp; But the scab 
takes the place of the striker, who begins at once to wield a most powerful
weapon, terrorism.&nbsp; The will &ldquo;to live&rdquo; of the scab recoils
from the menace of broken bones and violent death.&nbsp; With all due 
respect to the labor leaders, who are not to be blamed for volubly 
asseverating otherwise, terrorism is a well-defined and eminently 
successful policy of the labor unions.&nbsp; It has probably won them more 
strikes than all the rest of the weapons in their arsenal.&nbsp; This 
terrorism, however, must be clearly understood.&nbsp; It is directed solely
against the scab, placing him in such fear for life and limb as to drive 
him out of the contest.&nbsp; But when terrorism gets out of hand and 
inoffensive non-combatants are injured, law and order threatened, and 
property destroyed, it becomes an edged tool that cuts both ways.&nbsp; 
This sort of terrorism is sincerely deplored by the labor leaders, for it 
has probably lost them as many strikes as have been lost by any other 
single cause.</p>
<p>The scab is powerless under terrorism.&nbsp; As a rule, he is not so 
good nor gritty a man as the men he is displacing, and he lacks their 
fighting organization.&nbsp; He stands in dire need of stiffening and 
backing.&nbsp; His employers, the capitalists, draw their two remaining 
weapons, the ownership of which is debatable, but which they for the time 
being happen to control.&nbsp; These two weapons may be called the 
political and judicial machinery of society.&nbsp; When the scab crumples 
up and is ready to go down before the fists, bricks, and bullets of the 
labor group, the capitalist group puts the police and soldiers into the 
field, and begins a general bombardment of injunctions.&nbsp; Victory 
usually follows, for the labor group cannot withstand the combined assault 
of gatling guns and injunctions.</p>
<p>But it has been noted that the ownership of the political and judicial 
machinery of society is debatable.&nbsp; In the Titanic struggle over the 
division of the joint product, each group reaches out for every available 
weapon.&nbsp; Nor are they blinded by the smoke of conflict.&nbsp; They 
fight their battles as coolly and collectedly as ever battles were fought 
on paper.&nbsp; The capitalist group has long since realized the immense 
importance of controlling the political and judicial machinery of 
society.</p>
<p>Taught by gatlings and injunctions, which have smashed many an otherwise
successful strike, the labor group is beginning to realize that it all 
depends upon who is behind and who is before the gatlings and the 
injunctions.&nbsp; And he who knows the labor movement knows that there is 
slowly growing up and being formulated a clear and definite policy for the 
capture of the political and judicial machinery.</p>
<p>This is the terrible spectre which Mr. John Graham Brooks sees looming 
portentously over the twentieth century world.&nbsp; No man may boast a 
more intimate knowledge of the labor movement than he; and he reiterates 
again and again the dangerous likelihood of the whole labor group capturing
the political machinery of society.&nbsp; As he says in his recent book: <a
name="citation6"></a><a href="#footnote6" class="citation">[6]</a> 
&ldquo;It is not probable that employers can destroy unionism in the United
States.&nbsp; Adroit and desperate attempts will, however, be made, if we 
mean by unionism the undisciplined and aggressive fact of vigorous and 
determined organizations.&nbsp; If capital should prove too strong in this 
struggle, the result is easy to predict.&nbsp; The employers have only to 
convince organized labor that it cannot hold its own against the capitalist
manager, and the whole energy that now goes to the union will turn to an 
aggressive political socialism.&nbsp; It will not be the harmless sympathy 
with increased city and state functions which trade unions already feel; it
will become a turbulent political force bent upon using every weapon of 
taxation against the rich.&rdquo;</p>
<p>This struggle not to be a scab, to avoid giving more for less and to 
succeed in giving less for more, is more vital than it would appear on the 
surface.&nbsp; The capitalist and labor groups are locked together in 
desperate battle, and neither side is swayed by moral considerations more 
than skin-deep.&nbsp; The labor group hires business agents, lawyers, and 
organizers, and is beginning to intimidate legislators by the strength of 
its solid vote; and more directly, in the near future, it will attempt to 
control legislation by capturing it bodily through the ballot-box.&nbsp; On
the other hand, the capitalist group, numerically weaker, hires newspapers,
universities, and legislatures, and strives to bend to its need all the 
forces which go to mould public opinion.</p>
<p>The only honest morality displayed by either side is white-hot 
indignation at the iniquities of the other side.&nbsp; The striking 
teamster complacently takes a scab driver into an alley, and with an iron 
bar breaks his arms, so that he can drive no more, but cries out to high 
Heaven for justice when the capitalist breaks his skull by means of a club 
in the hands of a policeman.&nbsp; Nay, the members of a union will declaim
in impassioned rhetoric for the God-given right of an eight-hour day, and 
at the time be working their own business agent seventeen hours out of the 
twenty-four.</p>
<p>A capitalist such as Collis P. Huntington, and his name is Legion, after
a long life spent in buying the aid of countless legislatures, will wax 
virtuously wrathful, and condemn in unmeasured terms &ldquo;the dangerous 
tendency of crying out to the Government for aid&rdquo; in the way of labor
legislation.&nbsp; Without a quiver, a member of the capitalist group will 
run tens of thousands of pitiful child-laborers through his life-destroying
cotton factories, and weep maudlin and constitutional tears over one scab 
hit in the back with a brick.&nbsp; He will drive a 
&ldquo;compulsory&rdquo; free contract with an unorganized laborer on the 
basis of a starvation wage, saying, &ldquo;Take it or leave it,&rdquo; 
knowing that to leave it means to die of hunger, and in the next breath, 
when the organizer entices that laborer into a union, will storm 
patriotically about the inalienable right of all men to work.&nbsp; In 
short, the chief moral concern of either side is with the morals of the 
other side.&nbsp; They are not in the business for their moral welfare, but
to achieve the enviable position of the non-scab who gets more than he 
gives.</p>
<p>But there is more to the question than has yet been discussed.&nbsp; The
labor scab is no more detestable to his brother laborers than is the 
capitalist scab to his brother capitalists.&nbsp; A capitalist may get most
for least in dealing with his laborers, and in so far be a non-scab; but at
the same time, in his dealings with his fellow-capitalists, he may give 
most for least and be the very worst kind of scab.&nbsp; The most heinous 
crime an employer of labor can commit is to scab on his fellow-employers of
labor.&nbsp; Just as the individual laborers have organized into groups to 
protect themselves from the peril of the scab laborer, so have the 
employers organized into groups to protect themselves from the peril of the
scab employer.&nbsp; The employers&rsquo; federations, associations, and 
trusts are nothing more nor less than unions.&nbsp; They are organized to 
destroy scabbing amongst themselves and to encourage scabbing amongst 
others.&nbsp; For this reason they pool interests, determine prices, and 
present an unbroken and aggressive front to the labor group.</p>
<p>As has been said before, nobody likes to play the compulsorily generous 
role of scab.&nbsp; It is a bad business proposition on the face of 
it.&nbsp; And it is patent that there would be no capitalist scabs if there
were not more capital than there is work for capital to do.&nbsp; When 
there are enough factories in existence to supply, with occasional 
stoppages, a certain commodity, the building of new factories by a rival 
concern, for the production of that commodity, is plain advertisement that 
that capital is out of a job.&nbsp; The first act of this new aggregation 
of capital will be to cut prices, to give more for less,&mdash;in short to 
scab, to strike at the very existence of the less generous aggregation of 
capital the work of which it is trying to do.</p>
<p>No scab capitalist strives to give more for less for any other reason 
than that he hopes, by undercutting a competitor and driving that 
competitor out of the market, to get that market and its profits for 
himself.&nbsp; His ambition is to achieve the day when he shall stand alone
in the field both as buyer and seller,&mdash;when he will be the royal 
non-scab, buying most for least, selling least for most, and reducing all 
about him, the small buyers and sellers, (the consumers and the laborers), 
to a general condition of scabdom.&nbsp; This, for example, has been the 
history of Mr. Rockefeller and the Standard Oil Company.&nbsp; Through all 
the sordid villanies of scabdom he has passed, until today he is a most 
regal non-scab.&nbsp; However, to continue in this enviable position, he 
must be prepared at a moment&rsquo;s notice to go scabbing again.&nbsp; And
he is prepared.&nbsp; Whenever a competitor arises, Mr. Rockefeller changes
about from giving least for most and gives most for least with such a 
vengeance as to drive the competitor out of existence.</p>
<p>The banded capitalists discriminate against a scab capitalist by 
refusing him trade advantages, and by combining against him in most 
relentless fashion.&nbsp; The banded laborers, discriminating against a 
scab laborer in more primitive fashion, with a club, are no more merciless 
than the banded capitalists.</p>
<p>Mr. Casson tells of a New York capitalist who withdrew from the Sugar 
Union several years ago and became a scab.&nbsp; He was worth something 
like twenty millions of dollars.&nbsp; But the Sugar Union, standing 
shoulder to shoulder with the Railroad Union and several other unions, beat
him to his knees till he cried, &ldquo;Enough.&rdquo;&nbsp; So frightfully 
did they beat him that he was obliged to turn over to his creditors his 
home, his chickens, and his gold watch.&nbsp; In point of fact, he was as 
thoroughly bludgeoned by the Federation of Capitalist Unions as ever scab 
workman was bludgeoned by a labor union.&nbsp; The intent in either case is
the same,&mdash;to destroy the scab&rsquo;s producing power.&nbsp; The 
labor scab with concussion of the brain is put out of business, and so is 
the capitalist scab who has lost all his dollars down to his chickens and 
his watch.</p>
<p>But the r&ocirc;le of scab passes beyond the individual.&nbsp; Just as 
individuals scab on other individuals, so do groups scab on other 
groups.&nbsp; And the principle involved is precisely the same as in the 
case of the simple labor scab.&nbsp; A group, in the nature of its 
organization, is often compelled to give most for least, and, so doing, to 
strike at the life of another group.&nbsp; At the present moment all Europe
is appalled by that colossal scab, the United States.&nbsp; And Europe is 
clamorous with agitation for a Federation of National Unions to protect her
from the United States.&nbsp; It may be remarked, in passing, that in its 
prime essentials this agitation in no wise differs from the trade-union 
agitation among workmen in any industry.&nbsp; The trouble is caused by the
scab who is giving most for least.&nbsp; The result of the American 
scab&rsquo;s nefarious actions will be to strike at the food and shelter of
Europe.&nbsp; The way for Europe to protect herself is to quit bickering 
among her parts and to form a union against the scab.&nbsp; And if the 
union is formed, armies and navies may be expected to be brought into play 
in fashion similar to the bricks and clubs in ordinary labor struggles.</p>
<p>In this connection, and as one of many walking delegates for the 
nations, M. Leroy-Beaulieu, the noted French economist, may well be 
quoted.&nbsp; In a letter to the Vienna Tageblatt, he advocates an economic
alliance among the Continental nations for the purpose of barring out 
American goods, an economic alliance, in his own language, &ldquo;<i>which 
may possibly and desirably develop into a political 
alliance</i>.&rdquo;</p>
<p>It will be noted, in the utterances of the Continental walking 
delegates, that, one and all, they leave England out of the proposed 
union.&nbsp; And in England herself the feeling is growing that her days 
are numbered if she cannot unite for offence and defence with the great 
American scab.&nbsp; As Andrew Carnegie said some time ago, &ldquo;The only
course for Great Britain seems to be reunion with her grandchild or sure 
decline to a secondary place, and then to comparative insignificance in the
future annals of the English-speaking race.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Cecil Rhodes, speaking of what would have obtained but for the 
pig-headedness of George III, and of what will obtain when England and the 
United States are united, said, &ldquo;<i>No cannon would. . . be fired on 
either hemisphere but by permission of The English race</i>.&rdquo;&nbsp; 
It would seem that England, fronted by the hostile Continental Union and 
flanked by the great American scab, has nothing left but to join with the 
scab and play the historic labor r&ocirc;le of armed Pinkerton.&nbsp; 
Granting the words of Cecil Rhodes, the United States would be enabled to 
scab without let or hindrance on Europe, while England, as professional 
strike-breaker and policeman, destroyed the unions and kept order.</p>
<p>All this may appear fantastic and erroneous, but there is in it a soul 
of truth vastly more significant than it may seem.&nbsp; Civilization may 
be expressed today in terms of trade-unionism.&nbsp; Individual struggles 
have largely passed away, but group-struggles increase prodigiously.&nbsp; 
And the things for which the groups struggle are the same as of old.&nbsp; 
Shorn of all subtleties and complexities, the chief struggle of men, and of
groups of men, is for food and shelter.&nbsp; And, as of old they struggled
with tooth and nail, so today they struggle with teeth and nails elongated 
into armies and navies, machines, and economic advantages.</p>
<p>Under the definition that a scab is <i>one who gives more value for the 
same price than another</i>, it would seem that society can be generally 
divided into the two classes of the scabs and the non-scabs.&nbsp; But on 
closer investigation, however, it will be seen that the non-scab is a 
vanishing quantity.&nbsp; In the social jungle, everybody is preying upon 
everybody else.&nbsp; As in the case of Mr. Rockefeller, he who was a scab 
yesterday is a non-scab today, and tomorrow may be a scab again.</p>
<p>The woman stenographer or book-keeper who receives forty dollars per 
month where a man was receiving seventy-five is a scab.&nbsp; So is the 
woman who does a man&rsquo;s work at a weaving-machine, and the child who 
goes into the mill or factory.&nbsp; And the father, who is scabbed out of 
work by the wives and children of other men, sends his own wife and 
children to scab in order to save himself.</p>
<p>When a publisher offers an author better royalties than other publishers
have been paying him, he is scabbing on those other publishers.&nbsp; The 
reporter on a newspaper, who feels he should be receiving a larger salary 
for his work, says so, and is shown the door, is replaced by a reporter who
is a scab; whereupon, when the belly-need presses, the displaced reporter 
goes to another paper and scabs himself.&nbsp; The minister who hardens his
heart to a call, and waits for a certain congregation to offer him say $500
a year more, often finds himself scabbed upon by another and more 
impecunious minister; and the next time it is <i>his</i> turn to scab while
a brother minister is hardening his heart to a call.&nbsp; The scab is 
everywhere.&nbsp; The professional strike-breakers, who as a class receive 
large wages, will scab on one another, while scab unions are even formed to
prevent scabbing upon scabs.</p>
<p>There are non-scabs, but they are usually born so, and are protected by 
the whole might of society in the possession of their food and 
shelter.&nbsp; King Edward is such a type, as are all individuals who 
receive hereditary food-and-shelter privileges,&mdash;such as the present 
Duke of Bedford, for instance, who yearly receives $75,000 from the good 
people of London because some former king gave some former ancestor of his 
the market privileges of Covent Garden.&nbsp; The irresponsible rich are 
likewise non-scabs,&mdash;and by them is meant that coupon-clipping class 
which hires its managers and brains to invest the money usually left it by 
its ancestors.</p>
<p>Outside these lucky creatures, all the rest, at one time or another in 
their lives, are scabs, at one time or another are engaged in giving more 
for a certain price than any one else.&nbsp; The meek professor in some 
endowed institution, by his meek suppression of his convictions, is giving 
more for his salary than gave the other and more outspoken professor whose 
chair he occupies.&nbsp; And when a political party dangles a full 
dinner-pail in the eyes of the toiling masses, it is offering more for a 
vote than the dubious dollar of the opposing party.&nbsp; Even a 
money-lender is not above taking a slightly lower rate of interest and 
saying nothing about it.</p>
<p>Such is the tangle of conflicting interests in a tooth-and-nail society 
that people cannot avoid being scabs, are often made so against their 
desires, and are often unconsciously made so.&nbsp; When several trades in 
a certain locality demand and receive an advance in wages, they are 
unwittingly making scabs of their fellow-laborers in that district who have
received no advance in wages.&nbsp; In San Francisco the barbers, 
laundry-workers, and milk-wagon drivers received such an advance in 
wages.&nbsp; Their employers promptly added the amount of this advance to 
the selling price of their wares.&nbsp; The price of shaves, of washing, 
and of milk went up.&nbsp; This reduced the purchasing power of the 
unorganized laborers, and, in point of fact, reduced their wages and made 
them greater scabs.</p>
<p>Because the British laborer is disinclined to scab,&mdash;that is, 
because he restricts his output in order to give less for the wage he 
receives,&mdash;it is to a certain extent made possible for the American 
capitalist, who receives a less restricted output from his laborers, to 
play the scab on the English capitalist.&nbsp; As a result of this, (of 
course combined with other causes), the American capitalist and the 
American laborer are striking at the food and shelter of the English 
capitalist and laborer.</p>
<p>The English laborer is starving today because, among other things, he is
not a scab.&nbsp; He practises the policy of &ldquo;ca&rsquo; canny,&rdquo;
which may be defined as &ldquo;go easy.&rdquo;&nbsp; In order to get most 
for least, in many trades he performs but from one-fourth to one-sixth of 
the labor he is well able to perform.&nbsp; An instance of this is found in
the building of the Westinghouse Electric Works at Manchester.&nbsp; The 
British limit per man was 400 bricks per day.&nbsp; The Westinghouse 
Company imported a &ldquo;driving&rdquo; American contractor, aided by half
a dozen &ldquo;driving&rdquo; American foremen, and the British bricklayer 
swiftly attained an average of 1800 bricks per day, with a maximum of 2500 
bricks for the plainest work.</p>
<p>But, the British laborer&rsquo;s policy of &ldquo;ca&rsquo; 
canny,&rdquo; which is the very honorable one of giving least for most, and
which is likewise the policy of the English capitalist, is nevertheless 
frowned upon by the English capitalist, whose business existence is 
threatened by the great American scab.&nbsp; From the rise of the factory 
system, the English capitalist gladly embraced the opportunity, wherever he
found it, of giving least for most.&nbsp; He did it all over the world 
whenever he enjoyed a market monopoly, and he did it at home with the 
laborers employed in his mills, destroying them like flies till prevented, 
within limits, by the passage of the Factory Acts.&nbsp; Some of the 
proudest fortunes of England today may trace their origin to the giving of 
least for most to the miserable slaves of the factory towns.&nbsp; But at 
the present time the English capitalist is outraged because his laborers 
are employing against him precisely the same policy he employed against 
them, and which he would employ again did the chance present itself.</p>
<p>Yet &ldquo;ca&rsquo; canny&rdquo; is a disastrous thing to the British 
laborer.&nbsp; It has driven ship-building from England to Scotland, 
bottle-making from Scotland to Belgium, flint-glass-making from England to 
Germany, and today is steadily driving industry after industry to other 
countries.&nbsp; A correspondent from Northampton wrote not long ago: 
&ldquo;Factories are working half and third time. . . . There is no strike,
there is no real labor trouble, but the masters and men are alike suffering
from sheer lack of employment.&nbsp; Markets which were once theirs are now
American.&rdquo;&nbsp; It would seem that the unfortunate British laborer 
is &rsquo;twixt the devil and the deep sea.&nbsp; If he gives most for 
least, he faces a frightful slavery such as marked the beginning of the 
factory system.&nbsp; If he gives least for most, he drives industry away 
to other countries and has no work at all.</p>
<p>But the union laborers of the United States have nothing of which to 
boast, while, according to their trade-union ethics, they have a great deal
of which to be ashamed.&nbsp; They passionately preach short hours and big 
wages, the shorter the hours and the bigger the wages the better.&nbsp; 
Their hatred for a scab is as terrible as the hatred of a patriot for a 
traitor, of a Christian for a Judas.&nbsp; And in the face of all this, 
they are as colossal scabs as the United States is a colossal scab.&nbsp; 
For all of their boasted unions and high labor ideals, they are about the 
most thoroughgoing scabs on the planet.</p>
<p>Receiving $4.50 per day, because of his proficiency and immense working 
power, the American laborer has been known to scab upon scabs (so called) 
who took his place and received only $0.90 per day for a longer day.&nbsp; 
In this particular instance, five Chinese coolies, working longer hours, 
gave less value for the price received from their employer than did one 
American laborer.</p>
<p>It is upon his brother laborers overseas that the American laborer most 
outrageously scabs.&nbsp; As Mr. Casson has shown, an English nail-maker 
gets $3 per week, while an American nail-maker gets $30.&nbsp; But the 
English worker turns out 200 pounds of nails per week, while the American 
turns out 5500 pounds.&nbsp; If he were as &ldquo;fair&rdquo; as his 
English brother, other things being equal, he would be receiving, at the 
English worker&rsquo;s rate of pay, $82.50.&nbsp; As it is, he is scabbing 
upon his English brother to the tune of $79.50 per week.&nbsp; Dr. 
Schultze-Gaevernitz has shown that a German weaver produces 466 yards of 
cotton a week at a cost of .303 per yard, while an American weaver produces
1200 yards at a cost of .02 per yard.</p>
<p>But, it may be objected, a great part of this is due to the more 
improved American machinery.&nbsp; Very true, but none the less a great 
part is still due to the superior energy, skill, and willingness of the 
American laborer.&nbsp; The English laborer is faithful to the policy of 
&ldquo;ca&rsquo; canny.&rdquo;&nbsp; He refuses point-blank to get the work
out of a machine that the New World scab gets out of a machine.&nbsp; Mr. 
Maxim, observing a wasteful hand-labor process in his English factory, 
invented a machine which he proved capable of displacing several men.&nbsp;
But workman after workman was put at the machine, and without exception 
they turned out neither more nor less than a workman turned out by 
hand.&nbsp; They obeyed the mandate of the union and went easy, while Mr. 
Maxim gave up in despair.&nbsp; Nor will the British workman run machines 
at as high speed as the American, nor will he run so many.&nbsp; An 
American workman will &ldquo;give equal attention simultaneously to three, 
four, or six machines or tools, while the British workman is compelled by 
his trade union to limit his attention to one, so that employment may be 
given to half a dozen men.&rdquo;</p>
<p>But for scabbing, no blame attaches itself anywhere.&nbsp; With rare 
exceptions, all the people in the world are scabs.&nbsp; The strong, 
capable workman gets a job and holds it because of his strength and 
capacity.&nbsp; And he holds it because out of his strength and capacity he
gives a better value for his wage than does the weaker and less capable 
workman.&nbsp; Therefore he is scabbing upon his weaker and less capable 
brother workman.&nbsp; He is giving more value for the price paid by the 
employer.</p>
<p>The superior workman scabs upon the inferior workman because he is so 
constituted and cannot help it.&nbsp; The one, by fortune of birth and 
upbringing, is strong and capable; the other, by fortune of birth and 
upbringing, is not so strong nor capable.&nbsp; It is for the same reason 
that one country scabs upon another.&nbsp; That country which has the good 
fortune to possess great natural resources, a finer sun and soil, 
unhampering institutions, and a deft and intelligent labor class and 
capitalist class is bound to scab upon a country less fortunately 
situated.&nbsp; It is the good fortune of the United States that is making 
her the colossal scab, just as it is the good fortune of one man to be born
with a straight back while his brother is born with a hump.</p>
<p>It is not good to give most for least, not good to be a scab.&nbsp; The 
word has gained universal opprobrium.&nbsp; On the other hand, to be a 
non-scab, to give least for most, is universally branded as stingy, 
selfish, and unchristian-like.&nbsp; So all the world, like the British 
workman, is &rsquo;twixt the devil and the deep sea.&nbsp; It is treason to
one&rsquo;s fellows to scab, it is unchristian-like not to scab.</p>
<p>Since to give least for most, and to give most for least, are 
universally bad, what remains?&nbsp; Equity remains, which is to give like 
for like, the same for the same, neither more nor less.&nbsp; But this 
equity, society, as at present constituted, cannot give.&nbsp; It is not in
the nature of present-day society for men to give like for like, the same 
for the same.&nbsp; And so long as men continue to live in this competitive
society, struggling tooth and nail with one another for food and shelter, 
(which is to struggle tooth and nail with one another for life), that long 
will the scab continue to exist.&nbsp; His will &ldquo;to live&rdquo; will 
force him to exist.&nbsp; He may be flouted and jeered by his brothers, he 
may be beaten with bricks and clubs by the men who by superior strength and
capacity scab upon him as he scabs upon them by longer hours and smaller 
wages, but through it all he will persist, giving a bit more of most for 
least than they are giving.</p>
<h2>THE QUESTION OF THE MAXIMUM</h2>
<p>For any social movement or development there must be a maximum limit 
beyond which it cannot proceed.&nbsp; That civilization which does not 
advance must decline, and so, when the maximum of development has been 
reached in any given direction, society must either retrograde or change 
the direction of its advance.&nbsp; There are many families of men that 
have failed, in the critical period of their economic evolution, to effect 
a change in direction, and were forced to fall back.&nbsp; Vanquished at 
the moment of their maximum, they have dropped out of the whirl of the 
world.&nbsp; There was no room for them.&nbsp; Stronger competitors have 
taken their places, and they have either rotted into oblivion or remain to 
be crushed under the iron heel of the dominant races in as remorseless a 
struggle as the world has yet witnessed.&nbsp; But in this struggle fair 
women and chivalrous men will play no part.&nbsp; Types and ideals have 
changed.&nbsp; Helens and Launcelots are anachronisms.&nbsp; Blows will be 
given and taken, and men fight and die, but not for faiths and 
altars.&nbsp; Shrines will be desecrated, but they will be the shrines, not
of temples, but market-places.&nbsp; Prophets will arise, but they will be 
the prophets of prices and products.&nbsp; Battles will be waged, not for 
honor and glory, nor for thrones and sceptres, but for dollars and cents 
and for marts and exchanges.&nbsp; Brain and not brawn will endure, and the
captains of war will be commanded by the captains of industry.&nbsp; In 
short, it will be a contest for the mastery of the world&rsquo;s commerce 
and for industrial supremacy.</p>
<p>It is more significant, this struggle into which we have plunged, for 
the fact that it is the first struggle to involve the globe.&nbsp; No 
general movement of man has been so wide-spreading, so far-reaching.&nbsp; 
Quite local was the supremacy of any ancient people; likewise the rise to 
empire of Macedonia and Rome, the waves of Arabian valor and fanaticism, 
and the medi&aelig;val crusades to the Holy Sepulchre.&nbsp; But since 
those times the planet has undergone a unique shrinkage.</p>
<p>The world of Homer, limited by the coast-lines of the Mediterranean and 
Black seas, was a far vaster world than ours of today, which we weigh, 
measure, and compute as accurately and as easily as if it were a 
child&rsquo;s play-ball.&nbsp; Steam has made its parts accessible and 
drawn them closer together.&nbsp; The telegraph annihilates space and 
time.&nbsp; Each morning, every part knows what every other part is 
thinking, contemplating, or doing.&nbsp; A discovery in a German laboratory
is being demonstrated in San Francisco within twenty-four hours.&nbsp; A 
book written in South Africa is published by simultaneous copyright in 
every English-speaking country, and on the day following is in the hands of
the translators.&nbsp; The death of an obscure missionary in China, or of a
whiskey-smuggler in the South Seas, is served, the world over, with the 
morning toast.&nbsp; The wheat output of Argentine or the gold of Klondike 
are known wherever men meet and trade.&nbsp; Shrinkage, or centralization, 
has become such that the humblest clerk in any metropolis may place his 
hand on the pulse of the world.&nbsp; The planet has indeed grown very 
small; and because of this, no vital movement can remain in the clime or 
country where it takes its rise.</p>
<p>And so today the economic and industrial impulse is world-wide.&nbsp; It
is a matter of import to every people.&nbsp; None may be careless of 
it.&nbsp; To do so is to perish.&nbsp; It is become a battle, the fruits of
which are to the strong, and to none but the strongest of the strong.&nbsp;
As the movement approaches its maximum, centralization accelerates and 
competition grows keener and closer.&nbsp; The competitor nations cannot 
all succeed.&nbsp; So long as the movement continues its present direction,
not only will there not be room for all, but the room that is will become 
less and less; and when the moment of the maximum is at hand, there will be
no room at all.&nbsp; Capitalistic production will have overreached itself,
and a change of direction will then be inevitable.</p>
<p>Divers queries arise: What is the maximum of commercial development the 
world can sustain?&nbsp; How far can it be exploited?&nbsp; How much 
capital is necessary?&nbsp; Can sufficient capital be accumulated?&nbsp; A 
brief r&eacute;sum&eacute; of the industrial history of the last one 
hundred years or so will be relevant at this stage of the discussion.&nbsp;
Capitalistic production, in its modern significance, was born of the 
industrial revolution in England in the latter half of the eighteenth 
century.&nbsp; The great inventions of that period were both its father and
its mother, while, as Mr. Brooks Adams has shown, the looted treasure of 
India was the potent midwife.&nbsp; Had there not been an unwonted increase
of capital, the impetus would not have been given to invention, while even 
steam might have languished for generations instead of at once becoming, as
it did, the most prominent factor in the new method of production.&nbsp; 
The improved application of these inventions in the first decades of the 
nineteenth century mark the transition from the domestic to the factory 
system of manufacture and inaugurated the era of capitalism.&nbsp; The 
magnitude of this revolution is manifested by the fact that England alone 
had invented the means and equipped herself with the machinery whereby she 
could overstock the world&rsquo;s markets.&nbsp; The home market could not 
consume a tithe of the home product.&nbsp; To manufacture this home product
she had sacrificed her agriculture.&nbsp; She must buy her food from 
abroad, and to do so she must sell her goods abroad.</p>
<p>But the struggle for commercial supremacy had not yet really 
begun.&nbsp; England was without a rival.&nbsp; Her navies controlled the 
sea.&nbsp; Her armies and her insular position gave her peace at 
home.&nbsp; The world was hers to exploit.&nbsp; For nearly fifty years she
dominated the European, American, and Indian trade, while the great wars 
then convulsing society were destroying possible competitive capital and 
straining consumption to its utmost.&nbsp; The pioneer of the industrial 
nations, she thus received such a start in the new race for wealth that it 
is only today the other nations have succeeded in overtaking her.&nbsp; In 
1820 the volume of her trade (imports and exports) was 
&pound;68,000,000.&nbsp; In 1899 it had increased to 
&pound;815,000,000,&mdash;an increase of 1200 per cent in the volume of 
trade.</p>
<p>For nearly one hundred years England has been producing surplus 
value.&nbsp; She has been producing far more than she consumes, and this 
excess has swelled the volume of her capital.&nbsp; This capital has been 
invested in her enterprises at home and abroad, and in her shipping.&nbsp; 
In 1898 the Stock Exchange estimated British capital invested abroad at 
&pound;1,900,000,000.&nbsp; But hand in hand with her foreign investments 
have grown her adverse balances of trade.&nbsp; For the ten years ending 
with 1868, her average yearly adverse balance was &pound;52,000,000; ending
with 1878, &pound;81,000,000; ending with 1888, &pound;101,000,000; and 
ending with 1898, &pound;133,000,000.&nbsp; In the single year of 1897 it 
reached the portentous sum of &pound;157,000,000.</p>
<p>But England&rsquo;s adverse balances of trade in themselves are nothing 
at which to be frightened.&nbsp; Hitherto they have been paid from out the 
earnings of her shipping and the interest on her foreign investments.&nbsp;
But what does cause anxiety, however, is that, relative to the trade 
development of other countries, her export trade is falling off, without a 
corresponding diminution of her imports, and that her securities and 
foreign holdings do not seem able to stand the added strain.&nbsp; These 
she is being forced to sell in order to pull even.&nbsp; As the London 
Times gloomily remarks, &ldquo;We are entering the twentieth century on the
down grade, after a prolonged period of business activity, high wages, high
profits, and overflowing revenue.&rdquo;&nbsp; In other words, the mighty 
grasp England held over the resources and capital of the world is being 
relaxed.&nbsp; The control of its commerce and banking is slipping through 
her fingers.&nbsp; The sale of her foreign holdings advertises the fact 
that other nations are capable of buying them, and, further, that these 
other nations are busily producing surplus value.</p>
<p>The movement has become general.&nbsp; Today, passing from country to 
country, an ever-increasing tide of capital is welling up.&nbsp; Production
is doubling and quadrupling upon itself.&nbsp; It used to be that the 
impoverished or undeveloped nations turned to England when it came to 
borrowing, but now Germany is competing keenly with her in this 
matter.&nbsp; France is not averse to lending great sums to Russia, and 
Austria-Hungary has capital and to spare for foreign holdings.</p>
<p>Nor has the United States failed to pass from the side of the debtor to 
that of the creditor nations.&nbsp; She, too, has become wise in the way of
producing surplus value.&nbsp; She has been successful in her efforts to 
secure economic emancipation.&nbsp; Possessing but 5 per cent of the 
world&rsquo;s population and producing 32 per cent of the world&rsquo;s 
food supply, she has been looked upon as the world&rsquo;s farmer; but now,
amidst general consternation, she comes forward as the world&rsquo;s 
manufacturer.&nbsp; In 1888 her manufactured exports amounted to 
$130,300,087; in 1896, to $253,681,541; in 1897, to $279,652,721; in 1898, 
to $307,924,994; in 1899, to $338,667,794; and in 1900, to 
$432,000,000.&nbsp; Regarding her growing favorable balances of trade, it 
may be noted that not only are her imports not increasing, but they are 
actually falling off, while her exports in the last decade have increased 
72.4 per cent.&nbsp; In ten years her imports from Europe have been reduced
from $474,000,000 to $439,000,000; while in the same time her exports have 
increased from $682,000,000 to $1,111,000,000.&nbsp; Her balance of trade 
in her favor in 1895 was $75,000,000; in 1896, over $100,000,000; in 1897, 
nearly $300,000,000; in 1898, $615,000,000; in 1899, $530,000,000; and in 
1900, $648,000,000.</p>
<p>In the matter of iron, the United States, which in 1840 had not dreamed 
of entering the field of international competition, in 1897, as much to her
own surprise as any one else&rsquo;s, undersold the English in their own 
London market.&nbsp; In 1899 there was but one American locomotive in Great
Britain; but, of the five hundred locomotives sold abroad by the United 
States in 1902, England bought more than any other country.&nbsp; Russia is
operating a thousand of them on her own roads today.&nbsp; In one instance 
the American manufacturers contracted to deliver a locomotive in four and 
one-half months for $9250, the English manufacturers requiring twenty-four 
months for delivery at $14,000.&nbsp; The Clyde shipbuilders recently 
placed orders for 150,000 tons of plates at a saving of $250,000, and the 
American steel going into the making of the new London subway is taken as a
matter of course.&nbsp; American tools stand above competition the world 
over.&nbsp; Ready-made boots and shoes are beginning to flood 
Europe,&mdash;the same with machinery, bicycles, agricultural implements, 
and all kinds of manufactured goods.&nbsp; A correspondent from Hamburg, 
speaking of the invasion of American trade, says: &ldquo;Incidentally, it 
may be remarked that the typewriting machine with which this article is 
written, as well as the thousands&mdash;nay, hundreds of thousands&mdash;of
others that are in use throughout the world, were made in America; that it 
stands on an American table, in an office furnished with American desks, 
bookcases, and chairs, which cannot be made in Europe of equal quality, so 
practical and convenient, for a similar price.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In 1893 and 1894, because of the distrust of foreign capital, the United
States was forced to buy back American securities held abroad; but in 1897 
and 1898 she bought back American securities held abroad, not because she 
had to, but because she chose to.&nbsp; And not only has she bought back 
her own securities, but in the last eight years she has become a buyer of 
the securities of other countries.&nbsp; In the money markets of London, 
Paris, and Berlin she is a lender of money.&nbsp; Carrying the largest 
stock of gold in the world, the world, in moments of danger, when crises of
international finance loom large, looks to her vast lending ability for 
safety.</p>
<p>Thus, in a few swift years, has the United States drawn up to the van 
where the great industrial nations are fighting for commercial and 
financial empire.&nbsp; The figures of the race, in which she passed 
England, are interesting:</p>
<p></p>
<table>
<tr>
<td>
<p>Year</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>United States Exports</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>United Kingdom Exports</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1875</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>$497,263,737</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>$1,087,497,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1885</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>673,593,506</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,037,124,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1895</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>807,742,415</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,100,452,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1896</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>986,830,080</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,168,671,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1897</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,079,834,296</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,139,882,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1898</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,233,564,828</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,135,642,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1899</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,253,466,000</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,287,971,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1900</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,453,013,659</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>1,418,348,000</p>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p></p>
<p>As Mr. Henry Demarest Lloyd has noted, &ldquo;When the news reached 
Germany of the new steel trust in America, the stocks of the iron and steel
mills listed on the Berlin Bourse fell.&rdquo;&nbsp; While Europe has been 
talking and dreaming of the greatness which was, the United States has been
thinking and planning and doing for the greatness to be.&nbsp; Her captains
of industry and kings of finance have toiled and sweated at organizing and 
consolidating production and transportation.&nbsp; But this has been merely
the developmental stage, the tuning-up of the orchestra.&nbsp; With the 
twentieth century rises the curtain on the play,&mdash;a play which shall 
have much in it of comedy and a vast deal of tragedy, and which has been 
well named The Capitalistic Conquest of Europe by America.&nbsp; Nations do
not die easily, and one of the first moves of Europe will be the erection 
of tariff walls.&nbsp; America, however, will fittingly reply, for already 
her manufacturers are establishing works in France and Germany.&nbsp; And 
when the German trade journals refused to accept American advertisements, 
they found their country flamingly bill-boarded in buccaneer American 
fashion.</p>
<p>M. Leroy-Beaulieu, the French economist, is passionately preaching a 
commercial combination of the whole Continent against the United 
States,&mdash;a commercial alliance which, he boldly declares, should 
become a political alliance.&nbsp; And in this he is not alone, finding 
ready sympathy and ardent support in Austria, Italy, and Germany.&nbsp; 
Lord Rosebery said, in a recent speech before the Wolverhampton Chamber of 
Commerce: &ldquo;The Americans, with their vast and almost incalculable 
resources, their acuteness and enterprise, and their huge population, which
will probably be 100,000,000 in twenty years, together with the plan they 
have adopted for putting accumulated wealth into great co&ouml;perative 
syndicates or trusts for the purpose of carrying on this great commercial 
warfare, are the most formidable . . . rivals to be feared.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The London Times says: &ldquo;It is useless to disguise the fact that 
Great Britain is being outdistanced.&nbsp; The competition does not come 
from the glut caused by miscalculation as to the home demand.&nbsp; Our own
steel-makers know better and are alarmed.&nbsp; The threatened competition 
in markets hitherto our own comes from efficiency in production such as 
never before has been seen.&rdquo;&nbsp; Even the British naval supremacy 
is in danger, continues the same paper, &ldquo;for, if we lose our 
engineering supremacy, our naval supremacy will follow, unless held on 
sufferance by our successful rivals.&rdquo;</p>
<p>And the Edinburgh Evening News says, with editorial gloom: &ldquo;The 
iron and steel trades have gone from us.&nbsp; When the fictitious 
prosperity caused by the expenditure of our own Government and that of 
European nations on armaments ceases, half of the men employed in these 
industries will be turned into the streets.&nbsp; The outlook is 
appalling.&nbsp; What suffering will have to be endured before the workers 
realize that there is nothing left for them but emigration!&rdquo;</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p>That there must be a limit to the accumulation of capital is 
obvious.&nbsp; The downward course of the rate of interest, notwithstanding
that many new employments have been made possible for capital, indicates 
how large is the increase of surplus value.&nbsp; This decline of the 
interest rate is in accord with Bohm-Bawerk&rsquo;s law of 
&ldquo;diminishing returns.&rdquo;&nbsp; That is, when capital, like 
anything else, has become over-plentiful, less lucrative use can only be 
found for the excess.&nbsp; This excess, not being able to earn so much as 
when capital was less plentiful, competes for safe investments and forces 
down the interest rate on all capital.&nbsp; Mr. Charles A. Conant has well
described the keenness of the scramble for safe investments, even at the 
prevailing low rates of interest.&nbsp; At the close of the war with 
Turkey, the Greek loan, guaranteed by Great Britain, France, and Russia, 
was floated with striking ease.&nbsp; Regardless of the small return, the 
amount offered at Paris, (41,000,000 francs), was subscribed for 
twenty-three times over.&nbsp; Great Britain, France, Germany, Holland, and
the Scandinavian States, of recent years, have all engaged in converting 
their securities from 5 per cents to 4 per cents, from 4&frac12; per cents 
to 3&frac12; per cents, and the 3&frac12; per cents into 3 per cents.</p>
<p>Great Britain, France, Germany, and Austria-Hungary, according to the 
calculation taken in 1895 by the International Statistical Institute, hold 
forty-six billions of capital invested in negotiable securities 
alone.&nbsp; Yet Paris subscribed for her portion of the Greek loan 
twenty-three times over!&nbsp; In short, money is cheap.&nbsp; Andrew 
Carnegie and his brother bourgeois kings give away millions annually, but 
still the tide wells up.&nbsp; These vast accumulations have made possible 
&ldquo;wild-catting,&rdquo; fraudulent combinations, fake enterprises, 
Hooleyism; but such stealings, great though they be, have little or no 
effect in reducing the volume.&nbsp; The time is past when startling 
inventions, or revolutions in the method of production, can break up the 
growing congestion; yet this saved capital demands an outlet, somewhere, 
somehow.</p>
<p>When a great nation has equipped itself to produce far more than it can,
under the present division of the product, consume, it seeks other markets 
for its surplus products.&nbsp; When a second nation finds itself similarly
circumstanced, competition for these other markets naturally follows.&nbsp;
With the advent of a third, a fourth, a fifth, and of divers other nations,
the question of the disposal of surplus products grows serious.&nbsp; And 
with each of these nations possessing, over and beyond its active capital, 
great and growing masses of idle capital, and when the very foreign markets
for which they are competing are beginning to produce similar wares for 
themselves, the question passes the serious stage and becomes critical.</p>
<p>Never has the struggle for foreign markets been sharper than at the 
present.&nbsp; They are the one great outlet for congested 
accumulations.&nbsp; Predatory capital wanders the world over, seeking 
where it may establish itself.&nbsp; This urgent need for foreign markets 
is forcing upon the world-stage an era of great colonial empire.&nbsp; But 
this does not stand, as in the past, for the subjugation of peoples and 
countries for the sake of gaining their products, but for the privilege of 
selling them products.&nbsp; The theory once was, that the colony owed its 
existence and prosperity to the mother country; but today it is the mother 
country that owes its existence and prosperity to the colony.&nbsp; And in 
the future, when that supporting colony becomes wise in the way of 
producing surplus value and sends its goods back to sell to the mother 
country, what then?&nbsp; Then the world will have been exploited, and 
capitalistic production will have attained its maximum development.</p>
<p>Foreign markets and undeveloped countries largely retard that 
moment.&nbsp; The favored portions of the earth&rsquo;s surface are already
occupied, though the resources of many are yet virgin.&nbsp; That they have
not long since been wrested from the hands of the barbarous and decadent 
peoples who possess them is due, not to the military prowess of such 
peoples, but to the jealous vigilance of the industrial nations.&nbsp; The 
powers hold one another back.&nbsp; The Turk lives because the way is not 
yet clear to an amicable division of him among the powers.&nbsp; And the 
United States, supreme though she is, opposes the partition of China, and 
intervenes her huge bulk between the hungry nations and the mongrel Spanish
republics.&nbsp; Capital stands in its own way, welling up and welling up 
against the inevitable moment when it shall burst all bonds and sweep 
resistlessly across such vast stretches as China and South America.&nbsp; 
And then there will be no more worlds to exploit, and capitalism will 
either fall back, crushed under its own weight, or a change of direction 
will take place which will mark a new era in history.</p>
<p>The Far East affords an illuminating spectacle.&nbsp; While the Western 
nations are crowding hungrily in, while the Partition of China is 
commingled with the clamor for the Spheres of Influence and the Open Door, 
other forces are none the less potently at work.&nbsp; Not only are the 
young Western peoples pressing the older ones to the wall, but the East 
itself is beginning to awake.&nbsp; American trade is advancing, and 
British trade is losing ground, while Japan, China, and India are taking a 
hand in the game themselves.</p>
<p>In 1893, 100,000 pieces of American drills were imported into China; in 
1897, 349,000.&nbsp; In 1893, 252,000 pieces of American sheetings were 
imported against 71,000 British; but in 1897, 566,000 pieces of American 
sheetings were imported against only 10,000 British.&nbsp; The cotton goods
and yarn trade (which forms 40 per cent of the whole trade with China) 
shows a remarkable advance on the part of the United States.&nbsp; During 
the last ten years America has increased her importation of plain goods by 
121 per cent in quantity and 59&frac12; per cent in value, while that of 
England and India combined has decreased 13&frac34; per cent in quantity 
and 8 per cent in value.&nbsp; Lord Charles Beresford, from whose 
&ldquo;Break-up of China&rdquo; these figures are taken, states that 
English yarn has receded and Indian yarn advanced to the front.&nbsp; In 
1897, 140,000 piculs of Indian yarn were imported, 18,000 of Japanese, 4500
of Shanghai-manufactured, and 700 of English.</p>
<p>Japan, who but yesterday emerged from the medi&aelig;val rule of the 
Shogunate and seized in one fell swoop the scientific knowledge and culture
of the Occident, is already today showing what wisdom she has acquired in 
the production of surplus value, and is preparing herself that she may 
tomorrow play the part to Asia that England did to Europe one hundred years
ago.&nbsp; That the difference in the world&rsquo;s affairs wrought by 
those one hundred years will prevent her succeeding is manifest; but it is 
equally manifest that they cannot prevent her playing a leading part in the
industrial drama which has commenced on the Eastern stage.&nbsp; Her 
imports into the port of Newchang in 1891 amounted to but 22,000 taels; but
in 1897 they had increased to 280,000 taels.&nbsp; In manufactured goods, 
from matches, watches, and clocks to the rolling stock of railways, she has
already given stiff shocks to her competitors in the Asiatic markets; and 
this while she is virtually yet in the equipment stage of production.&nbsp;
Erelong she, too, will be furnishing her share to the growing mass of the 
world&rsquo;s capital.</p>
<p>As regards Great Britain, the giant trader who has so long overshadowed 
Asiatic commerce, Lord Charles Beresford says: &ldquo;But competition is 
telling adversely; the energy of the British merchant is being equalled by 
other nationals. . . The competition of the Chinese and the introduction of
steam into the country are also combining to produce changed conditions in 
China.&rdquo;&nbsp; But far more ominous is the plaintive note he sounds 
when he says: &ldquo;New industries must be opened up, and I would 
especially direct the attention of the Chambers of Commerce (British) to . 
. . the fact that the more the native competes with the British 
manufacturer in certain classes of trade, the more machinery he will need, 
and the orders for such machinery will come to this country if our 
machinery manufacturers are enterprising enough.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Orient is beginning to show what an important factor it will become,
under Western supervision, in the creation of surplus value.&nbsp; Even 
before the barriers which restrain Western capital are removed, the East 
will be in a fair way toward being exploited.&nbsp; An analysis of Lord 
Beresford&rsquo;s message to the Chambers of Commerce discloses, first, 
that the East is beginning to manufacture for itself; and, second, that 
there is a promise of keen competition in the West for the privilege of 
selling the required machinery.&nbsp; The inexorable query arises: <i>What 
is the West to do when it has furnished this machinery</i>?&nbsp; And when 
not only the East, but all the now undeveloped countries, confront, with 
surplus products in their hands, the old industrial nations, capitalistic 
production will have attained its maximum development.</p>
<p>But before that time must intervene a period which bids one pause for 
breath.&nbsp; A new romance, like unto none in all the past, the economic 
romance, will be born.&nbsp; For the dazzling prize of world-empire will 
the nations of the earth go up in harness.&nbsp; Powers will rise and fall,
and mighty coalitions shape and dissolve in the swift whirl of 
events.&nbsp; Vassal nations and subject territories will be bandied back 
and forth like so many articles of trade.&nbsp; And with the inevitable 
displacement of economic centres, it is fair to presume that populations 
will shift to and fro, as they once did from the South to the North of 
England on the rise of the factory towns, or from the Old World to the 
New.&nbsp; Colossal enterprises will be projected and carried through, and 
combinations of capital and federations of labor be effected on a cyclopean
scale.&nbsp; Concentration and organization will be perfected in ways 
hitherto undreamed.&nbsp; The nation which would keep its head above the 
tide must accurately adjust supply to demand, and eliminate waste to the 
last least particle.&nbsp; Standards of living will most likely descend for
millions of people.&nbsp; With the increase of capital, the competition for
safe investments, and the consequent fall of the interest rate, the 
principal which today earns a comfortable income would not then support a 
bare existence.&nbsp; Saving toward old age would cease among the working 
classes.&nbsp; And as the merchant cities of Italy crashed when trade 
slipped from their hands on the discovery of the new route to the Indies by
way of the Cape of Good Hope, so will there come times of trembling for 
such nations as have failed to grasp the prize of world-empire.&nbsp; In 
that given direction they will have attained their maximum development, 
before the whole world, in the same direction, has attained its.&nbsp; 
There will no longer be room for them.&nbsp; But if they can survive the 
shock of being flung out of the world&rsquo;s industrial orbit, a change in
direction may then be easily effected.&nbsp; That the decadent and 
barbarous peoples will be crushed is a fair presumption; likewise that the 
stronger breeds will survive, entering upon the transition stage to which 
all the world must ultimately come.</p>
<p>This change of direction must be either toward industrial oligarchies or
socialism.&nbsp; Either the functions of private corporations will increase
till they absorb the central government, or the functions of government 
will increase till it absorbs the corporations.&nbsp; Much may be said on 
the chance of the oligarchy.&nbsp; Should an old manufacturing nation lose 
its foreign trade, it is safe to predict that a strong effort would be made
to build a socialistic government, but it does not follow that this effort 
would be successful.&nbsp; With the moneyed class controlling the State and
its revenues and all the means of subsistence, and guarding its own 
interests with jealous care, it is not at all impossible that a strong curb
could be put upon the masses till the crisis were past.&nbsp; It has been 
done before.&nbsp; There is no reason why it should not be done 
again.&nbsp; At the close of the last century, such a movement was crushed 
by its own folly and immaturity.&nbsp; In 1871 the soldiers of the economic
rulers stamped out, root and branch, a whole generation of militant 
socialists.</p>
<p>Once the crisis were past, the ruling class, still holding the curb in 
order to make itself more secure, would proceed to readjust things and to 
balance consumption with production.&nbsp; Having a monopoly of the safe 
investments, the great masses of unremunerative capital would be directed, 
not to the production of more surplus value, but to the making of permanent
improvements, which would give employment to the people, and make them 
content with the new order of things.&nbsp; Highways, parks, public 
buildings, monuments, could be builded; nor would it be out of place to 
give better factories and homes to the workers.&nbsp; Such in itself would 
be socialistic, save that it would be done by the oligarchs, a class 
apart.&nbsp; With the interest rate down to zero, and no field for the 
investment of sporadic capital, savings among the people would utterly 
cease, and old-age pensions be granted as a matter of course.&nbsp; It is 
also a logical necessity of such a system that, when the population began 
to press against the means of subsistence, (expansion being impossible), 
the birth rate of the lower classes would be lessened.&nbsp; Whether by 
their own initiative, or by the interference of the rulers, it would have 
to be done, and it would be done.&nbsp; In other words, the oligarchy would
mean the capitalization of labor and the enslavement of the whole 
population.&nbsp; But it would be a fairer, juster form of slavery than any
the world has yet seen.&nbsp; The per capita wage and consumption would be 
increased, and, with a stringent control of the birth rate, there is no 
reason why such a country should not be so ruled through many 
generations.</p>
<p>On the other hand, as the capitalistic exploitation of the planet 
approaches its maximum, and countries are crowded out of the field of 
foreign exchanges, there is a large likelihood that their change in 
direction will be toward socialism.&nbsp; Were the theory of collective 
ownership and operation then to arise for the first time, such a movement 
would stand small chance of success.&nbsp; But such is not the case.&nbsp; 
The doctrine of socialism has flourished and grown throughout the 
nineteenth century; its tenets have been preached wherever the interests of
labor and capital have clashed; and it has received exemplification time 
and again by the State&rsquo;s assumption of functions which had always 
belonged solely to the individual.</p>
<p>When capitalistic production has attained its maximum development, it 
must confront a dividing of the ways; and the strength of capital on the 
one hand, and the education and wisdom of the workers on the other, will 
determine which path society is to travel.&nbsp; It is possible, 
considering the inertia of the masses, that the whole world might in time 
come to be dominated by a group of industrial oligarchies, or by one great 
oligarchy, but it is not probable.&nbsp; That sporadic oligarchies may 
flourish for definite periods of time is highly possible; that they may 
continue to do so is as highly improbable.&nbsp; The procession of the ages
has marked not only the rise of man, but the rise of the common man.&nbsp; 
From the chattel slave, or the serf chained to the soil, to the highest 
seats in modern society, he has risen, rung by rung, amid the crumbling of 
the divine right of kings and the crash of falling sceptres.&nbsp; That he 
has done this, only in the end to pass into the perpetual slavery of the 
industrial oligarch, is something at which his whole past cries in 
protest.&nbsp; The common man is worthy of a better future, or else he is 
not worthy of his past.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p><span class="smcap">Note</span>.&mdash;The above article was written as 
long ago as 1898.&nbsp; The only alteration has been the bringing up to 
1900 of a few of its statistics.&nbsp; As a commercial venture of an 
author, it has an interesting history.&nbsp; It was promptly accepted by 
one of the leading magazines and paid for.&nbsp; The editor confessed that 
it was &ldquo;one of those articles one could not possibly let go of after 
it was once in his possession.&rdquo;&nbsp; Publication was voluntarily 
promised to be immediate.&nbsp; Then the editor became afraid of its too 
radical nature, forfeited the sum paid for it, and did not publish 
it.&nbsp; Nor, offered far and wide, could any other editor of bourgeois 
periodicals be found who was rash enough to publish it.&nbsp; Thus, for the
first time, after seven years, it appears in print.</p>
<h2>A REVIEW</h2>
<p>Two remarkable books are Ghent&rsquo;s &ldquo;Our Benevolent 
Feudalism&rdquo; <a name="citation7"></a><a href="#footnote7" 
class="citation">[7]</a> and Brooks&rsquo;s &ldquo;The Social 
Unrest.&rdquo; <a name="citation8"></a><a href="#footnote8" 
class="citation">[8]</a>&nbsp; In these two books the opposite sides of the
labor problem are expounded, each writer devoting himself with apprehension
to the side he fears and views with disfavor.&nbsp; It would appear that 
they have set themselves the task of collating, as a warning, the phenomena
of two counter social forces.&nbsp; Mr. Ghent, who is sympathetic with the 
socialist movement, follows with cynic fear every aggressive act of the 
capitalist class.&nbsp; Mr. Brooks, who yearns for the perpetuation of the 
capitalist system as long as possible, follows with grave dismay each 
aggressive act of the labor and socialist organizations.&nbsp; Mr. Ghent 
traces the emasculation of labor by capital, and Mr. Brooks traces the 
emasculation of independent competing capital by labor.&nbsp; In short, 
each marshals the facts of a side in the two sides which go to make a 
struggle so great that even the French Revolution is insignificant beside 
it; for this later struggle, for the first time in the history of 
struggles, is not confined to any particular portion of the globe, but 
involves the whole of it.</p>
<p>Starting on the assumption that society is at present in a state of 
flux, Mr. Ghent sees it rapidly crystallizing into a status which can best 
be described as something in the nature of a benevolent feudalism.&nbsp; He
laughs to scorn any immediate realization of the Marxian dream, while 
Tolstoyan utopias and Kropotkinian communistic unions of shop and farm are 
too wild to merit consideration.&nbsp; The coming status which Mr. Ghent 
depicts is a class domination by the capitalists.&nbsp; Labor will take its
definite place as a dependent class, living in a condition of machine 
servitude fairly analogous to the land servitude of the Middle Ages.&nbsp; 
That is to say, labor will be bound to the machine, though less harshly, in
fashion somewhat similar to that in which the earlier serf was bound to the
soil.&nbsp; As he says, &ldquo;Bondage to the land was the basis of 
villeinage in the old regime; bondage to the job will be the basis of 
villeinage in the new.&rdquo;</p>
<p>At the top of the new society will tower the magnate, the new feudal 
baron; at the bottom will be found the wastrels and the inefficients.&nbsp;
The new society he grades as follows:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>&ldquo;I.&nbsp; The barons, graded on the basis of possessions.</p>
<p>&ldquo;II.&nbsp; The court agents and retainers.&nbsp; (This class will 
include the editors of &lsquo;respectable&rsquo; and &lsquo;safe&rsquo; 
newspapers, the pastors of &lsquo;conservative&rsquo; and 
&lsquo;wealthy&rsquo; churches, the professors and teachers in endowed 
colleges and schools, lawyers generally, and most judges and 
politicians).</p>
<p>&ldquo;III.&nbsp; The workers in pure and applied science, artists, and 
physicians.</p>
<p>&ldquo;IV.&nbsp; The entrepreneurs, the managers of the great 
industries, transformed into a salaried class.</p>
<p>&ldquo;V.&nbsp; The foremen and superintendents.&nbsp; This class has 
heretofore been recruited largely from the skilled workers, but with the 
growth of technical education in schools and colleges, and the development 
of fixed caste, it is likely to become entirely differentiated.</p>
<p>&ldquo;VI.&nbsp; The villeins of the cities and towns, more or less 
regularly employed, who do skilled work and are partially protected by 
organization.</p>
<p>&ldquo;VII.&nbsp; The villeins of the cities and towns who do unskilled 
work and are unprotected by organization.&nbsp; They will comprise the 
laborers, domestics, and clerks.</p>
<p>&ldquo;VIII.&nbsp; The villeins of the manorial estates, of the great 
farms, the mines, and the forests.</p>
<p>&ldquo;IX.&nbsp; The small-unit farmers (land-owning), the petty 
tradesmen, and manufacturers.</p>
<p>&ldquo;X.&nbsp; The subtenants of the manorial estates and great farms 
(corresponding to the class of &lsquo;free tenants&rsquo; in the old 
Feudalism).</p>
<p>&ldquo;XI.&nbsp; The cotters.</p>
<p>&ldquo;XII.&nbsp; The tramps, the occasionally employed, the 
unemployed&mdash;the wastrels of the city and country.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;The new Feudalism, like most autocracies, will foster not only 
the arts, but also certain kinds of learning&mdash;particularly the kinds 
which are unlikely to disturb the minds of the multitude.&nbsp; A future 
Marsh, or Cope, or Le Comte will be liberally patronized and left free to 
discover what he will; and so, too, an Edison or a Marconi.&nbsp; Only they
must not meddle with anything relating to social science.&rdquo;</p>
</blockquote>
<p>It must be confessed that Mr. Ghent&rsquo;s arguments are cunningly 
contrived and arrayed.&nbsp; They must be read to be appreciated.&nbsp; As 
an example of his style, which at the same time generalizes a portion of 
his argument, the following may well be given:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>&ldquo;The new Feudalism will be but an orderly outgrowth of present 
tendencies and conditions.&nbsp; All societies evolve naturally out of 
their predecessors.&nbsp; In sociology, as in biology, there is no cell 
without a parent cell.&nbsp; The society of each generation develops a 
multitude of spontaneous and acquired variations, and out of these, by a 
blending process of natural and conscious selection, the succeeding society
is evolved.&nbsp; The new order will differ in no important respects from 
the present, except in the completer development of its more salient 
features.&nbsp; The visitor from another planet who had known the old and 
should see the new would note but few changes.&nbsp; Alter et 
Idem&mdash;another yet the same&mdash;he would say.&nbsp; From magnate to 
baron, from workman to villein, from publicist to court agent and retainer,
will be changes of state and function so slight as to elude all but the 
keenest eyes.&rdquo;</p>
</blockquote>
<p>And in conclusion, to show how benevolent and beautiful this new 
feudalism of ours will be, Mr. Ghent says: &ldquo;Peace and stability it 
will maintain at all hazards; and the mass, remembering the chaos, the 
turmoil, the insecurity of the past, will bless its reign. . . . 
Efficiency&mdash;the faculty of getting things&mdash;is at last rewarded as
it should be, for the efficient have inherited the earth and its 
fulness.&nbsp; The lowly, whose happiness is greater and whose welfare is 
more thoroughly conserved when governed than when governing, as a 
twentieth-century philosopher said of them, are settled and happy in the 
state which reason and experience teach is their God-appointed lot.&nbsp; 
They are comfortable too; and if the patriarchal ideal of a vine and fig 
tree for each is not yet attained, at least each has his rented patch in 
the country or his rented cell in a city building.&nbsp; Bread and the 
circus are freely given to the deserving, and as for the undeserving, they 
are merely reaping the rewards of their contumacy and pride.&nbsp; Order 
reigns, each has his justly appointed share, and the state rests, in 
security, &lsquo;lapt in universal law.&rsquo;&rdquo;</p>
<p>Mr. Brooks, on the other hand, sees rising and dissolving and rising 
again in the social flux the ominous forms of a new society which is the 
direct antithesis of a benevolent feudalism.&nbsp; He trembles at the rash 
intrepidity of the capitalists who fight the labor unions, for by such 
rashness he greatly fears that labor will be driven to express its aims and
strength in political terms, which terms will inevitably be socialistic 
terms.</p>
<p>To keep down the rising tide of socialism, he preaches greater meekness 
and benevolence to the capitalists.&nbsp; No longer may they claim the 
right to run their own business, to beat down the laborer&rsquo;s standard 
of living for the sake of increased profits, to dictate terms of employment
to individual workers, to wax righteously indignant when organized labor 
takes a hand in their business.&nbsp; No longer may the capitalist say 
&ldquo;my&rdquo; business, or even think &ldquo;my&rdquo; business; he must
say &ldquo;our&rdquo; business, and think &ldquo;our&rdquo; business as 
well, accepting labor as a partner whose voice must be heard.&nbsp; And if 
the capitalists do not become more meek and benevolent in their dealings 
with labor, labor will be antagonized and will proceed to wreak terrible 
political vengeance, and the present social flux will harden into a status 
of socialism.</p>
<p>Mr. Brooks dreams of a society at which Mr. Ghent sneers as &ldquo;a 
slightly modified individualism, wherein each unit secures the just reward 
of his capacity and service.&rdquo;&nbsp; To attain this happy state, Mr. 
Brooks imposes circumspection upon the capitalists in their relations with 
labor.&nbsp; &ldquo;If the socialistic spirit is to be held in abeyance in 
this country, businesses of this character (anthracite coal mining) must be
handled with extraordinary caution.&rdquo;&nbsp; Which is to say, that to 
withstand the advance of socialism, a great and greater measure of Mr. 
Ghent&rsquo;s <i>benevolence</i> will be required.</p>
<p>Again and again, Mr. Brooks reiterates the danger he sees in harshly 
treating labor.&nbsp; &ldquo;It is not probable that employers can destroy 
unionism in the United States.&nbsp; Adroit and desperate attempts will, 
however, be made, if we mean by unionism the undisciplined and aggressive 
fact of vigorous and determined organizations.&nbsp; If capital should 
prove too strong in this struggle, the result is easy to predict.&nbsp; The
employers have only to convince organized labor that it cannot hold its own
against the capitalist manager, and the whole energy that now goes to the 
union will turn to an aggressive political socialism.&nbsp; It will not be 
the harmless sympathy with increased city and state functions which trade 
unions already feel; it will become a turbulent political force bent upon 
using every weapon of taxation against the rich.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;The most concrete impulse that now favors socialism in this 
country is the insane purpose to deprive labor organizations of the full 
and complete rights that go with federated unionism.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;That which teaches a union that it cannot succeed as a union 
turns it toward socialism.&nbsp; In long strikes in towns like Marlboro and
Brookfield strong unions are defeated.&nbsp; Hundreds of men leave these 
towns for shoe-centres like Brockton, where they are now voting the 
socialist ticket.&nbsp; The socialist mayor of this city tells me, 
&lsquo;The men who come to us now from towns where they have been 
thoroughly whipped in a strike are among our most active working 
socialists.&rsquo;&nbsp; The bitterness engendered by this sense of defeat 
is turned to politics, as it will throughout the whole country, if 
organization of labor is deprived of its rights.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;This enmity of capital to the trade union is watched with glee by
every intelligent socialist in our midst.&nbsp; Every union that is beaten 
or discouraged in its struggle is ripening fruit for socialism.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;The real peril which we now face is the threat of a class 
conflict.&nbsp; If capitalism insists upon the policy of outraging the 
saving aspiration of the American workman to raise his standard of comfort 
and leisure, every element of class conflict will strengthen among 
us.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;We have only to humiliate what is best in the trade union, and 
then every worst feature of socialism is fastened upon us.&rdquo;</p>
<p>This strong tendency in the ranks of the workers toward socialism is 
what Mr. Brooks characterizes the &ldquo;social unrest&rdquo;; and he hopes
to see the Republican, the Cleveland Democrat, and the conservative and 
large property interests &ldquo;band together against this common 
foe,&rdquo; which is socialism.&nbsp; And he is not above feeling grave and
well-contained satisfaction wherever the socialist doctrinaire has been 
contradicted by men attempting to practise co&ouml;peration in the midst of
the competitive system, as in Belgium.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, he catches fleeting glimpses of an extreme and 
tyrannically benevolent feudalism very like to Mr. Ghent&rsquo;s, as 
witness the following:</p>
<p>&ldquo;I asked one of the largest employers of labor in the South if he 
feared the coming of the trade union.&nbsp; &lsquo;No,&rsquo; he said, 
&lsquo;it is one good result of race prejudice, that the negro will enable 
us in the long run to weaken the trade union so that it cannot harm 
us.&nbsp; We can keep wages down with the negro and we can prevent too much
organization.&rsquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;It is in this spirit that the lower standards are to be 
used.&nbsp; If this purpose should succeed, it has but one issue,&mdash;the
immense strengthening of a plutocratic administration at the top, served by
an army of high-salaried helpers, with an elite of skilled and well-paid 
workmen, but all resting on what would essentially be a serf class of 
low-paid labor and this mass kept in order by an increased use of military 
force.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In brief summary of these two notable books, it may be said that Mr. 
Ghent is alarmed, (though he does not flatly say so), at the too great 
social restfulness in the community, which is permitting the capitalists to
form the new society to their liking; and that Mr. Brooks is alarmed, (and 
he flatly says so), at the social unrest which threatens the modified 
individualism into which he would like to see society evolve.&nbsp; Mr. 
Ghent beholds the capitalist class rising to dominate the state and the 
working class; Mr. Brooks beholds the working class rising to dominate the 
state and the capitalist class.&nbsp; One fears the paternalism of a class;
the other, the tyranny of the mass.</p>
<h2>WANTED: A NEW LAW OF DEVELOPMENT</h2>
<p>Evolution is no longer a mere tentative hypothesis.&nbsp; One by one, 
step by step, each division and subdivision of science has contributed its 
evidence, until now the case is complete and the verdict rendered.&nbsp; 
While there is still discussion as to the method of evolution, none the 
less, as a process sufficient to explain all biological phenomena, all 
differentiations of life into widely diverse species, families, and even 
kingdoms, evolution is flatly accepted.&nbsp; Likewise has been accepted 
its law of development: <i>That</i>, <i>in the struggle for existence</i>, 
<i>the strong and fit and the progeny of the strong and fit have a better 
opportunity for survival than the weak and less fit and the progeny of the 
weak and less fit</i>.</p>
<p>It is in the struggle of the species with other species and against all 
other hostile forces in the environment, that this law operates; also in 
the struggle between the individuals of the same species.&nbsp; In this 
struggle, which is for food and shelter, the weak individuals must 
obviously win less food and shelter than the strong.&nbsp; Because of this,
their hold on life relaxes and they are eliminated.&nbsp; And for the same 
reason that they may not win for themselves adequate food and shelter, the 
weak cannot give to their progeny the chance for survival that the strong 
give.&nbsp; And thus, since the weak are prone to beget weakness, the 
species is constantly purged of its inefficient members.</p>
<p>Because of this, a premium is placed upon strength, and so long as the 
struggle for food and shelter obtains, just so long will the average 
strength of each generation increase.&nbsp; On the other hand, should 
conditions so change that all, and the progeny of all, the weak as well as 
the strong, have an equal chance for survival, then, at once, the average 
strength of each generation will begin to diminish.&nbsp; Never yet, 
however, in animal life, has there been such a state of affairs.&nbsp; 
Natural selection has always obtained.&nbsp; The strong and their progeny, 
at the expense of the weak, have always survived.&nbsp; This law of 
development has operated down all the past upon all life; it so operates 
today, and it is not rash to say that it will continue to operate in the 
future&mdash;at least upon all life existing in a state of nature.</p>
<p>Man, pre&euml;minent though he is in the animal kingdom, capable of 
reacting upon and making suitable an unsuitable environment, nevertheless 
remains the creature of this same law of development.&nbsp; The social 
selection to which he is subject is merely another form of natural 
selection.&nbsp; True, within certain narrow limits he modifies the 
struggle for existence and renders less precarious the tenure of life for 
the weak.&nbsp; The extremely weak, diseased, and inefficient are housed in
hospitals and asylums.&nbsp; The strength of the viciously strong, when 
inimical to society, is tempered by penal institutions and by the 
gallows.&nbsp; The short-sighted are provided with spectacles, and the 
sickly (when they can pay for it) with sanitariums.&nbsp; Pestilential 
marshes are drained, plagues are checked, and disasters averted.&nbsp; Yet,
for all that, the strong and the progeny of the strong survive, and the 
weak are crushed out.&nbsp; The men strong of brain are masters as of 
yore.&nbsp; They dominate society and gather to themselves the wealth of 
society.&nbsp; With this wealth they maintain themselves and equip their 
progeny for the struggle.&nbsp; They build their homes in healthful places,
purchase the best fruits, meats, and vegetables the market affords, and buy
themselves the ministrations of the most brilliant and learned of the 
professional classes.&nbsp; The weak man, as of yore, is the servant, the 
doer of things at the master&rsquo;s call.&nbsp; The weaker and less 
efficient he is, the poorer is his reward.&nbsp; The weakest work for a 
living wage, (when they can get work), live in unsanitary slums, on vile 
and insufficient food, at the lowest depths of human degradation.&nbsp; 
Their grasp on life is indeed precarious, their mortality excessive, their 
infant death-rate appalling.</p>
<p>That some should be born to preferment and others to ignominy in order 
that the race may progress, is cruel and sad; but none the less they are so
born.&nbsp; The weeding out of human souls, some for fatness and smiles, 
some for leanness and tears, is surely a heartless selective 
process&mdash;as heartless as it is natural.&nbsp; And the human family, 
for all its wonderful record of adventure and achievement, has not yet 
succeeded in avoiding this process.&nbsp; That it is incapable of doing 
this is not to be hazarded.&nbsp; Not only is it capable, but the whole 
trend of society is in that direction.&nbsp; All the social forces are 
driving man on to a time when the old selective law will be annulled.&nbsp;
There is no escaping it, save by the intervention of catastrophes and 
cataclysms quite unthinkable.&nbsp; It is inexorable.&nbsp; It is 
inexorable because the common man demands it.&nbsp; The twentieth century, 
the common man says, is his day; the common man&rsquo;s day, or, rather, 
the dawning of the common man&rsquo;s day.</p>
<p>Nor can it be denied.&nbsp; The evidence is with him.&nbsp; The previous
centuries, and more notably the nineteenth, have marked the rise of the 
common man.&nbsp; From chattel slavery to serfdom, and from serfdom to what
he bitterly terms &ldquo;wage slavery,&rdquo; he has risen.&nbsp; Never was
he so strong as he is today, and never so menacing.&nbsp; He does the work 
of the world, and he is beginning to know it.&nbsp; The world cannot get 
along without him, and this also he is beginning to know.&nbsp; All the 
human knowledge of the past, all the scientific discovery, governmental 
experiment, and invention of machinery, have tended to his 
advancement.&nbsp; His standard of living is higher.&nbsp; His common 
school education would shame princes ten centuries past.&nbsp; His civil 
and religious liberty makes him a free man, and his ballot the peer of his 
betters.&nbsp; And all this has tended to make him conscious, conscious of 
himself, conscious of his class.&nbsp; He looks about him and questions 
that ancient law of development.&nbsp; It is cruel and wrong, he is 
beginning to declare.&nbsp; It is an anachronism.&nbsp; Let it be 
abolished.&nbsp; Why should there be one empty belly in all the world, when
the work of ten men can feed a hundred?&nbsp; What if my brother be not so 
strong as I?&nbsp; He has not sinned.&nbsp; Wherefore should he 
hunger&mdash;he and his sinless little ones?&nbsp; Away with the old 
law.&nbsp; There is food and shelter for all, therefore let all receive 
food and shelter.</p>
<p>As fast as labor has become conscious it has organized.&nbsp; The 
ambition of these class-conscious men is that the movement shall become 
general, that all labor shall become conscious of itself and its class 
interests.&nbsp; And the day that witnesses the solidarity of labor, they 
triumphantly affirm, will be a day when labor dominates the world.&nbsp; 
This growing consciousness has led to the organization of two movements, 
both separate and distinct, but both converging toward a common 
goal&mdash;one, the labor movement, known as Trade Unionism; the other, the
political movement, known as Socialism.&nbsp; Both are grim and silent 
forces, unheralded and virtually unknown to the general public save in 
moments of stress.&nbsp; The sleeping labor giant receives little notice 
from the capitalistic press, and when he stirs uneasily, a column of 
surprise, indignation, and horror suffices.</p>
<p>It is only now and then, after long periods of silence, that the labor 
movement puts in its claim for notice.&nbsp; All is quiet.&nbsp; The kind 
old world spins on, and the bourgeois masters clip their coupons in smug 
complacency.&nbsp; But the grim and silent forces are at work.</p>
<p>Suddenly, like a clap of thunder from a clear sky, comes a disruption of
industry.&nbsp; From ocean to ocean the wheels of a great chain of 
railroads cease to run.&nbsp; A quarter of a million miners throw down pick
and shovel and outrage the sun with their pale, bleached faces.&nbsp; The 
street railways of a swarming metropolis stand idle, or the rumble of 
machinery in vast manufactories dies away to silence.&nbsp; There is alarm 
and panic.&nbsp; Arson and homicide stalk forth.&nbsp; There is a cry in 
the night, and quick anger and sudden death.&nbsp; Peaceful cities are 
affrighted by the crack of rifles and the snarl of machine-guns, and the 
hearts of the shuddering are shaken by the roar of dynamite.&nbsp; There is
hurrying and skurrying.&nbsp; The wires are kept hot between the centre of 
government and the seat of trouble.&nbsp; The chiefs of state ponder 
gravely and advise, and governors of states implore.&nbsp; There is 
assembling of militia and massing of troops, and the streets resound to the
tramp of armed men.&nbsp; There are separate and joint conferences between 
the captains of industry and the captains of labor.&nbsp; And then, 
finally, all is quiet again, and the memory of it is like the memory of a 
bad dream.</p>
<p>But these strikes become olympiads, things to date from; and common on 
the lips of men become such phrases as &ldquo;The Great Dock Strike,&rdquo;
&ldquo;The Great Coal Strike,&rdquo; &ldquo;The Great Railroad 
Strike.&rdquo;&nbsp; Never before did labor do these things.&nbsp; After 
the Great Plague in England, labor, finding itself in demand and innocently
obeying the economic law, asked higher wages.&nbsp; But the masters set a 
maximum wage, restrained workingmen from moving about from place to place, 
refused to tolerate idlers, and by most barbarous legal methods punished 
those who disobeyed.&nbsp; But labor is accorded greater respect 
today.&nbsp; Such a policy, put into effect in this the first decade of the
twentieth century, would sweep the masters from their seats in one mighty 
crash.&nbsp; And the masters know it and are respectful.</p>
<p>A fair instance of the growing solidarity of labor is afforded by an 
unimportant recent strike in San Francisco.&nbsp; The restaurant cooks and 
waiters were completely unorganized, working at any and all hours for 
whatever wages they could get.&nbsp; A representative of the American 
Federation of Labor went among them and organized them.&nbsp; Within a few 
weeks nearly two thousand men were enrolled, and they had five thousand 
dollars on deposit.&nbsp; Then they put in their demand for increased wages
and shorter hours.&nbsp; Forthwith their employers organized.&nbsp; The 
demand was denied, and the Cooks&rsquo; and Waiters&rsquo; Union walked 
out.</p>
<p>All organized employers stood back of the restaurant owners, in sympathy
with them and willing to aid them if they dared.&nbsp; And at the back of 
the Cooks&rsquo; and Waiters&rsquo; Union stood the organized labor of the 
city, 40,000 strong.&nbsp; If a business man was caught patronizing an 
&ldquo;unfair&rdquo; restaurant, he was boycotted; if a union man was 
caught, he was fined heavily by his union or expelled.&nbsp; The oyster 
companies and the slaughter houses made an attempt to refuse to sell 
oysters and meat to union restaurants.&nbsp; The Butchers and Meat Cutters,
and the Teamsters, in retaliation, refused to work for or to deliver to 
non-union restaurants.&nbsp; Upon this the oyster companies and slaughter 
houses acknowledged themselves beaten and peace reigned.&nbsp; But the 
Restaurant Bakers in non-union places were ordered out, and the Bakery 
Wagon Drivers declined to deliver to unfair houses.</p>
<p>Every American Federation of Labor union in the city was prepared to 
strike, and waited only the word.&nbsp; And behind all, a handful of men, 
known as the Labor Council, directed the fight.&nbsp; One by one, blow upon
blow, they were able if they deemed it necessary to call out the 
unions&mdash;the Laundry Workers, who do the washing; the Hackmen, who haul
men to and from restaurants; the Butchers, Meat Cutters, and Teamsters; and
the Milkers, Milk Drivers, and Chicken Pickers; and after that, in pure 
sympathy, the Retail Clerks, the Horse Shoers, the Gas and Electrical 
Fixture Hangers, the Metal Roofers, the Blacksmiths, the Blacksmiths&rsquo;
Helpers, the Stablemen, the Machinists, the Brewers, the Coast Seamen, the 
Varnishers and Polishers, the Confectioners, the Upholsterers, the Paper 
Hangers and Fresco Painters, the Drug Clerks, the Fitters and Helpers, the 
Metal Workers, the Boiler Makers and Iron Ship Builders, the Assistant 
Undertakers, the Carriage and Wagon Workers, and so on down the lengthy 
list of organizations.</p>
<p>For, over all these trades, over all these thousands of men, is the 
Labor Council.&nbsp; When it speaks its voice is heard, and when it orders 
it is obeyed.&nbsp; But it, in turn, is dominated by the National Labor 
Council, with which it is constantly in touch.&nbsp; In this wholly 
unimportant little local strike it is of interest to note the stands taken 
by the different sides.&nbsp; The legal representative and official 
mouthpiece of the Employers&rsquo; Association said: &ldquo;This 
organization is formed for defensive purposes, and it may be driven to take
offensive steps, and if so, will be strong enough to follow them up.&nbsp; 
Labor cannot be allowed to dictate to capital and say how business shall be
conducted.&nbsp; There is no objection to the formation of unions and 
trades councils, but membership must not be compulsory.&nbsp; It is 
repugnant to the American idea of liberty and cannot be 
tolerated.&rdquo;</p>
<p>On the other hand, the president of the Team Drivers&rsquo; Union said: 
&ldquo;The employers of labor in this city are generally against the 
trade-union movement and there seems to be a concerted effort on their part
to check the progress of organized labor.&nbsp; Such action as has been 
taken by them in sympathy with the present labor troubles may, if 
continued, lead to a serious conflict, the outcome of which might be most 
calamitous for the business and industrial interests of San 
Francisco.&rdquo;</p>
<p>And the secretary of the United Brewery Workmen: &ldquo;I regard a 
sympathetic strike as the last weapon which organized labor should use in 
its defence.&nbsp; When, however, associations of employers band together 
to defeat organized labor, or one of its branches, then we should not and 
will not hesitate ourselves to employ the same instrument in 
retaliation.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Thus, in a little corner of the world, is exemplified the growing 
solidarity of labor.&nbsp; The organization of labor has not only kept pace
with the organization of industry, but it has gained upon it.&nbsp; In one 
winter, in the anthracite coal region, $160,000,000 in mines and 
$600,000,000 in transportation and distribution consolidated its ownership 
and control.&nbsp; And at once, arrayed as solidly on the other side, were 
the 150,000 anthracite miners.&nbsp; The bituminous mines, however, were 
not consolidated; yet the 250,000 men employed therein were already 
combined.&nbsp; And not only that, but they were also combined with the 
anthracite miners, these 400,000 men being under the control and direction 
of one supreme labor council.&nbsp; And in this and the other great 
councils are to be found captains of labor of splendid abilities, who, in 
understanding of economic and industrial conditions, are undeniably the 
equals of their opponents, the captains of industry.</p>
<p>The United States is honeycombed with labor organizations.&nbsp; And the
big federations which these go to compose aggregate millions of members, 
and in their various branches handle millions of dollars yearly.&nbsp; And 
not only this; for the international brotherhoods and unions are forming, 
and moneys for the aid of strikers pass back and forth across the 
seas.&nbsp; The Machinists, in their demand for a nine-hour day, affected 
500,000 men in the United States, Mexico, and Canada.&nbsp; In England the 
membership of working-class organizations is approximated by Keir Hardie at
2,500,000, with reserve funds of $18,000,000.&nbsp; There the 
co&ouml;perative movement has a membership of 1,500,000, and every year 
turns over in distribution more than $100,000,000.&nbsp; In France, 
one-eighth of the whole working class is unionized.&nbsp; In Belgium the 
unions are very rich and powerful, and so able to defy the masters that 
many of the smaller manufacturers, unable to resist, &ldquo;are removing 
their works to other countries where the workmen&rsquo;s organizations are 
not so potential.&rdquo;&nbsp; And in all other countries, according to the
stage of their economic and political development, like figures 
obtain.&nbsp; And Europe, today, confesses that her greatest social problem
is the labor problem, and that it is the one most closely engrossing the 
attention of her statesmen.</p>
<p>The organization of labor is one of the chief acknowledged factors in 
the retrogression of British trade.&nbsp; The workers have become class 
conscious as never before.&nbsp; The wrong of one is the wrong of 
all.&nbsp; They have come to realize, in a short-sighted way, that their 
masters&rsquo; interests are not their interests.&nbsp; The harder they 
work, they believe, the more wealth they create for their masters.&nbsp; 
Further, the more work they do in one day, the fewer men will be needed to 
do the work.&nbsp; So the unions place a day&rsquo;s stint upon their 
members, beyond which they are not permitted to go.&nbsp; In &ldquo;A Study
of Trade Unionism,&rdquo; by Benjamin Taylor in the &ldquo;Nineteenth 
Century&rdquo; of April, 1898, are furnished some interesting 
corroborations.&nbsp; The facts here set forth were collected by the 
Executive Board of the Employers&rsquo; Federation, the documentary proofs 
of which are in the hands of the secretaries.&nbsp; In a certain firm the 
union workmen made eight ammunition boxes a day.&nbsp; Nor could they be 
persuaded into making more.&nbsp; A young Swiss, who could not speak 
English, was set to work, and in the first day he made fifty boxes.&nbsp; 
In the same firm the skilled union hands filed up the outside handles of 
one machine-gun a day.&nbsp; That was their stint.&nbsp; No one was known 
ever to do more.&nbsp; A non-union filer came into the shop and did twelve 
a day.&nbsp; A Manchester firm found that to plane a large bed-casting took
union workmen one hundred and ninety hours, and non-union workmen one 
hundred and thirty-five hours.&nbsp; In another instance a man, resigning 
from his union, day by day did double the amount of work he had done 
formerly.&nbsp; And to cap it all, an English gentleman, going out to look 
at a wall being put up for him by union bricklayers, found one of their 
number with his right arm strapped to his body, doing all the work with his
left arm&mdash;forsooth, because he was such an energetic fellow that 
otherwise he would involuntarily lay more bricks than his union 
permitted.</p>
<p>All England resounds to the cry, &ldquo;Wake up, England!&rdquo;&nbsp; 
But the sulky giant is not stirred.&nbsp; &ldquo;Let England&rsquo;s trade 
go to pot,&rdquo; he says; &ldquo;what have I to lose?&rdquo;&nbsp; And 
England is powerless.&nbsp;  The capacity of her workmen is represented by 
1, in comparison with the 2&frac14; capacity of the American workman.&nbsp;
And because of the solidarity of labor and the destructiveness of strikes, 
British capitalists dare not even strive to emulate the enterprise of 
American capitalists.&nbsp; So England watches trade slipping through her 
fingers and wails unavailingly.&nbsp; As a correspondent writes: &ldquo;The
enormous power of the trade unions hangs, a sullen cloud, over the whole 
industrial world here, affecting men and masters alike.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The political movement known as Socialism is, perhaps, even less 
realized by the general public.&nbsp; The great strides it has taken and 
the portentous front it today exhibits are not comprehended; and, fastened 
though it is in every land, it is given little space by the capitalistic 
press.&nbsp; For all its plea and passion and warmth, it wells upward like 
a great, cold tidal wave, irresistible, inexorable, ingulfing present-day 
society level by level.&nbsp; By its own preachment it is inexorable.&nbsp;
Just as societies have sprung into existence, fulfilled their function, and
passed away, it claims, just as surely is present society hastening on to 
its dissolution.&nbsp; This is a transition period&mdash;and destined to be
a very short one.&nbsp; Barely a century old, capitalism is ripening so 
rapidly that it can never live to see a second birthday.&nbsp; There is no 
hope for it, the Socialists say.&nbsp; It is doomed.</p>
<p>The cardinal tenet of Socialism is that forbidding doctrine, the 
materialistic conception of history.&nbsp; Men are not the masters of their
souls.&nbsp; They are the puppets of great, blind forces.&nbsp; The lives 
they live and the deaths they die are compulsory.&nbsp; All social codes 
are but the reflexes of existing economic conditions, plus certain 
survivals of past economic conditions.&nbsp; The institutions men build 
they are compelled to build.&nbsp; Economic laws determine at any given 
time what these institutions shall be, how long they shall operate, and by 
what they shall be replaced.&nbsp; And so, through the economic process, 
the Socialist preaches the ripening of the capitalistic society and the 
coming of the new co&ouml;perative society.</p>
<p>The second great tenet of Socialism, itself a phase of the materialistic
conception of history, is the class struggle.&nbsp; In the social struggle 
for existence, men are forced into classes.&nbsp; &ldquo;The history of all
society thus far is the history of class strife.&rdquo;&nbsp; In existing 
society the capitalist class exploits the working class, the 
proletariat.&nbsp; The interests of the exploiter are not the interests of 
the exploited.&nbsp; &ldquo;Profits are legitimate,&rdquo; says the 
one.&nbsp; &ldquo;Profits are unpaid wages,&rdquo; replies the other, when 
he has become conscious of his class, &ldquo;therefore profits are 
robbery.&rdquo;&nbsp; The capitalist enforces his profits because he is the
legal owner of all the means of production.&nbsp; He is the legal owner 
because he controls the political machinery of society.&nbsp; The Socialist
sets to work to capture the political machinery, so that he may make 
illegal the capitalist&rsquo;s ownership of the means of production, and 
make legal his own ownership of the means of production.&nbsp; And it is 
this struggle, between these two classes, upon which the world has at last 
entered.</p>
<p>Scientific Socialism is very young.&nbsp; Only yesterday it was in 
swaddling clothes.&nbsp; But today it is a vigorous young giant, well 
braced to battle for what it wants, and knowing precisely what it 
wants.&nbsp; It holds its international conventions, where world-policies 
are formulated by the representatives of millions of Socialists.&nbsp; In 
little Belgium there are three-quarters of a million of men who work for 
the cause; in Germany, 3,000,000; Austria, between 1895 and 1897, raised 
her socialist vote from 90,000 to 750,000.&nbsp; France in 1871 had a whole
generation of Socialists wiped out; yet in 1885 there were 30,000, and in 
1898, 1,000,000.</p>
<p>Ere the last Spaniard had evacuated Cuba, Socialist groups were 
forming.&nbsp; And from far Japan, in these first days of the twentieth 
century, writes one Tomoyoshi Murai: &ldquo;The interest of our people on 
Socialism has been greatly awakened these days, especially among our 
laboring people on one hand and young students&rsquo; circle on the other, 
as much as we can draw an earnest and enthusiastic audience and fill our 
hall, which holds two thousand. . . . It is gratifying to say that we have 
a number of fine and well-trained public orators among our leaders of 
Socialism in Japan.&nbsp; The first speaker tonight is Mr. Kiyoshi 
Kawakami, editor of one of our city (Tokyo) dailies, a strong, independent,
and decidedly socialistic paper, circulated far and wide.&nbsp; Mr. 
Kawakami is a scholar as well as a popular writer.&nbsp; He is going to 
speak tonight on the subject, &lsquo;The Essence of Socialism&mdash;the 
Fundamental Principles.&rsquo;&nbsp; The next speaker is Professor Iso Abe,
president of our association, whose subject of address is, &lsquo;Socialism
and the Existing Social System.&rsquo;&nbsp; The third speaker is Mr. Naoe 
Kinosita, the editor of another strong journal of the city.&nbsp; He speaks
on the subject, &lsquo;How to Realize the Socialist Ideals and 
Plans.&rsquo;&nbsp; Next is Mr. Shigeyoshi Sugiyama, a graduate of Hartford
Theological Seminary and an advocate of Social Christianity, who is to 
speak on &lsquo;Socialism and Municipal Problems.&rsquo;&nbsp; And the last
speaker is the editor of the &lsquo;Labor World,&rsquo; the foremost leader
of the labor-union movement in our country, Mr. Sen Katayama, who speaks on
the subject, &lsquo;The Outlook of Socialism in Europe and 
America.&rsquo;&nbsp; These addresses are going to be published in book 
form and to be distributed among our people to enlighten their minds on the
subject.&rdquo;</p>
<p>And in the struggle for the political machinery of society, Socialism is
no longer confined to mere propaganda.&nbsp; Italy, Austria, Belgium, 
England, have Socialist members in their national bodies.&nbsp; Out of the 
one hundred and thirty-two members of the London County Council, ninety-one
are denounced by the conservative element as Socialists.&nbsp; The Emperor 
of Germany grows anxious and angry at the increasing numbers which are 
returned to the Reichstag.&nbsp; In France, many of the large cities, such 
as Marseilles, are in the hands of the Socialists.&nbsp; A large body of 
them is in the Chamber of Deputies, and Millerand, Socialist, sits in the 
cabinet.&nbsp; Of him M. Leroy-Beaulieu says with horror: &ldquo;M. 
Millerand is the open enemy of private property, private capital, the 
resolute advocate of the socialization of production . . . a constant 
incitement to violence . . . a collectivist, avowed and militant, taking 
part in the government, dominating the departments of commerce and 
industry, preparing all the laws and presiding at the passage of all 
measures which should be submitted to merchants and tradesmen.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In the United States there are already Socialist mayors of towns and 
members of State legislatures, a vast literature, and single Socialist 
papers with subscription lists running up into the hundreds of 
thousands.&nbsp; In 1896, 36,000 votes were cast for the Socialist 
candidate for President; in 1900, nearly 200,000; in 1904, 450,000.&nbsp; 
And the United States, young as it is, is ripening rapidly, and the 
Socialists claim, according to the materialistic conception of history, 
that the United States will be the first country in the world wherein the 
toilers will capture the political machinery and expropriate the 
bourgeoisie.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p>But the Socialist and labor movements have recently entered upon a new 
phase.&nbsp; There has been a remarkable change in attitude on both 
sides.&nbsp; For a long time the labor unions refrained from going in for 
political action.&nbsp; On the other hand, the Socialists claimed that 
without political action labor was powerless.&nbsp; And because of this 
there was much ill feeling between them, even open hostilities, and no 
concerted action.&nbsp; But now the Socialists grant that the labor 
movement has held up wages and decreased the hours of labor, and the labor 
unions find that political action is necessary.&nbsp; Today both parties 
have drawn closely together in the common fight.&nbsp; In the United States
this friendly feeling grows.&nbsp; The Socialist papers espouse the cause 
of labor, and the unions have opened their ears once more to the wiles of 
the Socialists.&nbsp; They are all leavened with Socialist workmen, 
&ldquo;boring from within,&rdquo; and many of their leaders have already 
succumbed.&nbsp; In England, where class consciousness is more developed, 
the name &ldquo;Unionism&rdquo; has been replaced by &ldquo;The New 
Unionism,&rdquo; the main object of which is &ldquo;to capture existing 
social structures in the interests of the wage-earners.&rdquo;&nbsp; There 
the Socialist, the trade-union, and other working-class organizations are 
beginning to co&ouml;perate in securing the return of representatives to 
the House of Commons.&nbsp; And in France, where the city councils and 
mayors of Marseilles and Monteaules-Mines are Socialistic, thousands of 
francs of municipal money were voted for the aid of the unions in the 
recent great strikes.</p>
<p>For centuries the world has been preparing for the coming of the common 
man.&nbsp; And the period of preparation virtually past, labor, conscious 
of itself and its desires, has begun a definite movement toward 
solidarity.&nbsp; It believes the time is not far distant when the 
historian will speak not only of the dark ages of feudalism, but of the 
dark ages of capitalism.&nbsp; And labor sincerely believes itself 
justified in this by the terrible indictment it brings against capitalistic
society.&nbsp; In the face of its enormous wealth, capitalistic society 
forfeits its right to existence when it permits widespread, bestial 
poverty.&nbsp; The philosophy of the survival of the fittest does not 
soothe the class-conscious worker when he learns through his class 
literature that among the Italian pants-finishers of Chicago <a 
name="citation9"></a><a href="#footnote9" class="citation">[9]</a> the 
average weekly wage is $1.31, and the average number of weeks employed in 
the year is 27.85.&nbsp; Likewise when he reads: <a 
name="citation10"></a><a href="#footnote10" class="citation">[10]</a> 
&ldquo;Every room in these reeking tenements houses a family or two.&nbsp; 
In one room a missionary found a man ill with small-pox, his wife just 
recovering from her confinement, and the children running about half naked 
and covered with dirt.&nbsp; Here are seven people living in one 
underground kitchen, and a little dead child lying in the same room.&nbsp; 
Here live a widow and her six children, two of whom are ill with scarlet 
fever.&nbsp; In another, nine brothers and sisters, from twenty-nine years 
of age downward, live, eat, and sleep together.&rdquo;&nbsp; And likewise, 
when he reads: <a name="citation11"></a><a href="#footnote11" 
class="citation">[11]</a> &ldquo;When one man, fifty years old, who has 
worked all his life, is compelled to beg a little money to bury his dead 
baby, and another man, fifty years old, can give ten million dollars to 
enable his daughter to live in luxury and bolster up a decaying foreign 
aristocracy, do you see nothing amiss?&rdquo;</p>
<p>And on the other hand, the class-conscious worker reads the statistics 
of the wealthy classes, knows what their incomes are, and how they get 
them.&nbsp; True, down all the past he has known his own material misery 
and the material comfort of the dominant classes, and often has this 
knowledge led him to intemperate acts and unwise rebellion.&nbsp; But 
today, and for the first time, because both society and he have evolved, he
is beginning to see a possible way out.&nbsp; His ears are opening to the 
propaganda of Socialism, the passionate gospel of the dispossessed.&nbsp; 
But it does not inculcate a turning back.&nbsp; The way through is the way 
out, he understands, and with this in mind he draws up the programme.</p>
<p>It is quite simple, this programme.&nbsp; Everything is moving in his 
direction, toward the day when he will take charge.&nbsp; The trust?&nbsp; 
Ah, no.&nbsp; Unlike the trembling middle-class man and the small 
capitalist, he sees nothing at which to be frightened.&nbsp; He likes the 
trust.&nbsp; He exults in the trust, for it is largely doing the task for 
him.&nbsp; It socializes production; this done, there remains nothing for 
him to do but socialize distribution, and all is accomplished.&nbsp; The 
trust?&nbsp; &ldquo;It organizes industry on an enormous, labor-saving 
scale, and abolishes childish, wasteful competition.&rdquo;&nbsp; It is a 
gigantic object lesson, and it preaches his political economy far more 
potently than he can preach it.&nbsp; He points to the trust, laughing 
scornfully in the face of the orthodox economists.&nbsp; &ldquo;You told me
this thing could not be,&rdquo; <a name="citation12"></a><a 
href="#footnote12" class="citation">[12]</a> he thunders.&nbsp; 
&ldquo;Behold, the thing is!&rdquo;</p>
<p>He sees competition in the realm of production passing away.&nbsp; When 
the captains of industry have thoroughly organized production, and got 
everything running smoothly, it will be very easy for him to eliminate the 
profits by stepping in and having the thing run for himself.&nbsp; And the 
captain of industry, if he be good, may be given the privilege of 
continuing the management on a fair salary.&nbsp; The sixty millions of 
dividends which the Standard Oil Company annually declares will be 
distributed among the workers.&nbsp; The same with the great United States 
Steel Corporation.&nbsp; The president of that corporation knows his 
business.&nbsp; Very good.&nbsp; Let him become Secretary of the Department
of Iron and Steel of the United States.&nbsp; But, since the chief 
executive of a nation of seventy-odd millions works for $50,000 a year, the
Secretary of the Department of Iron and Steel must expect to have his 
salary cut accordingly.&nbsp; And not only will the workers take to 
themselves the profits of national and municipal monopolies, but also the 
immense revenues which the dominant classes today draw from rents, and 
mines, and factories, and all manner of enterprises.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p>All this would seem very like a dream, even to the worker, if it were 
not for the fact that like things have been done before.&nbsp; He points 
triumphantly to the aristocrat of the eighteenth century, who fought, 
legislated, governed, and dominated society, but who was shorn of power and
displaced by the rising bourgeoisie.&nbsp; Ay, the thing was done, he 
holds.&nbsp; And it shall be done again, but this time it is the 
proletariat who does the shearing.&nbsp; Sociology has taught him that 
m-i-g-h-t spells &ldquo;right.&rdquo;&nbsp; Every society has been ruled by
classes, and the classes have ruled by sheer strength, and have been 
overthrown by sheer strength.&nbsp; The bourgeoisie, because it was the 
stronger, dragged down the nobility of the sword; and the proletariat, 
because it is the strongest of all, can and will drag down the 
bourgeoisie.</p>
<p>And in that day, for better or worse, the common man becomes the 
master&mdash;for better, he believes.&nbsp; It is his intention to make the
sum of human happiness far greater.&nbsp; No man shall work for a bare 
living wage, which is degradation.&nbsp; Every man shall have work to do, 
and shall be paid exceedingly well for doing it.&nbsp; There shall be no 
slum classes, no beggars.&nbsp; Nor shall there be hundreds of thousands of
men and women condemned, for economic reasons, to lives of celibacy or 
sexual infertility.&nbsp; Every man shall be able to marry, to live in 
healthy, comfortable quarters, and to have all he wants to eat as many 
times a day as he wishes.&nbsp; There shall no longer be a life-and-death 
struggle for food and shelter.&nbsp; The old heartless law of development 
shall be annulled.</p>
<p>All of which is very good and very fine.&nbsp; And when these things 
have come to pass, what then?&nbsp; Of old, by virtue of their weakness and
inefficiency in the struggle for food and shelter, the race was purged of 
its weak and inefficient members.&nbsp; But this will no longer 
obtain.&nbsp; Under the new order the weak and the progeny of the weak will
have a chance for survival equal to that of the strong and the progeny of 
the strong.&nbsp; This being so, the premium upon strength will have been 
withdrawn, and on the face of it the average strength of each generation, 
instead of continuing to rise, will begin to decline.</p>
<p>When the common man&rsquo;s day shall have arrived, the new social 
institutions of that day will prevent the weeding out of weakness and 
inefficiency.&nbsp; All, the weak and the strong, will have an equal chance
for procreation.&nbsp; And the progeny of all, of the weak as well as the 
strong, will have an equal chance for survival.&nbsp; This being so, and if
no new effective law of development be put into operation, then progress 
must cease.&nbsp; And not only progress, for deterioration would at once 
set in.&nbsp; It is a pregnant problem.&nbsp; What will be the nature of 
this new and most necessary law of development?&nbsp; Can the common man 
pause long enough from his undermining labors to answer?&nbsp; Since he is 
bent upon dragging down the bourgeoisie and reconstructing society, can he 
so reconstruct that a premium, in some unguessed way or other, will still 
be laid upon the strong and efficient so that the human type will continue 
to develop?&nbsp; Can the common man, or the uncommon men who are allied 
with him, devise such a law?&nbsp; Or have they already devised one?&nbsp; 
And if so, what is it?</p>
<h2>HOW I BECAME A SOCIALIST</h2>
<p>It is quite fair to say that I became a Socialist in a fashion somewhat 
similar to the way in which the Teutonic pagans became Christians&mdash;it 
was hammered into me.&nbsp; Not only was I not looking for Socialism at the
time of my conversion, but I was fighting it.&nbsp; I was very young and 
callow, did not know much of anything, and though I had never even heard of
a school called &ldquo;Individualism,&rdquo; I sang the p&aelig;an of the 
strong with all my heart.</p>
<p>This was because I was strong myself.&nbsp; By strong I mean that I had 
good health and hard muscles, both of which possessions are easily 
accounted for.&nbsp; I had lived my childhood on California ranches, my 
boyhood hustling newspapers on the streets of a healthy Western city, and 
my youth on the ozone-laden waters of San Francisco Bay and the Pacific 
Ocean.&nbsp; I loved life in the open, and I toiled in the open, at the 
hardest kinds of work.&nbsp; Learning no trade, but drifting along from job
to job, I looked on the world and called it good, every bit of it.&nbsp; 
Let me repeat, this optimism was because I was healthy and strong, bothered
with neither aches nor weaknesses, never turned down by the boss because I 
did not look fit, able always to get a job at shovelling coal, sailorizing,
or manual labor of some sort.</p>
<p>And because of all this, exulting in my young life, able to hold my own 
at work or fight, I was a rampant individualist.&nbsp; It was very 
natural.&nbsp; I was a winner.&nbsp; Wherefore I called the game, as I saw 
it played, or thought I saw it played, a very proper game for MEN.&nbsp; To
be a MAN was to write man in large capitals on my heart.&nbsp; To adventure
like a man, and fight like a man, and do a man&rsquo;s work (even for a 
boy&rsquo;s pay)&mdash;these were things that reached right in and gripped 
hold of me as no other thing could.&nbsp; And I looked ahead into long 
vistas of a hazy and interminable future, into which, playing what I 
conceived to be MAN&rsquo;S game, I should continue to travel with 
unfailing health, without accidents, and with muscles ever vigorous.&nbsp; 
As I say, this future was interminable.&nbsp; I could see myself only 
raging through life without end like one of Nietzsche&rsquo;s 
<i>blond-beasts</i>, lustfully roving and conquering by sheer superiority 
and strength.</p>
<p>As for the unfortunates, the sick, and ailing, and old, and maimed, I 
must confess I hardly thought of them at all, save that I vaguely felt that
they, barring accidents, could be as good as I if they wanted to real hard,
and could work just as well.&nbsp; Accidents?&nbsp; Well, they represented 
FATE, also spelled out in capitals, and there was no getting around 
FATE.&nbsp; Napoleon had had an accident at Waterloo, but that did not 
dampen my desire to be another and later Napoleon.&nbsp; Further, the 
optimism bred of a stomach which could digest scrap iron and a body which 
flourished on hardships did not permit me to consider accidents as even 
remotely related to my glorious personality.</p>
<p>I hope I have made it clear that I was proud to be one of Nature&rsquo;s
strong-armed noblemen.&nbsp; The dignity of labor was to me the most 
impressive thing in the world.&nbsp; Without having read Carlyle, or 
Kipling, I formulated a gospel of work which put theirs in the shade.&nbsp;
Work was everything.&nbsp; It was sanctification and salvation.&nbsp; The 
pride I took in a hard day&rsquo;s work well done would be inconceivable to
you.&nbsp; It is almost inconceivable to me as I look back upon it.&nbsp; I
was as faithful a wage slave as ever capitalist exploited.&nbsp; To shirk 
or malinger on the man who paid me my wages was a sin, first, against 
myself, and second, against him.&nbsp; I considered it a crime second only 
to treason and just about as bad.</p>
<p>In short, my joyous individualism was dominated by the orthodox 
bourgeois ethics.&nbsp; I read the bourgeois papers, listened to the 
bourgeois preachers, and shouted at the sonorous platitudes of the 
bourgeois politicians.&nbsp; And I doubt not, if other events had not 
changed my career, that I should have evolved into a professional 
strike-breaker, (one of President Eliot&rsquo;s American heroes), and had 
my head and my earning power irrevocably smashed by a club in the hands of 
some militant trades-unionist.</p>
<p>Just about this time, returning from a seven months&rsquo; voyage before
the mast, and just turned eighteen, I took it into my head to go 
tramping.&nbsp; On rods and blind baggages I fought my way from the open 
West where men bucked big and the job hunted the man, to the congested 
labor centres of the East, where men were small potatoes and hunted the job
for all they were worth.&nbsp; And on this new <i>blond-beast</i> adventure
I found myself looking upon life from a new and totally different 
angle.&nbsp; I had dropped down from the proletariat into what sociologists
love to call the &ldquo;submerged tenth,&rdquo; and I was startled to 
discover the way in which that submerged tenth was recruited.</p>
<p>I found there all sorts of men, many of whom had once been as good as 
myself and just as <i>blond-beast</i>; sailor-men, soldier-men, labor-men, 
all wrenched and distorted and twisted out of shape by toil and hardship 
and accident, and cast adrift by their masters like so many old 
horses.&nbsp; I battered on the drag and slammed back gates with them, or 
shivered with them in box cars and city parks, listening the while to 
life-histories which began under auspices as fair as mine, with digestions 
and bodies equal to and better than mine, and which ended there before my 
eyes in the shambles at the bottom of the Social Pit.</p>
<p>And as I listened my brain began to work.&nbsp; The woman of the streets
and the man of the gutter drew very close to me.&nbsp; I saw the picture of
the Social Pit as vividly as though it were a concrete thing, and at the 
bottom of the Pit I saw them, myself above them, not far, and hanging on to
the slippery wall by main strength and sweat.&nbsp; And I confess a terror 
seized me.&nbsp; What when my strength failed? when I should be unable to 
work shoulder to shoulder with the strong men who were as yet babes 
unborn?&nbsp; And there and then I swore a great oath.&nbsp; It ran 
something like this: <i>All my days I have worked hard with my body</i>, 
<i>and according to the number of days I have worked</i>, <i>by just that 
much am I nearer the bottom of the Pit</i>.&nbsp; <i>I shall climb out of 
the Pit</i>, <i>but not by the muscles of my body shall I climb 
out</i>.&nbsp; <i>I shall do no more hard work</i>, <i>and may God strike 
me dead if I do another day&rsquo;s hard work with my body more than I 
absolutely have to do</i>.&nbsp; And I have been busy ever since running 
away from hard work.</p>
<p>Incidentally, while tramping some ten thousand miles through the United 
States and Canada, I strayed into Niagara Falls, was nabbed by a 
fee-hunting constable, denied the right to plead guilty or not guilty, 
sentenced out of hand to thirty days&rsquo; imprisonment for having no 
fixed abode and no visible means of support, handcuffed and chained to a 
bunch of men similarly circumstanced, carted down country to Buffalo, 
registered at the Erie County Penitentiary, had my head clipped and my 
budding mustache shaved, was dressed in convict stripes, compulsorily 
vaccinated by a medical student who practised on such as we, made to march 
the lock-step, and put to work under the eyes of guards armed with 
Winchester rifles&mdash;all for adventuring in <i>blond-beastly</i> 
fashion.&nbsp; Concerning further details deponent sayeth not, though he 
may hint that some of his plethoric national patriotism simmered down and 
leaked out of the bottom of his soul somewhere&mdash;at least, since that 
experience he finds that he cares more for men and women and little 
children than for imaginary geographical lines.</p>
<p style="text-align: center">* * * * *</p>
<p>To return to my conversion.&nbsp; I think it is apparent that my rampant
individualism was pretty effectively hammered out of me, and something else
as effectively hammered in.&nbsp; But, just as I had been an individualist 
without knowing it, I was now a Socialist without knowing it, withal, an 
unscientific one.&nbsp; I had been reborn, but not renamed, and I was 
running around to find out what manner of thing I was.&nbsp; I ran back to 
California and opened the books.&nbsp; I do not remember which ones I 
opened first.&nbsp; It is an unimportant detail anyway.&nbsp; I was already
It, whatever It was, and by aid of the books I discovered that It was a 
Socialist.&nbsp; Since that day I have opened many books, but no economic 
argument, no lucid demonstration of the logic and inevitableness of 
Socialism affects me as profoundly and convincingly as I was affected on 
the day when I first saw the walls of the Social Pit rise around me and 
felt myself slipping down, down, into the shambles at the bottom.</p>
<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2>
<p><a name="footnote1"></a><a href="#citation1" 
class="footnote">[1]</a>&nbsp; &ldquo;From 43 to 52 per cent of all 
applicants need work rather than relief.&rdquo;&mdash;Report of the Charity
Organization Society of New York City.</p>
<p><a name="footnote2"></a><a href="#citation2" 
class="footnote">[2]</a>&nbsp; Mr. Leiter, who owns a coal mine at the town
of Zeigler, Illinois, in an interview printed in the Chicago Record-Herald 
of December 6, 1904, said: &ldquo;When I go into the market to purchase 
labor, I propose to retain just as much freedom as does a purchaser in any 
other kind of a market. . . . There is no difficulty whatever in obtaining 
labor, <i>for the country is full of unemployed men</i>.&rdquo;</p>
<p><a name="footnote3"></a><a href="#citation3" 
class="footnote">[3]</a>&nbsp; &ldquo;Despondent and weary with vain 
attempts to struggle against an unsympathetic world, two old men were 
brought before Police Judge McHugh this afternoon to see whether some means
could not be provided for their support, at least until springtime.</p>
<p>&ldquo;George Westlake was the first one to receive the consideration of
the court.&nbsp; Westlake is seventy-two years old.&nbsp; A charge of 
habitual drunkenness was placed against him, and he was sentenced to a term
in the county jail, though it is more than probable that he was never under
the influence of intoxicating liquor in his life.&nbsp; The act on the part
of the authorities was one of kindness for him, as in the county jail he 
will be provided with a good place to sleep and plenty to eat.</p>
<p>&ldquo;Joe Coat, aged sixty-nine years, will serve ninety days in the 
county jail for much the same reason as Westlake.&nbsp; He states that, if 
given a chance to do so, he will go out to a wood-camp and cut timber 
during the winter, but the police authorities realize that he could not 
long survive such a task.&rdquo;&mdash;From the Butte (Montana) Miner, 
December 7th, 1904.</p>
<p>&ldquo;&lsquo;I end my life because I have reached the age limit, and 
there is no place for me in this world.&nbsp; Please notify my wife, No. 
222 West 129th Street, New York.&rsquo;&nbsp; Having summed up the cause of
his despondency in this final message, James Hollander, fifty-six years 
old, shot himself through the left temple, in his room at the Stafford 
Hotel today.&rdquo;&mdash;New York Herald.</p>
<p><a name="footnote4"></a><a href="#citation4" 
class="footnote">[4]</a>&nbsp; In the San Francisco Examiner of November 
16, 1904, there is an account of the use of fire-hose to drive away three 
hundred men who wanted work at unloading a vessel in the harbor.&nbsp; So 
anxious were the men to get the two or three hours&rsquo; job that they 
made a veritable mob and had to be driven off.</p>
<p><a name="footnote5"></a><a href="#citation5" 
class="footnote">[5]</a>&nbsp; &ldquo;It was no uncommon thing in these 
sweatshops for men to sit bent over a sewing-machine continuously from 
eleven to fifteen hours a day in July weather, operating a sewing-machine 
by foot-power, and often so driven that they could not stop for 
lunch.&nbsp; The seasonal character of the work meant demoralizing toil for
a few months in the year, and a not less demoralizing idleness for the 
remainder of the time.&nbsp; Consumption, the plague of the tenements and 
the especial plague of the garment industry, carried off many of these 
workers; poor nutrition and exhaustion, many more.&rdquo;&mdash;From 
McClure&rsquo;s Magazine.</p>
<p><a name="footnote6"></a><a href="#citation6" 
class="footnote">[6]</a>&nbsp; The Social Unrest.&nbsp; Macmillan 
Company.</p>
<p><a name="footnote7"></a><a href="#citation7" 
class="footnote">[7]</a>&nbsp; &ldquo;Our Benevolent 
Feudalism.&rdquo;&nbsp; By W. J. Ghent.&nbsp; The Macmillan Company.</p>
<p><a name="footnote8"></a><a href="#citation8" 
class="footnote">[8]</a>&nbsp; &ldquo;The Social Unrest.&rdquo;&nbsp; By 
John Graham Brooks.&nbsp; The Macmillan Company.</p>
<p><a name="footnote9"></a><a href="#citation9" 
class="footnote">[9]</a>&nbsp; From figures presented by Miss Nellie Mason 
Auten in the American Journal of Sociology, and copied extensively by the 
trade-union and Socialist press.</p>
<p><a name="footnote10"></a><a href="#citation10" 
class="footnote">[10]</a>&nbsp; &ldquo;The Bitter Cry of Outcast 
London.&rdquo;</p>
<p><a name="footnote11"></a><a href="#citation11" 
class="footnote">[11]</a>&nbsp; An item from the Social Democratic 
Herald.&nbsp; Hundreds of these items, culled from current happenings, are 
published weekly in the papers of the workers.</p>
<p><a name="footnote12"></a><a href="#citation12" 
class="footnote">[12]</a>&nbsp; Karl Marx, the great Socialist, worked out 
the trust development forty years ago, for which he was laughed at by the 
orthodox economists.</p>
<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WAR OF THE CLASSES***</p>
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