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<title>
Hellenica, by Xenophon
</title>
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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 1174 ***</div>
<p>
<br /><br />
</p>
<h1>
HELLENICA
</h1>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<h2>
By Xenophon
</h2>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<h3>
Translation by H. G. Dakyns
</h3>
<p>
<br /><br />
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a
pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,
and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land
and property in Scillus, where he lived for many
years before having to move once more, to settle
in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
The Hellenica is his chronicle of the history of
the Hellenes from 411 to 359 B.C., starting as a
continuation of Thucydides, and becoming his own
brand of work from Book III onwards.
</pre>
<p>
PREPARER'S NOTE
</p>
<p>
This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a four-volume
set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though there is doubt about
some of these) is:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Work Number of books
The Anabasis 7
The Hellenica 7
The Cyropaedia 8
The Memorabilia 4
The Symposium 1
The Economist 1
On Horsemanship 1
The Sportsman 1
The Cavalry General 1
The Apology 1
On Revenues 1
The Hiero 1
The Agesilaus 1
The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2
</pre>
<p>
Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into English
using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The diacritical marks
have been lost.
</p>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<h2>
Contents
</h2>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>HELLENICA</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0002"> BOOK I </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0003"> BOOK II </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0004"> BOOK III </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0005"> BOOK IV </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0006"> BOOK V </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0007"> BOOK VI </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0008"> BOOK VII </a>
</p>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<h1>
HELLENICA
</h1>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<h2>
BOOK I
</h2>
<p>
I
</p>
<p>
B.C. 411. To follow the order of events (1). A few days later Thymochares
arrived from Athens with a few ships, when another sea fight between the
Lacedaemonians and Athenians at once took place, in which the former,
under the command of Agesandridas, gained the victory.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Lit. "after these events"; but is hard to conjecture to what
events the author refers. For the order of events and the
connection between the closing chapter of Thuc. viii. 109, and the
opening words of the "Hellenica," see introductory remarks above.
The scene of this sea-fight is, I think, the Hellespont.
</pre>
<p>
Another short interval brings us to a morning in early winter, when
Dorieus, the son of Diagoras, was entering the Hellespont with fourteen
ships from Rhodes at break of day. The Athenian day-watch descrying him,
signalled to the generals, and they, with twenty sail, put out to sea to
attack him. Dorieus made good his escape, and, as he shook himself free of
the narrows, (2) ran his triremes aground off Rhoeteum. When the Athenians
had come to close quarters, the fighting commenced, and was sustained at
once from ships and shore, until at length the Athenians retired to their
main camp at Madytus, having achieved nothing.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Lit. "as he opened" {os enoige}. This is still a mariner's phrase
in modern Greek, if I am rightly informed.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile Mindarus, while sacrificing to Athena at Ilium, had observed the
battle. He at once hastened to the sea, and getting his own triremes
afloat, sailed out to pick up the ships with Dorieus. The Athenians on
their side put out to meet him, and engaged him off Abydos. From early
morning till the afternoon the fight was kept up close to the shore. (3)
Victory and defeat hung still in even balance, when Alcibiades came
sailing up with eighteen ships. Thereupon the Peloponnesians fled towards
Abydos, where, however, Pharnabazus brought them timely assistance. (4)
Mounted on horseback, he pushed forward into the sea as far as his horse
would let him, doing battle himself, and encouraging his troopers and the
infantry alike to play their parts. Then the Peloponnesians, ranging their
ships in close-packed order, and drawing up their battle line in proximity
to the land, kept up the fight. At length the Athenians, having captured
thirty of the enemy's vessels without their crews, and having recovered
those of their own which they had previously lost, set sail for Sestos.
Here the fleet, with the exception of forty vessels, dispersed in
different directions outside the Hellespont, to collect money; while
Thrasylus, one of the generals, sailed to Athens to report what had
happened, and to beg for a reinforcement of troops and ships. After the
above incidents, Tissaphernes arrived in the Hellespont, and received a
visit from Alcibiades, who presented him with a single ship, bringing with
him tokens of friendship and gifts, whereupon Tissaphernes seized him and
shut him up in Sardis, giving out that the king's orders were to go to war
with the Athenians. Thirty days later Alcibiades, accompanied by
Mantitheus, who had been captured in Caria, managed to procure horses and
escaped by night to Clazomenae.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) The original has a somewhat more poetical ring. The author uses
the old Attic or Ionic word {eona}. This is a mark of style, of
which we shall have many instances. One might perhaps produce
something of the effect here by translating: "the battle hugged
the strand."
(4) Or, "came to their aid along the shore."
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 410. And now the Athenians at Sestos, hearing that Mindarus was
meditating an attack upon them with a squadron of sixty sail, gave him the
slip, and under cover of night escaped to Cardia. Hither also Alcibiades
repaired from Clazomenae, having with him five triremes and a light skiff;
but on learning that the Peloponnesian fleet had left Abydos and was in
full sail for Cyzicus, he set off himself by land to Sestos, giving orders
to the fleet to sail round and join him there. Presently the vessels
arrived, and he was on the point of putting out to sea with everything
ready for action, when Theramenes, with a fleet of twenty ships from
Macedonia, entered the port, and at the same instant Thrasybulus, with a
second fleet of twenty sail from Thasos, both squadrons having been
engaged in collecting money. Bidding these officers also follow him with
all speed, as soon as they had taken out their large sails and cleared for
action, Alcibiades set sail himself for Parium. During the following night
the united squadron, consisting now of eighty-six vessels, stood out to
sea from Parium, and reached Proconnesus next morning, about the hour of
breakfast. Here they learnt that Mindarus was in Cyzicus, and that
Pharnabazus, with a body of infantry, was with him. Accordingly they
waited the whole of this day at Proconnesus. On the following day
Alcibiades summoned an assembly, and addressing the men in terms of
encouragement, warned them that a threefold service was expected of them;
that they must be ready for a sea fight, a land fight, and a wall fight
all at once, "for look you," said he, "we have no money, but the enemy has
unlimited supplies from the king."
</p>
<p>
Now, on the previous day, as soon as they were come to moorings, he had
collected all the sea-going craft of the island, big and little alike,
under his own control, that no one might report the number of his squadron
to the enemy, and he had further caused a proclamation to be made, that
any one caught sailing across to the opposite coast would be punished with
death. When the meeting was over, he got his ships ready for action, and
stood out to sea towards Cyzicus in torrents of rain. Off Cyzicus the sky
cleared, and the sun shone out and revealed to him the spectacle of
Mindarus's vessels, sixty in number, exercising at some distance from the
harbour, and, in fact, intercepted by himself. The Peloponnesians,
perceiving at a glance the greatly increased number of the Athenian
galleys, and noting their proximity to the port, made haste to reach the
land, where they brought their vessels to anchor in a body, and prepared
to engage the enemy as he sailed to the attack. But Alcibiades, sailing
round with twenty of his vessels, came to land and disembarked. Seeing
this, Mindarus also landed, and in the engagement which ensued he fell
fighting, whilst those who were with him took to flight. As for the
enemy's ships, the Athenians succeeded in capturing the whole of them
(with the exception of the Syracusan vessels, which were burnt by their
crews), and made off with their prizes to Proconnesus. From thence on the
following day they sailed to attack Cyzicus. The men of that place, seeing
that the Peloponnesians and Pharnabazus had evacuated the town, admitted
the Athenians. Here Alcibiades remained twenty days, obtaining large sums
of money from the Cyzicenes, but otherwise inflicting no sort of mischief
on the community. He then sailed back to Proconnesus, and from there to
Perinthus and Selybria. The inhabitants of the former place welcomed his
troops into their city, but the Selybrians preferred to give money, and so
escape the admission of the troops. Continuing the voyage the squadron
reached Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia, (5) where they built a fort, and
established a custom-house to collect the tithe dues which they levied on
all merchantmen passing through the Straits from the Black Sea. Besides
this, a detachment of thirty ships was left there under the two generals,
Theramenes and Eubulus, with instructions not only to keep a look-out on
the port itself and on all traders passing through the channel, but
generally to injure the enemy in any way which might present itself. This
done, the rest of the generals hastened back to the Hellespont.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) This is the common spelling, but the coins of Calchedon have the
letters {KALKH}, and so the name is written in the best MSS. of
Herodotus, Xenophon, and other writers, by whom the place is
named. See "Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog." "Chalcedon."
</pre>
<p>
Now a despatch from Hippocrates, Mindarus's vice-admiral, (6) had been
intercepted on its way to Lacedaemon, and taken to Athens. It ran as
follows (in broad Doric): (7) "Ships gone; Mindarus dead; the men
starving; at our wits' end what to do."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) "Epistoleus," i.e. secretary or despatch writer, is the Spartan
title of the officer second in command to the admiral.
(7) Reading {'Errei ta kala} (Bergk's conjecture for {kala}) =
"timbers," i.e. "ships" (a Doric word). Cf. Aristoph., "Lys."
1253, {potta kala}. The despatch continues: {Mindaros apessoua}
(al. {apessua}), which is much more racy than the simple word
"dead." "M. is gone off." I cannot find the right English or
"broad Scotch" equivalent. See Thirlwall, "Hist. Gr." IV. xxix. 88
note.
</pre>
<p>
Pharnabazus, however, was ready to meet with encouragement the despondency
which afflicted the whole Peloponnesian army and their allies. "As long as
their own bodies were safe and sound, why need they take to heart the loss
of a few wooden hulls? Was there not timber enough and to spare in the
king's territory?" And so he presented each man with a cloak and
maintenance for a couple of months, after which he armed the sailors and
formed them into a coastguard for the security of his own seaboard.
</p>
<p>
He next called a meeting of the generals and trierarchs of the different
States, and instructed them to build just as many new ships in the
dockyards of Antandrus as they had respectively lost. He himself was to
furnish the funds, and he gave them to understand that they might bring
down timber from Mount Ida. While the ships were building, the Syracusans
helped the men of Antandrus to finish a section of their walls, and were
particularly pleasant on garrison duty; and that is why the Syracusans to
this day enjoy the privilege of citizenship, with the title of
"benefactors," at Antandrus. Having so arranged these matters, Pharnabazus
proceeded at once to the rescue of Chalcedon.
</p>
<p>
It was at this date that the Syracusan generals received news from home of
their banishment by the democratic party. Accordingly they called a
meeting of their separate divisions, and putting forward Hermocrates (8)
as their spokesman, proceeded to deplore their misfortune, insisting upon
the injustice and the illegality of their banishment. "And now let us
admonish you," they added, "to be eager and willing in the future, even as
in the past: whatever the word of command may be, show yourselves good men
and true: let not the memory of those glorious sea fights fade. Think of
those victories you have won, those ships you have captured by your own
unaided efforts; forget not that long list of achievements shared by
yourselves with others, in all which you proved yourselves invincible
under our generalship. It was to a happy combination of our merit and your
enthusiasm, displayed alike on land and sea, that you owe the strength and
perfection of your discipline."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Hermocrates, the son of Hermon. We first hear of him in Thuc. iv.
58 foll. as the chief agent in bringing the Sicilian States
together in conference at Gela B.C. 424, with a view to healing
their differences and combining to frustrate the dangerous designs
of Athens. In 415 B.C., when the attack came, he was again the
master spirit in rendering it abortive (Thuc. vi. 72 foll.) In 412
B.C. it was he who urged the Sicilians to assist in completing the
overthrow of Athens, by sending a squadron to co-operate with the
Peloponnesian navy—for the relief of Miletus, etc. (Thuc. viii.
26, 27 foll.) At a later date, in 411 B.C., when the Peloponnesian
sailors were ready to mutiny, and "laid all their grievances to
the charge of Astyochus (the Spartan admiral), who humoured
Tissaphernes for his own gain" (Thuc. viii. 83), Hermocrates took
the men's part, and so incurred the hatred of Tissaphernes.
</pre>
<p>
With these words they called upon the men to choose other commanders, who
should undertake the duties of their office, until the arrival of their
successors. Thereupon the whole assembly, and more particularly the
captains and masters of vessels and marines, insisted with loud cries on
their continuance in command. The generals replied, "It was not for them
to indulge in faction against the State, but rather it was their duty, in
case any charges were forthcoming against themselves, at once to render an
account." When, however, no one had any kind of accusation to prefer, they
yielded to the general demand, and were content to await the arrival of
their successors. The names of these were—Demarchus, the son of
Epidocus; Myscon, the son of Mencrates; and Potamis, the son of Gnosis.
</p>
<p>
The captains, for their part, swore to restore the exiled generals as soon
as they themselves should return to Syracuse. At present with a general
vote of thanks they despatched them to their several destinations. It
particular those who had enjoyed the society of Hermocrates recalled his
virtues with regret, his thoroughness and enthusiasm, his frankness and
affability, the care with which every morning and evening he was wont to
gather in his quarters a group of naval captains and mariners whose
ability he recognised. These were his confidants, to whom he communicated
what he intended to say or do: they were his pupils, to whom he gave
lessons in oratory, now calling upon them to speak extempore, and now
again after deliberation. By these means Hermocrates had gained a wide
reputation at the council board, where his mastery of language was no less
felt than the wisdom of his advice. Appearing at Lacedaemon as the accuser
of Tissaphernes, (9) he had carried his case, not only by the testimony of
Astyochus, but by the obvious sincerity of his statements, and on the
strength of this reputation he now betook himself to Pharnabazus. The
latter did not wait to be asked, but at once gave him money, which enabled
him to collect friends and triremes, with a view to his ultimate recall to
Syracuse. Meanwhile the successors of the Syracusans had arrived at
Miletus, where they took charge of the ships and the army.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) The matter referred to is fully explained Thuc. viii. 85.
</pre>
<p>
It was at this same season that a revolution occurred in Thasos, involving
the expulsion of the philo-Laconian party, with the Laconian governor
Eteonicus. The Laconian Pasippidas was charged with having brought the
business about in conjunction with Tissaphernes, and was banished from
Sparta in consequence. The naval force which he had been collecting from
the allies was handed over to Cratesippidas, who was sent out to take his
place in Chios.
</p>
<p>
About the same period, while Thrasylus was still in Athens, Agis (10) made
a foraging expedition up to the very walls of the city. But Thrasylus led
out the Athenians with the rest of the inhabitants of the city, and drew
them up by the side of the Lyceum Gymnasium, ready to engage the enemy if
they approached; seeing which, Agis beat a hasty retreat, not however
without the loss of some of his supports, a few of whom were cut down by
the Athenian light troops. This success disposed the citizens to take a
still more favourable view of the objects for which Thrasylus had come;
and they passed a decree empowering him to call out a thousand hoplites,
one hundred cavalry, and fifty triremes.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) The reader will recollect that we are giving in "the Deceleian"
period of the war, 413-404 B.C. The Spartan king was in command of
the fortress of Deceleia, only fourteen miles distant from Athens,
and erected on a spot within sight of the city. See Thuc. vii. 19,
27, 28.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile Agis, as he looked out from Deceleia, and saw vessel after
vessel laden with corn running down to Piraeus, declared that it was
useless for his troops to go on week after week excluding the Athenians
from their own land, while no one stopped the source of their corn supply
by sea: the best plan would be to send Clearchus, (11) the son of
Rhamphius, who was proxenos (12) of the Byzantines, to Chalcedon and
Byzantium. The suggestion was approved, and with fifteen vessels duly
manned from Megara, or furnished by other allies, Clearchus set out. These
were troop-ships rather than swift-sailing men-of-war. Three of them, on
reaching the Hellespont, were destroyed by the Athenian ships employed to
keep a sharp look-out on all merchant craft in those waters. The other
twelve escaped to Sestos, and thence finally reached Byzantium in safety.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) Of Clearchus we shall hear more in the sequel, and in the
"Anabasis."
(12) The Proxenus answered pretty nearly to our "Consul," "Agent,"
"Resident"; but he differed in this respect, that he was always a
member of the foreign State. An Athenian represented Sparta at
Athens; a Laconian represented Athens at Sparta, and so forth. See
Liddell and Scott.
</pre>
<p>
So closed the year—a year notable also for the expedition against
Sicily of the Carthaginians under Hannibal with one hundred thousand men,
and the capture, within three months, of the two Hellenic cities of
Selinus and Himera.
</p>
<p>
II
</p>
<p>
B.C. 409. Next year (1)... the Athenians fortified Thoricus; and
Thrasylus, taking the vessels lately voted him and five thousand of his
seamen armed to serve as peltasts, (2) set sail for Samos at the beginning
of summer. At Samos he stayed three days, and then continued his voyage to
Pygela, where he proceeded to ravage the territory and attack the
fortress. Presently a detachment from Miletus came to the rescue of the
men of Pygela, and attacking the scattered bands of the Athenian light
troops, put them to flight. But to the aid of the light troops came the
naval brigade of peltasts, with two companies of heavy infantry, and all
but annihilated the whole detachment from Miletus. They captured about two
hundred shields, and set up a trophy. Next day they sailed to Notium, and
from Notium, after due preparation, marched upon Colophon. The
Colophonians capitulated without a blow. The following night they made an
incursion into Lydia, where the corn crops were ripe, and burnt several
villages, and captured money, slaves, and other booty in large quantity.
But Stages, the Persian, who was employed in this neighbourhood, fell in
with a reinforcement of cavalry sent to protect the scattered pillaging
parties from the Athenian camp, whilst occupied with their individual
plunder, and took one trooper prisoner, killing seven others. After this
Thrasylus led his troops back to the sea, intending to sail to Ephesus.
Meanwhile Tissaphernes, who had wind of this intention, began collecting a
large army and despatching cavalry with a summons to the inhabitants one
and all to rally to the defence of the goddess Artemis at Ephesus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) The MSS. here give a suspected passage, which may be rendered
thus: "The first of Olympiad 93, celebrated as the year in which
the newly-added two-horse race was won by Evagorias the Eleian,
and the stadion (200 yards foot-race) by the Cyrenaean Eubotas,
when Evarchippus was ephor at Sparta and Euctemon archon at
Athens." But Ol. 93, to which these officers,and the addition of
the new race at Olympia belong, is the year 408. We must therefore
suppose either that this passage has been accidentally inserted in
the wrong place by some editor or copyist, or that the author was
confused in his dates. The "stadium" is the famous foot-race at
Olympia, 606 3/4 English feet in length, run on a course also
called the "Stadion," which was exactly a stade long.
(2) Peltasts, i.e. light infantry armed with the "pelta" or light
shield, instead of the heavy {aspis} of the hoplite or heavy
infantry soldiers.
</pre>
<p>
On the seventeenth day after the incursion above mentioned Thrasylus
sailed to Ephesus. He disembarked his troops in two divisions, his heavy
infantry in the neighbourhood of Mount Coressus; his cavalry, peltasts,
and marines, with the remainder of his force, near the marsh on the other
side of the city. At daybreak he pushed forward both divisions. The
citizens of Ephesus, on their side, were not slow to protect themselves.
They had to aid them the troops brought up by Tissaphernes, as well as two
detachments of Syracusans, consisting of the crews of their former twenty
vessels and those of five new vessels which had opportunely arrived quite
recently under Eucles, the son of Hippon, and Heracleides, the son of
Aristogenes, together with two Selinuntian vessels. All these several
forces first attacked the heavy infantry near Coressus; these they routed,
killing about one hundred of them, and driving the remainder down into the
sea. They then turned to deal with the second division on the marsh. Here,
too, the Athenians were put to flight, and as many as three hundred of
them perished. On this spot the Ephesians erected a trophy, and another at
Coressus. The valour of the Syracusans and Selinuntians had been so
conspicuous that the citizens presented many of them, both publicly and
privately, with prizes for distinction in the field, besides offering the
right of residence in their city with certain immunities to all who at any
time might wish to live there. To the Selinuntians, indeed, as their own
city had lately been destroyed, they offered full citizenship.
</p>
<p>
The Athenians, after picking up their dead under a truce, set sail for
Notium, and having there buried the slain, continued their voyage towards
Lesbos and the Hellespont. Whilst lying at anchor in the harbour of
Methymna, in that island, they caught sight of the Syracusan vessels,
five-and-twenty in number, coasting along from Ephesus. They put out to
sea to attack them, and captured four ships with their crews, and chased
the remainder back to Ephesus. The prisoners were sent by Thrasylus to
Athens, with one exception. This was an Athenian, Alcibiades, who was a
cousin and fellow-exile of Alcibiades. Him Thrasylus released. (3) From
Methymna Thrasylus set sail to Sestos to join the main body of the army,
after which the united forces crossed to Lampsacus. And now winter was
approaching. It was the winter in which the Syracusan prisoners who had
been immured in the stone quarries of Piraeus dug through the rock and
escaped one night, some to Decelia and others to Megara. At Lampsacus
Alcibiades was anxious to marshal the whole military force there collected
in one body, but the old troops refused to be incorporated with those of
Thrasylus. "They, who had never yet been beaten, with these newcomers who
had just suffered a defeat." So they devoted the winter to fortifying
Lampsacus. They also made an expedition against Abydos, where Pharnabazus,
coming to the rescue of the place, encountered them with numerous cavalry,
but was defeated and forced to flee, Alcibiades pursuing hard with his
cavalry and one hundred and twenty infantry under the command of Menander,
till darkness intervened. After this battle the soldiers came together of
their own accord, and freely fraternised with the troops of Thrasylus.
This expedition was followed by other incursions during the winter into
the interior, where they found plenty to do ravaging the king's territory.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) Reading {apelusen}. Wolf's conjecture for the MSS. {katelousen} =
stoned. See Thirlwall, "Hist. Gr." IV. xxix. 93 note.
</pre>
<p>
It was at this period also that the Lacedaemonians allowed their revolted
helots from Malea, who had found an asylum at Coryphasium, to depart under
a flag of truce. It was also about the same period that the Achaeans
betrayed the colonists of Heracleia Trachinia, when they were all drawn up
in battle to meet the hostile Oetaeans, whereby as many as seven hundred
of them were lost, together with the governor (4) from Lacedaemon,
Labotas. Thus the year came to its close—a year marked further by a
revolt of the Medes from Darius, the king of Persia, followed by renewed
submission to his authority.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) Technically {armostes} (harmost), i.e. administrator.
</pre>
<p>
III
</p>
<p>
B.C. 408. The year following is the year in which the temple of Athena, in
Phocaea, was struck by lightning and set on fire. (1) With the cessation
of winter, in early spring, the Athenians set sail with the whole of their
force to Proconnesus, and thence advanced upon Chalcedon and Byzantium,
encamping near the former town. The men of Chalcedon, aware of their
approach, had taken the precaution to deposit all their pillageable
property with their neighbours, the Bithynian Thracians; whereupon
Alcibiades put himself at the head of a small body of heavy infantry with
the cavalry, and giving orders to the fleet to follow along the coast,
marched against the Bithynians and demanded back the property of the
Chalcedonians, threatening them with war in case of refusal. The
Bithynians delivered up the property. Returning to camp, not only thus
enriched, but with the further satisfaction of having secured pledges of
good behaviour from the Bithynians, Alcibiades set to work with the whole
of his troops to draw lines of circumvallation round Chalcedon from sea to
sea, so as to include as much of the river as possible within his wall,
which was made of timber. Thereupon the Lacedaemonian governor,
Hippocrates, let his troops out of the city and offered battle, and the
Athenians, on their side, drew up their forces opposite to receive him;
while Pharnabazus, from without the lines of circumvallation, was still
advancing with his army and large bodies of horse. Hippocrates and
Thrasylus engaged each other with their heavy infantry for a long while,
until Alcibiades, with a detachment of infantry and the cavalry,
intervened. Presently Hippocrates fell, and the troops under him fled into
the city; at the same instant Pharnabazus, unable to effect a junction
with the Lacedaemonian leader, owing to the circumscribed nature of the
ground and the close proximity of the river to the enemy's lines, retired
to the Heracleium, (2) belonging to the Chalcedonians, where his camp lay.
After this success Alcibiades set off to the Hellespont and the Chersonese
to raise money, and the remaining generals came to terms with Pharnabazus
in respect of Chalcedon; according to these, the Persian satrap agreed to
pay the Athenians twenty talents (3) in behalf of the town, and to grant
their ambassadors a safe conduct up country to the king. It was further
stipulated by mutual consent and under oaths provided, that the
Chalcedonians should continue the payment of their customary tribute to
Athens, being also bound to discharge all outstanding debts. The
Athenians, on their side, were bound to desist from all hostilities until
the return of their ambassadors from the king. These oaths were not
witnessed by Alcibiades, who was now in the neighbourhood of Selybria.
Having taken that place, he presently appeared before the walls of
Byzantium at the head of the men of Chersonese, who came out with their
whole force; he was aided further by troops from Thrace and more than
three hundred horse. Accordingly Pharnabazus, insisting that he too must
take the oath, decided to remain in Chalcedon, and to await his arrival
from Byzantium. Alcibiades came, but was not prepared to bind himself by
any oaths, unless Pharnabazus would, on his side, take oaths to himself.
After this, oaths were exchanged between them by proxy. Alcibiades took
them at Chrysopolis in the presence of two representatives sent by
Pharnabazus—namely, Mitrobates and Arnapes. Pharnabazus took them at
Chalcedon in the presence of Euryptolemus and Diotimus, who represented
Alcibiades. Both parties bound themselves not only by the general oath,
but also interchanged personal pledges of good faith.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) The MSS. here give the words, "in the ephorate of Pantacles and
the archonship of Antigenes, two-and-twenty years from the
beginning of the war," but the twenty-second year of the war =
B.C. 410; Antigenes archon, B.C. 407 = Ol. 93, 2; the passage must
be regarded as a note mis-inserted by some editor or copyist (vide
supra, I. 11.)
(2) I.e. sacred place or temple of Heracles.
(3) Twenty talents = 4800 pounds; or, more exactly, 4875 pounds.
</pre>
<p>
This done, Pharnabazus left Chalcedon at once, with injunctions that those
who were going up to the king as ambassadors should meet him at Cyzicus.
The representatives of Athens were Dorotheus, Philodices, Theogenes,
Euryptolemus, and Mantitheus; with them were two Argives, Cleostratus and
Pyrrholochus. An embassy of the Lacedaemonians was also about to make the
journey. This consisted of Pasippidas and his fellows, with whom were
Hermocrates, now an exile from Syracuse, and his brother Proxenus. So
Pharnabazus put himself at their head. Meanwhile the Athenians prosecuted
the siege of Byzantium; lines of circumvallation were drawn; and they
diversified the blockade by sharpshooting at long range and occasional
assaults upon the walls. Inside the city lay Clearchus, the Lacedaemonian
governor, and a body of Perioci with a small detachment of Neodamodes. (4)
There was also a body of Megarians under their general Helixus, a
Megarian, and another body of Boeotians, with their general Coeratadas.
The Athenians, finding presently that they could effect nothing by force,
worked upon some of the inhabitants to betray the place. Clearchus,
meanwhile, never dreaming that any one would be capable of such an act,
had crossed over to the opposite coast to visit Pharnabazus; he had left
everything in perfect order, entrusting the government of the city to
Coeratadas and Helixus. His mission was to obtain pay for the soldiers
from the Persian satrap, and to collect vessels from various quarters.
Some were already in the Hellespont, where they had been left as
guardships by Pasippidas, or else at Antandrus. Others formed the fleet
which Agesandridas, who had formerly served as a marine (5) under
Mindarus, now commanded on the Thracian coast. Others Clearchus purposed
to have built, and with the whole united squadron to so injure the allies
of the Athenians as to draw off the besieging army from Byzantium. But no
sooner was he fairly gone than those who were minded to betray the city
set to work. Their names were Cydon, Ariston, Anaxicrates, Lycurgus, and
Anaxilaus. The last-named was afterwards impeached for treachery in
Lacedaemon on the capital charge, and acquitted on the plea that, to begin
with, he was not a Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantine, and, so far from having
betrayed the city, he had saved it, when he saw women and children
perishing of starvation; for Clearchus had given away all the corn in the
city to the Lacedaemonian soldiers. It was for these reasons, as Anaxilaus
himself admitted, he had introduced the enemy, and not for the sake of
money, nor out of hatred to Lacedaemon.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) According to the constitution of Lacedaemon the whole government
was in Dorian hands. The subject population was divided into (1)
Helots, who were State serfs. The children of Helots were at times
brought up by Spartans and called "Mothakes"; Helots who had
received their liberty were called "Neodamodes" ({neodamodeis}).
After the conquest of Messenia this class was very numerous. (2)
Perioeci. These were the ancient Achaean inhabitants, living in
towns and villages, and managing their own affairs, paying
tribute, and serving in the army as heavy-armed soldiers. In 458
B.C. they were said to number thirty thousand. The Spartans
themselves were divided, like all Dorians, into three tribes,
Hylleis, Dymanes, and Pamphyli, each of which tribes was divided
into ten "obes," which were again divided into {oikoi} or families
possessed of landed properties. In 458 B.C. there were said to be
nine thousand such families; but in course of time, through
alienation of lands, deaths in war, and other causes, their
numbers were much diminished; and in many cases there was a loss
of status, so that in the time of Agis III., B.C. 244, we hear of
two orders of Spartans, the {omoioi} and the {upomeiones}
(inferiors); seven hundred Spartans (families) proper and one
hundred landed proprietors. See Mullers "Dorians," vol. ii. bk.
iii. ch. x. S. 3 (Eng. trans.); Arist. "Pol." ii. 9, 15; Plut.
("Agis").
(5) The greek word is {epibates}, which some think was the title of an
inferior naval officer in the Spartan service, but there is no
proof of this. Cf. Thuc. viii. 61, and Prof. Jowett's note; also
Grote, "Hist. of Greece," viii. 27 (2d ed.)
</pre>
<p>
As soon as everything was ready, these people opened the gates leading to
the Thracian Square, as it is called, and admitted the Athenian troops
with Alcibiades at their head. Helixus and Coeratadas, in complete
ignorance of the plot, hastened to the Agora with the whole of the
garrison, ready to confront the danger; but finding the enemy in
occupation, they had nothing for it but to give themselves up. They were
sent off as prisoners to Athens, where Coeratadas, in the midst of the
crowd and confusion of debarkation at Piraeus, gave his guards the slip,
and made his way in safety to Decelia.
</p>
<p>
IV
</p>
<p>
B.C. 407. Pharnabazus and the ambassadors were passing the winter at
Gordium in Phrygia, when they heard of the occurrences at Byzantium.
Continuing their journey to the king's court in the commencement of
spring, they were met by a former embassy, which was now on its return
journey. These were the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, Boeotius and his party,
with the other envoys; who told them that the Lacedaemonians had obtained
from the king all they wanted. One of the company was Cyrus, the new
governor of all the seaboard districts, who was prepared to co-operate
with the Lacedaemonians in war. He was the bearer, moreover, of a letter
with the royal seal attached. It was addressed to all the populations of
Lower Asia, and contained the following words: "I send down Cyrus as
'Karanos'" (1)—that is to say, supreme lord—"over all those
who muster at Castolus." The ambassadors of the Athenians, even while
listening to this announcement, and indeed after they had seen Cyrus, were
still desirous, if possible, to continue their journey to the king, or,
failing that, to return home. Cyrus, however, urged upon Pharnabazus
either to deliver them up to himself, or to defer sending them home at
present; his object being to prevent the Athenians learning what was going
on. Pharnabazus, wishing to escape all blame, for the time being detained
them, telling them, at one time, that he would presently escort them up
country to the king, and at another time that he would send them safe
home. But when three years had elapsed, he prayed Cyrus to let them go,
declaring that he had taken an oath to bring them back to the sea, in
default of escorting them up to the king. Then at last they received safe
conduct to Ariobarzanes, with orders for their further transportation. The
latter conducted them a stage further, to Cius in Mysia; and from Cius
they set sail to join their main armament.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) {Karanos.} Is this a Greek word, a Doric form, {karanos}, akin to
{kara} (cf. {karenon}) = chief? or is it not more likely a Persian
or native word, Karanos? and might not the title be akin
conceivably to the word {korano}, which occurs on many Indo-
Bactrian coins (see A. von Sallet, "Die Nachfolger Alexanders des
Grossen," p. 57, etc.)? or is {koiranos} the connecting link? The
words translated "that is to say, supreme lord," {to de karanon
esti kurion}, look very like a commentator's gloss.
</pre>
<p>
Alcibiades, whose chief desire was to return home to Athens with the
troops, immediately set sail for Samos; and from that island, taking
twenty of the ships, he sailed to the Ceramic Gulf of Caria, where he
collected a hundred talents, and so returned to Samos.
</p>
<p>
Thrasybulus had gone Thrace-wards with thirty ships. In this quarter he
reduced various places which had revolted to Lacedaemon, including the
island of Thasos, which was in a bad plight, the result of wars,
revolutions, and famine.
</p>
<p>
Thrasylus, with the rest of the army, sailed back straight to Athens. On
his arrival he found that the Athenians had already chosen as their
general Alcibiades, who was still in exile, and Thrasybulus, who was also
absent, and as a third, from among those at home, Conon.
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile Alcibiades, with the moneys lately collected and his fleet of
twenty ships, left Samos and visited Paros. From Paros he stood out to sea
across to Gytheum, (2) to keep an eye on the thirty ships of war which, as
he was informed, the Lacedaemonians were equipping in that arsenal.
Gytheum would also be a favourable point of observation from which to
gauge the disposition of his fellow-countrymen and the prospects of his
recall. When at length their good disposition seemed to him established,
not only by his election as general, but by the messages of invitation
which he received in private from his friends, he sailed home, and entered
Piraeus on the very day of the festival of the Plunteria, (3) when the
statue of Athena is veiled and screened from public gaze. This was a
coincidence, as some thought, of evil omen, and unpropitious alike to
himself and the State, for no Athenian would transact serious business on
such a day.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Gytheum, the port and arsenal of Sparta, situated near the head of
the Laconian Gulf (now Marathonisi).
(3) {ta Plunteria}, or feast of washings, held on the 25th of the
month Thargelion, when the image of the goddess Athena was
stripped in order that her clothes might be washed by the
Praxiergidae; neither assembly nor court was held on that day, and
the Temple was closed.
</pre>
<p>
As he sailed into the harbour, two great crowds—one from the
Piraeus, the other from the city (4)—flocked to meet the vessels.
Wonderment, mixed with a desire to see Alcibiades, was the prevailing
sentiment of the multitude. Of him they spoke: some asserting that he was
the best of citizens, and that in his sole instance banishment had been
ill-deserved. He had been the victim of plots, hatched in the brains of
people less able than himself, however much they might excel in pestilent
speech; men whose one principle of statecraft was to look to their private
gains; whereas this man's policy had ever been to uphold the common weal,
as much by his private means as by all the power of the State. His own
choice, eight years ago, when the charge of impiety in the matter of the
mysteries was still fresh, would have been to submit to trial at once. It
was his personal foes, who had succeeded in postponing that undeniably
just procedure; who waited till his back was turned, and then robbed him
of his fatherland. Then it was that, being made the very slave of
circumstance, he was driven to court the men he hated most; and at a time
when his own life was in daily peril, he must see his dearest friends and
fellow-citizens, nay, the very State itself, bent on a suicidal course,
and yet, in the exclusion of exile, be unable to lend a helping hand. "It
is not men of this stamp," they averred, "who desire changes in affairs
and revolution: had he not already guaranteed to him by the Democracy a
position higher than that of his equals in age, and scarcely if at all
inferior to his seniors? How different was the position of his enemies. It
had been the fortune of these, though they were known to be the same men
they had always been, to use their lately acquired power for the
destruction in the first instance of the better classes; and then, being
alone left surviving, to be accepted by their fellow-citizens in the
absence of better men."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) Or, "collected to meet the vessels from curiosity and a desire to
see Alcibiades."
</pre>
<p>
Others, however, insisted that for all their past miseries and misfortunes
Alcibiades alone was responsible: "If more trials were still in store for
the State, here was the master mischief-maker ready at his post to
precipitate them."
</p>
<p>
When the vessels came to their moorings, close to the land, Alcibiades,
from fear of his enemies, was unwilling to disembark at once. Mounting on
the quarterdeck, he scanned the multitude, (5) anxious to make certain of
the presence of his friends. Presently his eyes lit upon Euryptolemus, the
son of Peisianax, who was his cousin, and then on the rest of his
relations and other friends. Upon this he landed, and so, in the midst of
an escort ready to put down any attempt upon his person, made his way to
the city.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) Or, "he looked to see if his friends were there."
</pre>
<p>
In the Senate and Public Assembly (6) he made speeches, defending himself
against the charge of impiety, and asserting that he had been the victim
of injustice, with other like topics, which in the present temper of the
assembly no one ventured to gainsay.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) Technically the "Boule" ({Boule}) or Senate, and "Ecclesia" or
Popular Assembly.
</pre>
<p>
He was then formally declared leader and chief of the State, with
irresponsible powers, as being the sole individual capable of recovering
the ancient power and prestige of Athens. Armed with this authority, his
first act was to institute anew the processional march to Eleusis; for of
late years, owing to the war, the Athenians had been forced to conduct the
mysteries by sea. Now, at the head of the troops, he caused them to be
conducted once again by land. This done, his next step was to muster an
armament of one thousand five hundred heavy infantry, one hundred and
fifty cavalry, and one hundred ships; and lastly, within three months of
his return, he set sail for Andros, which had revolted from Athens.
</p>
<p>
The generals chosen to co-operate with him on land were Aristocrates and
Adeimantus, the son of Leucophilides. He disembarked his troops on the
island of Andros at Gaurium, and routed the Andrian citizens who sallied
out from the town to resist the invader; forcing them to return and keep
close within their walls, though the number who fell was not large. This
defeat was shared by some Lacedaemonians who were in the place. Alcibiades
erected a trophy, and after a few days set sail himself for Samos, which
became his base of operations in the future conduct of the war.
</p>
<p>
V
</p>
<p>
At a date not much earlier than that of the incidents just described, the
Lacedaemonians had sent out Lysander as their admiral, in the place of
Cratesippidas, whose period of office had expired. The new admiral first
visited Rhodes, where he got some ships, and sailed to Cos and Miletus,
and from the latter place to Ephesus. At Ephesus he waited with seventy
sail, expecting the advent of Cyrus in Sardis, when he at once went up to
pay the prince a visit with the ambassadors from Lacedaemon. And now an
opportunity was given to denounce the proceedings of Tissaphernes, and at
the same time to beg Cyrus himself to show as much zeal as possible in the
prosecution of the war. Cyrus replied that not only had he received
express injunction from his father to the same effect, but that his own
views coincided with their wishes, which he was determined to carry out to
the letter. He had, he informed them, brought with him five hundred
talents; (1) and if that sum failed, he had still the private revenue,
which his father allowed him, to fall back upon, and when this resource
was in its turn exhausted, he would coin the gold and silver throne on
which he sat, into money for their benefit. (2)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) About 120,000 pounds. One Euboic or Attic talent = sixty minae =
six thousand drachmae = 243 pounds 15 shillings of our money.
(2) Cf. the language of Tissaphernes, Thuc. viii. 81.
</pre>
<p>
His audience thanked him for what he said, and further begged him to fix
the rate of payment for the seamen at one Attic drachma per man, (3)
explaining that should this rate of payment be adopted, the sailors of the
Athenians would desert, and in the end there would be a saving of
expenditure. Cyrus complimented them on the soundness of their arguments,
but said that it was not in his power to exceed the injunctions of the
king. The terms of agreement were precise, thirty minae (4) a month per
vessel to be given, whatever number of vessels the Lacedaemonians might
choose to maintain.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) About 9 3/4 pence; a drachma (= six obols) would be very high pay
for a sailor—indeed, just double the usual amount. See Thuc. vi.
8 and viii. 29, and Prof. Jowett ad loc. Tissaphernes had, in the
winter of 412 B.C., distributed one month's pay among the
Peloponnesian ships at this high rate of a drachma a day, "as his
envoy had promised at Lacedaemon;" but this he proposed to reduce
to half a drachma, "until he had asked the king's leave, promising
that if he obtained it, he would pay the entire drachma. On the
remonstrance, however, of Hermocrates, the Syracusan general, he
promised to each man a payment of somewhat more than three obols."
(4) Nearly 122 pounds; and thirty minae a month to each ship (the crew
of each ship being taken at two hundred) = three obols a day to
each man. The terms of agreement to which Cyrus refers may have
been specified in the convention mentioned above in chap. iv,
which Boeotius and the rest were so proud to have obtained. But
see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 192 note (2d ed.)
</pre>
<p>
To this rejoinder Lysander at the moment said nothing. But after dinner,
when Cyrus drank to his health, asking him "What he could do to gratify
him most?" Lysander replied, "Add an obol (5) to the sailors' pay." After
this the pay was raised to four instead of three obols, as it hitherto had
been. Nor did the liberality of Cyrus end here; he not only paid up all
arrears, but further gave a month's pay in advance, so that, if the
enthusiasm of the army had been great before, it was greater than ever
now. The Athenians when they heard the news were proportionately
depressed, and by help of Tissaphernes despatched ambassadors to Cyrus.
That prince, however, refused to receive them, nor were the prayers of
Tissaphernes of any avail, however much he insisted that Cyrus should
adopt the policy which he himself, on the advice of Alcibiades, had
persistently acted on. This was simply not to suffer any single Hellenic
state to grow strong at the expense of the rest, but to keep them all weak
alike, distracted by internecine strife.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) An obol = one-sixth of a drachma; the Attic obol = rather more
than 1 1/2 pence.
</pre>
<p>
Lysander, now that the organisation of his navy was arranged to his
satisfaction, beached his squadron of ninety vessels at Ephesus, and sat
with hands folded, whilst the vessels dried and underwent repairs.
Alcibiades, being informed that Thrasybulus had come south of the
Hellespont and was fortifying Phocaea, sailed across to join him, leaving
his own pilot Antiochus in command of the fleet, with orders not to attack
Lysander's fleet. Antiochus, however, was tempted to leave Notium and sail
into the harbour of Ephesus with a couple of ships, his own and another,
past the prows of Lysander's squadron. The Spartan at first contented
himself with launching a few of his ships, and started in pursuit of the
intruder; but when the Athenians came out with other vessels to assist
Antiochus, he formed his whole squadron into line of battle, and bore down
upon them, whereupon the Athenians followed suit, and getting their
remaining triremes under weigh at Notium, stood out to sea as fast as each
vessel could clear the point. (6) Thus it befell in the engagement which
ensued, that while the enemy was in due order, the Athenians came up in
scattered detachments and without concert, and in the end were put to
flight with the loss of fifteen ships of war. Of the crews, indeed, the
majority escaped, though a certain number fell into the hands of the
enemy. Then Lysander collected his vessels, and having erected a trophy on
Cape Notium, sailed across to Ephesus, whilst the Athenians retired to
Samos.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) {os ekastos enoixen}, for this nautical term see above.
</pre>
<p>
On his return to Samos a little later, Alcibiades put out to sea with the
whole squadron in the direction of the harbour of Ephesus. At the mouth of
the harbour he marshalled his fleet in battle order, and tried to tempt
the enemy to an engagement; but as Lysander, conscious of his inferiority
in numbers, refused to accept the challenge, he sailed back again to
Samos. Shortly after this the Lacedaemonians captured Delphinium and Eion.
(7)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) This should probably be Teos, in Ionia, in spite of the MSS.
{'Eiona}. The place referred to cannot at any rate be the well-
known Eion at the mouth of the Strymon in Thrace.
</pre>
<p>
But now the news of the late disaster at Notium had reached the Athenians
at home, and in their indignation they turned upon Alcibiades, to whose
negligence and lack of self-command they attributed the destruction of the
ships. Accordingly they chose ten new generals—namely Conon,
Diomedon, Leon, Pericles, Erasinides, Aristocrates, Archestratus,
Protomachus, Thrasylus, and Aristogenes. Alcibiades, who was moreover in
bad odour in the camp, sailed away with a single trireme to his private
fortress in the Chersonese.
</p>
<p>
After this Conon, in obedience to a decree of the Athenian people, set
sail from Andros with the twenty vessels under his command in that island
to Samos, and took command of the whole squadron. To fill the place thus
vacated by Conon, Phanosthenes was sent to Andros with four ships. That
captain was fortunate enough to intercept and capture two Thurian ships of
war, crews and all, and these captives were all imprisoned by the
Athenians, with the exception of their leader Dorieus. He was the Rhodian,
who some while back had been banished from Athens and from his native city
by the Athenians, when sentence of death was passed upon him and his
family. This man, who had once enjoyed the right of citizenship among
them, they now took pity on and released him without ransom.
</p>
<p>
When Conon had reached Samos he found the armament in a state of great
despondency. Accordingly his first measure was to man seventy ships with
their full complement, instead of the former hundred and odd vessels. With
this squadron he put to sea accompanied by the other generals, and
confined himself to making descents first at one point and then at another
of the enemy's territory, and to collecting plunder.
</p>
<p>
And so the year drew to its close: a year signalled further by an invasion
of Sicily by the Carthaginians, with one hundred and twenty ships of war
and a land force of one hundred and twenty thousand men, which resulted in
the capture of Agrigentum. The town was finally reduced to famine after a
siege of seven months, the invaders having previously been worsted in
battle and forced to sit down before its walls for so long a time.
</p>
<p>
VI
</p>
<p>
B.C. 406. In the following year—the year of the evening eclipse of
the moon, and the burning of the old temple of Athena (1) at Athens (2)—the
Lacedaemonians sent out Callicratidas to replace Lysander, whose period of
office had now expired. (3) Lysander, when surrendering the squadron to
his successor, spoke of himself as the winner of a sea fight, which had
left him in undisputed mastery of the sea, and with this boast he handed
over the ships to Callicratidas, who retorted, "If you will convey the
fleet from Ephesus, keeping Samos (4) on your right" (that is, past where
the Athenian navy lay), "and hand it over to me at Miletus, I will admit
that you are master of the sea." But Lysander had no mind to interfere in
the province of another officer. Thus Callicratidas assumed
responsibility. He first manned, in addition to the squadron which he
received from Lysander, fifty new vessels furnished by the allies from
Chios and Rhodes and elsewhere. When all these contingents were assembled,
they formed a total of one hundred and forty sail, and with these he began
making preparations for engagement with the enemy. But it was impossible
for him not to note the strong current of opposition which he encountered
from the friends of Lysander. Not only was there lack of zeal in their
service, but they openly disseminated an opinion in the States, that it
was the greatest possible blunder on the part of the Lacedaemonians so to
change their admirals. Of course, they must from time to time get officers
altogether unfit for the post—men whose nautical knowledge dated
from yesterday, and who, moreover, had no notion of dealing with human
beings. It would be very odd if this practice of sending out people
ignorant of the sea and unknown to the folk of the country did not lead to
some catastrophe. Callicratidas at once summoned the Lacedaemonians there
present, and addressed them in the following terms:—
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) I.e. as some think, the Erechtheion, which was built partly on the
site of the old temple of Athena Polias, destroyed by the
Persians. According to Dr. Dorpfeld, a quite separate building of
the Doric order, the site of which (S. of the Erechtheion) has
lately been discovered.
(2) The MSS. here add "in the ephorate of Pityas and the archonship of
Callias at Athens;" but though the date is probably correct (cf.
Leake, "Topography of Athens," vol. i. p. 576 foll.), the words
are almost certainly a gloss.
(3) Here the MSS. add "with the twenty-fourth year of the war,"
probably an annotator's gloss; the correct date should be twenty-
fifth. Pel. war 26 = B.C. 406. Pel. war 25 ended B.C. 407.
(4) Lit. on the left (or east) of Samos, looking south from Ephesus.
</pre>
<p>
"For my part," he said, "I am content to stay at home: and if Lysander or
any one else claim greater experience in nautical affairs than I possess,
I have no desire to block his path. Only, being sent out by the State to
take command of this fleet, I do not know what is left to me, save to
carry out my instructions to the best of my ability. For yourselves, all I
beg of you, in reference to my personal ambitions and the kind of charges
brought against our common city, and of which you are as well aware as I
am, is to state what you consider to be the best course: am I to stay
where I am, or shall I sail back home, and explain the position of affairs
out here?"
</p>
<p>
No one ventured to suggest any other course than that he should obey the
authorities, and do what he was sent to do. Callicratidas then went up to
the court of Cyrus to ask for further pay for the sailors, but the answer
he got from Cyrus was that he should wait for two days. Callicratidas was
annoyed at the rebuff: to dance attendance at the palace gates was little
to his taste. In a fit of anger he cried out at the sorry condition of the
Hellenes, thus forced to flatter the barbarian for the sake of money. "If
ever I get back home," he added, "I will do what in me lies to reconcile
the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians." And so he turned and sailed back to
Miletus. From Miletus he sent some triremes to Lacedaemon to get money,
and convoking the public assembly of the Milesians, addressed them thus:—
</p>
<p>
"Men of Miletus, necessity is laid upon me to obey the rulers at home; but
for yourselves, whose neighbourhood to the barbarians has exposed you to
many evils at their hands, I only ask you to let your zeal in the war bear
some proportion to your former sufferings. You should set an example to
the rest of the allies, and show us how to inflict the sharpest and
swiftest injury on our enemy, whilst we await the return from Lacedaemon
of my envoys with the necessary funds. Since one of the last acts of
Lysander, before he left us, was to hand back to Cyrus the funds already
on the spot, as though we could well dispense with them. I was thus forced
to turn to Cyrus, but all I got from him was a series of rebuffs; he
refused me an audience, and, for my part, I could not induce myself to
hang about his gates like a mendicant. But I give you my word, men of
Miletus, that in return for any assistance which you can render us while
waiting for these aids, I will requite you richly. Only by God's help let
us show these barbarians that we do not need to worship them, in order to
punish our foes."
</p>
<p>
The speech was effective; many members of the assembly arose, and not the
least eagerly those who were accused of opposing him. These, in some
terror, proposed a vote of money, backed by offers of further private
contributions. Furnished with these sums, and having procured from Chios a
further remittance of five drachmas (5) a piece as outfit for each seaman,
he set sail to Methyma in Lesbos, which was in the hands of the enemy. But
as the Methymnaeans were not disposed to come over to him (since there was
an Athenian garrison in the place, and the men at the head of affairs were
partisans of Athens), he assaulted and took the place by storm. All the
property within accordingly became the spoil of the soldiers. The
prisoners were collected for sale by Callicratidas in the market-place,
where, in answer to the demand of the allies, who called upon him to sell
the Methymnaeans also, he made answer, that as long as he was in command,
not a single Hellene should be enslaved if he could help it. The next day
he set at liberty the free-born captives; the Athenian garrison with the
captured slaves he sold. (6) To Conon he sent word:—He would put a
stop to his strumpeting the sea. (7) And catching sight of him, as he put
out to sea, at break of day, he gave chase, hoping to cut him off from his
passage to Samos, and prevent his taking refuge there.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) About 4d.
(6) Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 224 (2d ed.), thinks that
Callicratidas did not even sell the Athenian garrison, as if the
sense of the passage were: "The next day he set at liberty the
free-born captives with the Athenian garrison, contenting himself
with selling the captive slaves." But I am afraid that no
ingenuity of stopping will extract that meaning from the Greek
words, which are, {te d' usteraia tous men eleutherous apheke tous
de ton 'Athenaion phrourous kai ta andrapoda ta doula panta
apedoto}. To spare the Athenian garrison would have been too
extraordinary a proceeding even for Callicratidas. The idea
probably never entered his head. It was sufficiently noble for him
to refuse to sell the Methymnaeans. See the remarks of Mr. W. L.
Newman, "The Pol. of Aristotle," vol. i. p. 142.
(7) I.e. the sea was Sparta's bride.
</pre>
<p>
But Conon, aided by the sailing qualities of his fleet, the rowers of
which were the pick of several ships' companies, concentrated in a few
vessels, made good his escape, seeking shelter within the harbour of
Mitylene in Lesbos, and with him two of the ten generals, Leon and
Erasinides. Callicratidas, pursuing him with one hundred and seventy sail,
entered the harbour simultaneously; and Conon thus hindered from further
or final escape by the too rapid movements of the enemy, was forced to
engage inside the harbour, and lost thirty of his ships, though the crews
escaped to land. The remaining, forty in number, he hauled up under the
walls of the town. Callicratidas, on his side, came to moorings in the
harbour; and, having command of the exit, blocked the Athenian within. His
next step was to send for the Methymnaeans in force by land, and to
transport his army across from Chios. Money also came to him from Cyrus.
</p>
<p>
Conon, finding himself besieged by land and sea, without means of
providing himself with corn from any quarter, the city crowded with
inhabitants, and aid from Athens, whither no news of the late events could
be conveyed, impossible, launched two of the fastest sailing vessels of
his squadron. These he manned, before daybreak, with the best rowers whom
he could pick out of the fleet, stowing away the marines at the same time
in the hold of the ships and closing the port shutters. Every day for four
days they held out in this fashion, but at evening as soon as it was dark
he disembarked his men, so that the enemy might not suspect what they were
after. On the fifth day, having got in a small stock of provisions, when
it was already mid-day and the blockaders were paying little or no
attention, and some of them even were taking their siesta, the two ships
sailed out of the harbour: the one directing her course towards the
Hellespont, whilst her companion made for the open sea. Then, on the part
of the blockaders, there was a rush to the scene of action, as fast as the
several crews could get clear of land, in bustle and confusion, cutting
away the anchors, and rousing themselves from sleep, for, as chance would
have it, they had been breakfasting on shore. Once on board, however, they
were soon in hot pursuit of the ship which had started for the open sea,
and ere the sun dipped they overhauled her, and after a successful
engagement attached her by cables and towed her back into harbour, crew
and all. Her comrade, making for the Hellespont, escaped, and eventually
reached Athens with news of the blockade. The first relief was brought to
the blockaded fleet by Diomedon, who anchored with twelve vessels in the
Mitylenaean Narrows. (8) But a sudden attack of Callicratidas, who bore
down upon him without warning, cost him ten of his vessels, Diomedon
himself escaping with his own ship and one other.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Or, "Euripus."
</pre>
<p>
Now that the position of affairs, including the blockade, was fully known
at Athens, a vote was passed to send out a reinforcement of one hundred
and ten ships. Every man of ripe age, (9) whether slave or free, was
impressed for this service, so that within thirty days the whole one
hundred and ten vessels were fully manned and weighed anchor. Amongst
those who served in this fleet were also many of the knights. (10) The
fleet at once stood out across to Samos, and picked up the Samian vessels
in that island. The muster-roll was swelled by the addition of more than
thirty others from the rest of the allies, to whom the same principle of
conscription applied, as also it did to the ships already engaged on
foreign service. The actual total, therefore, when all the contingents
were collected, was over one hundred and fifty vessels.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) I.e. from eighteen to sixty years.
(10) See Boeckh. "P. E. A." Bk. II. chap. xxi. p. 263 (Eng. trans.)
</pre>
<p>
Callicratidas, hearing that the relief squadron had already reached Samos,
left fifty ships, under command of Eteonicus, in the harbour of Mitylene,
and setting sail with the other one hundred and twenty, hove to for the
evening meal off Cape Malea in Lesbos, opposite Mitylene. It so happened
that the Athenians on this day were supping on the islands of Arginusae,
which lie opposite Lesbos. In the night the Spartan not only saw their
watch-fires, but received positive information that "these were the
Athenians;" and about midnight he got under weigh, intending to fall upon
them suddenly. But a violent downpour of rain with thunder and lightning
prevented him putting out to sea. By daybreak it had cleared, and he
sailed towards Arginusae. On their side, the Athenian squadron stood out
to meet him, with their left wing facing towards the open sea, and drawn
up in the following order:—Aristocrates, in command of the left
wing, with fifteen ships, led the van; next came Diomedon with fifteen
others, and immediately in rear of Aristocrates and Diomedon respectively,
as their supports, came Pericles and Erasinides. Parallel with Diomedon
were the Samians, with their ten ships drawn up in single line, under the
command of a Samian officer named Hippeus. Next to these came the ten
vessels of the taxiarchs, also in single line, and supporting them, the
three ships of the navarchs, with any other allied vessels in the
squadron. The right wing was entrusted to Protomachus with fifteen ships,
and next to him (on the extreme right) was Thrasylus with another division
of fifteen. Protomachus was supported by Lysias with an equal number of
ships, and Thrasylus by Aristogenes. The object of this formation was to
prevent the enemy from manouvring so as to break their line by striking
them amidships, (11) since they were inferior in sailing power.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) Lit. "by the diekplous." Cf. Thuc. i. 49, and Arnold's note, who
says: "The 'diecplus' was a breaking through the enemy's line in
order by a rapid turning of the vessel to strike the enemy's ship
on the side or stern, where it was most defenceless, and so to
sink it." So, it seems, "the superiority of nautical skill has
passed," as Grote (viii. p. 234) says, "to the Peloponnesians and
their allies." Well may the historian add, "How astonished would
the Athenian Admiral Phormion have been, if he could have
witnessed the fleets and the order of battle at Arginusae!" See
Thuc. iv. 11.
</pre>
<p>
The Lacedaemonians, on the contrary, trusting to their superior
seamanship, were formed opposite with their ships all in single line, with
the special object of manouvring so as either to break the enemy's line or
to wheel round them. Callicratidas commanded the right wing in person.
Before the battle the officer who acted as his pilot, the Megarian Hermon,
suggested that it might be well to withdraw the fleet as the Athenian
ships were far more numerous. But Callicratidas replied that Sparta would
be no worse off even if he personally should perish, but to flee would be
disgraceful. (12) And now the fleets approached, and for a long space the
battle endured. At first the vessels were engaged in crowded masses, and
later on in scattered groups. At length Callicratidas, as his vessel
dashed her beak into her antagonist, was hurled off into the sea and
disappeared. At the same instant Protomachus, with his division on the
right, had defeated the enemy's left, and then the flight of the
Peloponnesians began towards Chios, though a very considerable body of
them made for Phocaea, whilst the Athenians sailed back again to
Arginusae. The losses on the side of the Athenians were twenty-five ships,
crews and all, with the exception of the few who contrived to reach dry
land. On the Peloponnesian side, nine out of the ten Lacedaemonian ships,
and more than sixty belonging to the rest of the allied squadron, were
lost.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) For the common reading, {oikeitai}, which is ungrammatical,
various conjectures have been made, e.g.
{oikieitai} = "would be none the worse off for citizens,"
{oikesetai} = "would be just as well administered without him,"
but as the readings and their renderings are alike doubtful, I
have preferred to leave the matter vague. Cf. Cicero, "De Offic."
i. 24; Plutarch, "Lac. Apophth." p. 832.
</pre>
<p>
After consultation the Athenian generals agreed that two captains of
triremes, Theramenes and Thrasybulus, accompanied by some of the
taxiarchs, should take forty-seven ships and sail to the assistance of the
disabled fleet and of the men on board, whilst the rest of the squadron
proceeded to attack the enemy's blockading squadron under Eteonicus at
Mitylene. In spite of their desire to carry out this resolution, the wind
and a violent storm which arose prevented them. So they set up a trophy,
and took up their quarters for the night. As to Etenoicus, the details of
the engagement were faithfully reported to him by the express
despatch-boat in attendance. On receipt of the news, however, he sent the
despatch-boat out again the way she came, with an injunction to those on
board of her to sail off quickly without exchanging a word with any one.
Then on a sudden they were to return garlanded with wreaths of victory and
shouting "Callicratidas has won a great sea fight, and the whole Athenian
squadron is destroyed." This they did, and Eteonicus, on his side, as soon
as the despatch-boat came sailing in, proceeded to offer sacrifice of
thanksgiving in honour of the good news. Meanwhile he gave orders that the
troops were to take their evening meal, and that the masters of the
trading ships were silently to stow away their goods on board the merchant
ships and make sail as fast as the favourable breeze could speed them to
Chios. The ships of war were to follow suit with what speed they might.
This done, he set fire to his camp, and led off the land forces to
Methymna. Conon, finding the enemy had made off, and the wind had grown
comparatively mild, (13) got his ships afloat, and so fell in with the
Athenian squadron, which had by this time set out from Arginusae. To these
he explained the proceedings of Eteonicus. The squadron put into Mitylene,
and from Mitylene stood across to Chios, and thence, without effecting
anything further, sailed back to Samos.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Or, "had changed to a finer quarter."
</pre>
<p>
VII
</p>
<p>
All the above-named generals, with the exception of Conon, were presently
deposed by the home authorities. In addition to Conon two new generals
were chosen, Adeimantus and Philocles. Of those concerned in the late
victory two never returned to Athens: these were Protomachus and
Aristogenes. The other six sailed home. Their names were Pericles,
Diomedon, Lysias, Aristocrates, Thrasylus, and Erasinides. On their
arrival Archidemus, the leader of the democracy at that date, who had
charge of the two obol fund, (1) inflicted a fine on Erasinides, and
accused him before the Dicastery (2) of having appropriated money derived
from the Hellespont, which belonged to the people. He brought a further
charge against him of misconduct while acting as general, and the court
sentenced him to imprisonment.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Reading {tes diobelais}, a happy conjecture for the MSS. {tes
diokelias}, which is inexplicable. See Grote, "Hist. of Greece,"
vol. viii. p. 244 note (2d ed.)
(2) I.e. a legal tribunal or court of law. At Athens the free citizens
constitutionally sworn and impannelled sat as "dicasts"
("jurymen," or rather as a bench of judges) to hear cases
({dikai}). Any particular board of dicasts formed a "dicastery."
</pre>
<p>
These proceedings in the law court were followed by the statement of the
generals before the senate (3) touching the late victory and the magnitude
of the storm. Timocrates then proposed that the other five generals should
be put in custody and handed over to the public assembly. (4) Whereupon
the senate committed them all to prison. Then came the meeting of the
public assembly, in which others, and more particularly Theramenes,
formally accused the generals. He insisted that they ought to show cause
why they had not picked up the shipwrecked crews. To prove that there had
been no attempt on their part to attach blame to others, he might point,
as conclusive testimony, to the despatch sent by the generals themselves
to the senate and the people, in which they attributed the whole disaster
to the storm, and nothing else. After this the generals each in turn made
a defence, which was necessarily limited to a few words, since no right of
addressing the assembly at length was allowed by law. Their explanation of
the occurrences was that, in order to be free to sail against the enemy
themselves, they had devolved the duty of picking up the shipwrecked crews
upon certain competent captains of men-of-war, who had themselves been
generals in their time, to wit Theramenes and Tharysbulus, and others of
like stamp. If blame could attach to any one at all with regard to the
duty in question, those to whom their orders had been given were the sole
persons they could hold responsible. "But," they went on to say, "we will
not, because these very persons have denounced us, invent a lie, and say
that Theramenes and Thrasybulus are to blame, when the truth of the matter
is that the magnitude of the storm alone prevented the burial of the dead
and the rescue of the living." In proof of their contention, they produced
the pilots and numerous other witnesses from among those present at the
engagement. By these arguments they were in a fair way to persuade the
people of their innocence. Indeed many private citizens rose wishing to
become bail for the accused, but it was resolved to defer decision till
another meeting of the assembly. It was indeed already so late that it
would have been impossible to see to count the show of hands. It was
further resolved that the senate meanwhile should prepare a measure, to be
introduced at the next assembly, as to the mode in which the accused
should take their trial.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) This is the Senate or Council of Five Hundred. One of its chief
duties was to prepare measures for discussion in the assembly. It
had also a certain amount of judicial power, hearing complaints
and inflicting fines up to fifty drachmas. It sat daily, a
"prytany" of fifty members of each of the ten tribes in rotation
holding office for a month in turn.
(4) This is the great Public Assembly (the Ecclesia), consisting of
all genuine Athenian citizens of more than twenty years of age.
</pre>
<p>
Then came the festival of the Aparturia, (5) with its family gatherings of
fathers and kinsfolk. Accordingly the party of Theramenes procured numbers
of people clad in black apparel, and close-shaven, (6) who were to go in
and present themselves before the public assembly in the middle of the
festival, as relatives, presumably, of the men who had perished; and they
persuaded Callixenus to accuse the generals in the senate. The next step
was to convoke the assembly, when the senate laid before it the proposal
just passed by their body, at the instance of Callixenus, which ran as
follows: "Seeing that both the parties to this case, to wit, the
prosecutors of the generals on the one hand, and the accused themselves in
their defence on the other, have been heard in the late meeting of the
assembly; we propose that the people of Athens now record their votes, one
and all, by their tribes; that a couple of voting urns be placed for the
convenience of each several tribe; and the public crier in the hearing of
each several tribe proclaim the mode of voting as follows: 'Let every one
who finds the generals guilty of not rescuing the heroes of the late sea
fight deposit his vote in urn No. 1. Let him who is of the contrary
opinion deposit his vote in urn No. 2. Further, in the event of the
aforesaid generals being found guilty, let death be the penalty. Let the
guilty persons be delivered over to the eleven. Let their property be
confiscated to the State, with the exception of one tithe, which falls to
the goddess.'"
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) An important festival held in October at Athens, and in nearly all
Ionic cities. Its objects were (1) the recognition of a common
descent from Ion, the son of Apollo Patrous; and (2) the
maintenance of the ties of clanship. See Grote, "Hist. of Greece,"
vol. viii. p. 260 foll. (2d ed.); Jebb, "Theophr." xviii. 5.
(6) I.e. in sign of mourning.
</pre>
<p>
Now there came forward in the assembly a man, who said that he had escaped
drowning by clinging to a meal tub. The poor fellows perishing around him
had commissioned him, if he succeeded in saving himself, to tell the
people of Athens how bravely they had fought for their fatherland, and how
the generals had left them there to drown.
</p>
<p>
Presently Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and others served a notice
of indictment on Callixenus, insisting that his proposal was
unconstitutional, and this view of the case was applauded by some members
of the assembly. But the majority kept crying out that it was monstrous if
the people were to be hindered by any stray individual from doing what
seemed to them right. And when Lysicus, embodying the spirit of those
cries, formally proposed that if these persons would not abandon their
action, they should be tried by the same vote along with the generals: a
proposition to which the mob gave vociferous assent; and so these were
compelled to abandon their summonses. Again, when some of the Prytanes (7)
objected to put a resolution to the vote which was in itself
unconstitutional, Callixenus again got up and accused them in the same
terms, and the shouting began again. "Yes, summons all who refuse," until
the Prytanes, in alarm, all agreed with one exception to permit the
voting. This obstinate dissentient was Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus,
who insisted that he would do nothing except in accordance with the law.
(8) After this Euryptolemus rose and spoke in behalf of the generals. He
said:—
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) Prytanes—the technical term for the senators of the presiding
tribe, who acted as presidents of the assembly. Their chairman for
the day was called Epistates.
(8) For the part played by Socrates see further Xenophon's
"Memorabilia," I. i. 18; IV. iv. 2.
</pre>
<p>
"I stand here, men of Athens, partly to accuse Pericles, though he is a
close and intimate connection of my own, and Diomedon, who is my friend,
and partly to urge certain considerations on their behalf, but chiefly to
press upon you what seems to me the best course for the State
collectively. I hold them to blame in that they dissuaded their colleagues
from their intention to send a despatch to the senate and this assembly,
which should have informed you of the orders given to Theramenes and
Thrasybulus to take forty-seven ships of war and pick up the shipwrecked
crews, and of the neglect of the two officers to carry out those orders.
And it follows that though the offence was committed by one or two, the
responsibility must be shared by all; and in return for kindness in the
past, they are in danger at present of sacrificing their lives to the
machinations of these very men, and others whom I could mention. In
danger, do I say, of losing their lives? No, not so, if you will suffer me
to persuade you to do what is just and right; if you will only adopt such
a course as shall enable you best to discover the truth and shall save you
from too late repentance, when you find you have transgressed irremediably
against heaven and your own selves. In what I urge there is no trap nor
plot whereby you can be deceived by me or any other man; it is a
straightforward course which will enable you to discover and punish the
offender by whatever process you like, collectively or individually. Let
them have, if not more, at any rate one whole day to make what defence
they can for themselves; and trust to your own unbiased judgment to guide
you to the right conclusion.
</p>
<p>
"You know, men of Athens, the exceeding stringency of the decree of
Cannonus, (9) which orders that man, whosoever he be, who is guilty of
treason against the people of Athens, to be put in irons, and so to meet
the charge against him before the people. If he be convicted, he is to be
thrown into the Barathron and perish, and the property of such an one is
to be confiscated, with the exception of the tithe which falls to the
goddess. I call upon you to try these generals in accordance with this
decree. Yes, and so help me God—if it please you, begin with my own
kinsman Pericles for base would it be on my part to make him of more
account than the whole of the State. Or, if you prefer, try them by that
other law, which is directed against robbers of temples and betrayers of
their country, which says: if a man betray his city or rob a sacred temple
of the gods, he shall be tried before a law court, and if he be convicted,
his body shall not be buried in Attica, and his goods shall be confiscated
to the State. Take your choice as between these two laws, men of Athens,
and let the prisoners be tried by one or other. Let three portions of a
day be assigned to each respectively, one portion wherein they shall
listen to their accusation, a second wherein they shall make their
defence, and a third wherein you shall meet and give your votes in due
order on the question of their guilt or innocence. By this procedure the
malefactors will receive the desert of their misdeeds in full, and those
who are innocent will owe you, men of Athens, the recovery of their
liberty, in place of unmerited destruction. (10)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) "There was a rule in Attic judicial procedure, called the psephism
of Kannonus (originally adopted, we do not know when, on the
proposition of a citizen of that name, as a psephism or decree for
some particular case, but since generalised into common practice,
and grown into great prescriptive reverence), which peremptorily
forbade any such collective trial or sentence, and directed that a
separate judicial vote should in all cases be taken for or against
each accused party." Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 266
(2d ed.)
(10) Reading {adikos apolountai}.
</pre>
<p>
"On your side, in trying the accused by recognised legal procedure, you
will show that you obey the dictates of pious feeling, and can regard the
sanctity of an oath, instead of joining hands with our enemies the
Lacedaemonians and fighting their battles. For is it not to fight their
battles, if you take their conquerors, the men who deprived them of
seventy vessels, and at the moment of victory sent them to perdition
untried and in the teeth of the law? What are you afraid of, that you
press forward with such hot haste? Do you imagine that you may be robbed
of the power of life and death over whom you please, should you condescend
to a legal trial? but that you are safe if you take shelter behind an
illegality, like the illegality of Callixenus, when he worked upon the
senate to propose to this assembly to deal with the accused by a single
vote? But consider, you may actually put to death an innocent man, and
then repentance will one day visit you too late. Bethink you how painful
and unavailing remorse will then be, and more particularly if your error
has cost a fellow-creature his life. What a travesty of justice it would
be if in the case of a man like Aristarchus, (11) who first tried to
destroy the democracy and then betrayed Oenoe to our enemy the Thebans,
you granted him a day for his defence, consulting his wishes, and conceded
to him all the other benefits of the law; whereas now you are proposing to
deprive of these same privileges your own generals, who in every way
conformed to your views and defeated your enemies. Do not you, of all men,
I implore you, men of Athens, act thus. Why, these laws are your own, to
them, beyond all else you owe your greatness. Guard them jealously; in
nothing, I implore you, act without their sanction.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) See below, II. iii; also cf. Thuc. viii. 90, 98.
</pre>
<p>
"But now, turn for a moment and consider with me the actual occurrences
which have created the suspicion of misconduct on the part of our late
generals. The sea-fight had been fought and won, and the ships had
returned to land, when Diomedon urged that the whole squadron should sail
out in line and pick up the wrecks and floating crews. Erasinides was in
favour of all the vessels sailing as fast as possible to deal with the
enemy's forces at Mitylene. And Thrasylus represented that both objects
could be effected, by leaving one division of the fleet there, and with
the rest sailing against the enemy; and if this resolution were agreed to,
he advised that each of the eight generals should leave three ships of his
own division with the ten vessels of the taxiarchs, the ten Samian
vessels, and the three belonging to the navarchs. These added together
make forty-seven, four for each of the lost vessels, twelve in number.
Among the taxiarchs left behind, two were Thrasybulus and Theramenes, the
men who in the late meeting of this assembly undertook to accuse the
generals. With the remainder of the fleet they were to sail to attack the
enemy's fleet. Everything, you must admit, was duly and admirably planned.
It was only common justice, therefore, that those whose duty it was to
attack the enemy should render an account for all miscarriages of
operations against the enemy; while those who were commissioned to pick up
the dead and dying should, if they failed to carry out the instructions of
the generals, be put on trial to explain the reasons of the failure. This
indeed I may say in behalf of both parites. It was really the storm which,
in spite of what the generals had planned, prevented anything being done.
There are witnesses ready to attest the truth of this: the men who escaped
as by a miracle, and among these one of these very generals, who was on a
sinking ship and was saved. And this man, who needed picking up as much as
anybody at that moment, is, they insist, to be tried by one and the same
vote as those who neglected to perform their orders! Once more, I beg you,
men of Athens, to accept your victory and your good fortune, instead of
behaving like the desperate victims of misfortune and defeat. Recognise
the finger of divine necessity; do not incur the reproach of
stony-heartedness by discovering treason where there was merely
powerlessness, and condemning as guilty those who were prevented by the
storm from carrying out their instructions. Nay! you will better satisfy
the demands of justice by crowning these conquerors with wreaths of
victory than by punishing them with death at the instigation of wicked
men."
</p>
<p>
At the conclusion of his speech Euryptolemus proposed, as an amendment,
that the prisoners should, in accordance with the decree of Cannonus, be
tried each separately, as against the proposal of the senate to try them
all by a single vote.
</p>
<p>
At the show of hands the tellers gave the majority in favour of
Euryptolemus's amendment, but upon the application of Menecles, who took
formal exception (12) to this decision, the show of hands was gone through
again, and now the verdict was in favour of the resolution of the senate.
At a later date the balloting was made, and by the votes recorded the
eight generals were condemned, and the six who were in Athens were put to
death.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) For this matter cf. Schomann, "De Comitiis Athen." p. 161 foll.;
also Grote, "Hist. of Grece," vol. viii. p. 276 note (2d ed.)
</pre>
<p>
Not long after, repentance seized the Athenians, and they passed a decree
authorising the public prosecution of those who had deceived the people,
and the appointment of proper securities for their persons until the trial
was over. Callixenus was one of those committed for trail. There were,
besides Callixenus, four others against whom true bills were declared, and
they were all five imprisoned by their sureties. But all subsequently
effected their escape before the trial, at the time of the sedition in
which Cleophon (13) was killed. Callixenus eventually came back when the
party in Piraeus returned to the city, at the date of the amnesty, (14)
but only to die of hunger, an object of universal detestation.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Cleophon, the well-known demagogue. For the occasion of his death
see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. pp. 166, 310 (2d ed.);
Prof. Jebb, "Attic Orators," i. 266, ii. 288. For his character,
as popularly conceived, cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 677.
(14) B.C. 403.
</pre>
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<h2>
BOOK II
</h2>
<p>
I
</p>
<p>
To return to Eteonicus and his troops in Chios. During summer they were
well able to support themselves on the fruits of the season, or by
labouring for hire in different parts of the island, but with the approach
of winter these means of subsistence began to fail. Ill-clad at the same
time, and ill-shod, they fell to caballing and arranging plans to attack
the city of Chios. It was agreed amongst them, that in order to gauge
their numbers, every member of the conspiracy should carry a reed.
Eteonicus got wind of the design, but was at a loss how to deal with it,
considering the number of these reed-bearers. To make an open attack upon
them seemed dangerous. It would probably lead to a rush to arms, in which
the conspirators would seize the city and commence hostilities, and, in
the event of their success, everything hitherto achieved would be lost. Or
again, the destruction on his part of many fellow-creatures and allies was
a terrible alternative, which would place the Spartans in an unenviable
light with regard to the rest of Hellas, and render the soldiers
ill-disposed to the cause in hand. Accordingly he took with him fifteen
men, armed with daggers, and marched through the city. Falling in with one
of the reed-bearers, a man suffering from ophthalmia, who was returning
from the surgeon's house, he put him to death. This led to some uproar,
and people asked why the man was thus slain. By Eteonicus's orders the
answer was set afloat, "because he carried a reed." As the explanation
circulated, one reed-bearer after another threw away the symbol, each one
saying to himself, as he heard the reason given, "I have better not be
seen with this." After a while Eteonicus called a meeting of the Chians,
and imposed upon them a contribution of money, on the ground that with pay
in their pockets the sailors would have no temptation to revolutionary
projects. The Chians acquiesced. Whereupon Eteonicus promptly ordered his
crews to get on board their vessels. He then rowed alongside each ship in
turn, and addressed the men at some length in terms of encouragement and
cheery admonition, just as though he knew nothing of what had taken place,
and so distributed a month's pay to every man on board.
</p>
<p>
After this the Chians and the other allies held a meeting in Ephesus, and,
considering the present posture of affairs, determined to send ambassadors
to Lacedaemon with a statement of the facts, and a request that Lysander
might be sent out to take command of the fleet. Lysander's high reputation
among the allies dated back to his former period of office, when as
admiral he had won the naval victory of Notium. The ambassadors
accordingly were despatched, accompanied by envoys also from Cyrus,
charged with the same message. The Lacedaemonians responded by sending
them Lysander as second in command, (1) with Aracus as admiral, since it
was contrary to their custom that the same man should be admiral twice. At
the same time the fleet was entrusted to Lysander. (2)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Epistoleus. See above.
(2) "At this date the war had lasted five-and-twenty years." So the
MSS. read. The words are probably an interpolation.
</pre>
<p>
It was in this year (3) that Cyrus put Autoboesaces and Mitraeus to death.
These were sons of the sister of Dariaeus (4) (the daughter of Xerxes, the
father of Darius). (5) He put them to death for neglecting, when they met
him, to thrust their hands into the sleeve (or "kore") which is a tribute
of respect paid to the king alone. This "kore" is longer than the ordinary
sleeve, so long in fact that a man with his hand inside is rendered
helpless. In consequence of this act on the part of Cyrus, Hieramenes (6)
and his wife urged upon Dariaeus the danger of overlooking such excessive
insolence on the part of the young prince, and Dariaeus, on the plea of
sickness, sent a special embassy to summon Cyrus to his bedside.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) B.C. 406.
(4) Dariaeus, i.e. Darius, but the spelling of the name is correct,
and occurs in Ctesias, though in the "Anabasis" we have the
spelling Darius.
(5) These words look like the note of a foolish and ignorant scribe.
He ought to have written, "The daughter of Artaxerxes and own
sister of Darius, commonly so called."
(6) For Hieramenes cf. Thuc. viii. 95, and Prof. Jowett ad loc.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 405. In the following year (7) Lysander arrived at Ephesus, and sent
for Eteonicus with his ships from Chios, and collected all other vessels
elsewhere to be found. His time was now devoted to refitting the old ships
and having new ones built in Antandrus. He also made a journey to the
court of Cyrus with a request for money. All Cyrus could say was, that not
only the money sent by the king was spent, but much more besides; and he
pointed out the various sums which each of the admirals had received, but
at the same time he gave him what he asked for. Furnished with this money,
Lysander appointed captains to the different men-of-war, and remitted to
the sailors their arrears of pay. Meanwhile the Athenian generals, on
their side, were devoting their energies to the improvements of their navy
at Samos.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) The MSS. add "during the ephorate of Archytas and the archonship
at Athens of Alexias," which, though correct enough, is probably
an interpolation.
</pre>
<p>
It was now Cyrus's turn to send for Lysander. It was the moment at which
the envoy from his father had arrived with the message: "Your father is on
his sick-bed and desires your presence." The king lay at Thamneria, in
Media, near the territory of the Cadusians, against whom he had marched to
put down a revolt. When Lysander presented himself, Cyrus was urgent with
him not to engage the Athenians at sea unless he had many more ships than
they. "The king," he added, "and I have plenty of wealth, so that, as far
as money goes, you can man plenty of vessels." He then consigned to him
all the tributes from the several cities which belonged to him personally,
and gave him the ready money which he had as a gift; and finally,
reminding him of the sincere friendship he entertained towards the state
of Lacedaemon, as well as to himself personally, he set out up country to
visit his father. Lysander, finding himself thus left with the complete
control of the property of Cyrus (during the absence of that prince, so
summoned to the bedside of his father), was able to distribute pay to his
troops, after which he set sail for the Ceramic Gulf of Caria. Here he
stormed a city in alliance with the Athenians named Cedreae, and on the
following day's assault took it, and reduced the inhabitants to slavery.
These were of a mixed Hellene and barbaric stock. From Cedreae he
continued his voyage to Rhodes. The Athenians meanwhile, using Samos as
their base of operations, were employed in devastating the king's
territory, or in swooping down upon Chios and Ephesus, and in general were
preparing for a naval battle, having but lately chosen three new generals
in addition to those already in office, whose names were Menander, Tydeus,
and Cephisodotus. Now Lysander, leaving Rhodes, and coasting along Ionia,
made his way to the Hellespont, having an eye to the passage of vessels
through the Straits, and, in a more hostile sense, on the cities which had
revolted from Sparta. The Athenians also set sail from Chios, but stood
out to open sea, since the seaboard of Asia was hostile to them.
</p>
<p>
Lysander was again on the move; leaving Abydos, he passed up channel to
Lampsacus, which town was allied with Athens; the men of Abydos and the
rest of the troops advancing by land, under the command of the
Lacedaemonian Thorax. They then attacked and took by storm the town, which
was wealthy, and with its stores of wine and wheat and other commodities
was pillaged by the soldiery. All free-born persons, however, were without
exception released by Lysander. And now the Athenian fleet, following
close on his heels, came to moorings at Elaeus, in the Chersonesus, one
hundred and eighty sail in all. It was not until they had reached this
place, and were getting their early meal, that the news of what had
happened at Lampsacus reached them. Then they instantly set sail again to
Sestos, and, having halted long enough merely to take in stores, sailed on
further to Aegospotami, a point facing Lampsacus, where the Hellespont is
not quite two miles (8) broad. Here they took their evening meal.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Lit. fifteen stades.
</pre>
<p>
The night following, or rather early next morning, with the first streak
of dawn, Lysander gave the signal for the men to take their breakfasts and
get on board their vessels; and so, having got all ready for a naval
engagement, with his ports closed and movable bulwarks attached, he issued
the order that no one was to stir from his post or put out to sea. As the
sun rose the Athenians drew up their vessels facing the harbour, in line
of battle ready for action; but Lysander declining to come out to meet
them, as the day advanced they retired again to Aegospotami. Then Lysander
ordered the swiftest of his ships to follow the Athenians, and as soon as
the crews had disembarked, to watch what they did, sail back, and report
to him. Until these look-outs returned he would permit no disembarkation
from his ships. This performance he repeated for four successive days, and
each day the Athenians put out to sea and challenged an engagement.
</p>
<p>
But now Alcibiades, from one of his fortresses, could espy the position of
his fellow-countrymen, moored on an open beach beyond reach of any city,
and forced to send for supplies to Sestos, which was nearly two miles
distant, while their enemies were safely lodged in a harbour, with a city
adjoining, and everything within reach. The situation did not please him,
and he advised them to shift their anchorage to Sestos, where they would
have the advantage of a harbour and a city. "Once there," he concluded,
"you can engage the enemy whenever it suits you." But the generals, and
more particularly Tydeus and Menander, bade him go about his business. "We
are generals now—not you," they said; and so he went away. And now
for five days in succession the Athenians had sailed out to offer battle,
and for the fifth time retired, followed by the same swift sailors of the
enemy. But this time Lysander's orders to the vessels so sent in pursuit
were, that as soon as they saw the enemy's crew fairly disembarked and
dispersed along the shores of the Chersonesus (a practice, it should be
mentioned, which had grown upon them from day to day owing to the distance
at which eatables had to be purchased, and out of sheer contempt, no
doubt, of Lysander, who refused to accept battle), they were to begin
their return voyage, and when in mid-channel to hoist a shield. The orders
were punctually carried out, and Lysander at once signalled to his whole
squadron to put across with all speed, while Thorax, with the land forces,
was to march parallel with the fleet along the coast. Aware of the enemy's
fleet, which he could see bearing down upon him, Conon had only time to
signal to the crews to join their ships and rally to the rescue with all
their might. But the men were scattered far and wide, and some of the
vessels had only two out of their three banks of rowers, some only a
single one, while others again were completely empty. Conon's own ship,
with seven others in attendance on him and the "Paralus," (9) put out to
sea, a little cluster of nine vessels, with their full complement of men;
but every one of the remaining one hundred and seventy-one vessels were
captured by Lysander on the beach. As to the men themselves, the large
majority of them were easily made prisoners on shore, a few only escaping
to the small fortresses of the neighbourhood. Meanwhile Conon and his nine
vessels made good their escape. For himself, knowing that the fortune of
Athens was ruined, he put into Abarnis, the promontory of Lampsacus, and
there picked up the great sails of Lysander's ships, and then with eight
ships set sail himself to seek refuge with Evagoras in Cyprus, while the
"Paralus" started for Athens with tidings of what had taken place.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) The "Paralus"—the Athenian sacred vessel; cf. Thuc. iii. 33 et
passim.
</pre>
<p>
Lysander, on his side, conveyed the ships and prisoners and all other
spoil back to Lampsacus, having on board some of the Athenian generals,
notably Philocles and Adeimantus. On the very day of these achievements he
despatched Theopompus, a Milesian privateersman, to Lacedaemon to report
what had taken place. This envoy arrived within three days and delivered
his message. Lysander's next step was to convene the allies and bid them
deliberate as to the treatment of the prisoners. Many were the accusations
here levied against the Athenians. There was talk of crimes committed
against the law of Hellas, and of cruelties sanctioned by popular decrees;
which, had they conquered in the late sea-fight, would have been carried
out; such as the proposal to cut off the right hand of every prisoner
taken alive, and lastly the ill-treatment of two captured men-of-war, a
Corinthian and an Andrian vessel, when every man on board had been hurled
headlong down the cliff. Philocles was the very general of the Athenians
who had so ruthlessly destroyed those men. Many other tales were told; and
at length a resolution was passed to put all the Athenian prisoners, with
the exception of Adeimantus, to death. He alone, it was pleaded, had taken
exception to the proposal to cut off the prisoners' hands. On the other
hand, he was himself accused by some people of having betrayed the fleet.
As to Philocles, Lysander put to him one question, as the officer who had
thrown (10) the Corinthians and Andrians down the cliff: What fate did the
man deserve to suffer who had embarked on so cruel a course of illegality
against Hellenes? and so delivered him to the executioner.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Reading {os... katekremnise}.
</pre>
<p>
II
</p>
<p>
When he had set the affairs of Lampsacus in order, Lysander sailed to
Byzantium and Chalcedon, where the inhabitants, having first dismissed the
Athenian garrison under a flag of truce, admitted him within their walls.
Those citizens of Byzantium, who had betrayed Byzantium into the hands of
Alcibiades, fled as exiles into Pontus, but subsequently betaking
themselves to Athens, became Athenian citizens. In dealing with the
Athenian garrisons, and indeed with all Athenians wheresoever found,
Lysander made it a rule to give them safe conduct to Athens, and to Athens
only, in the certainty that the larger the number collected within the
city and Piraeus, the more quickly the want of necessaries of life would
make itself felt. And now, leaving Sthenelaus, a Laconian, as
governor-general of Byzantium and Chalcedon, he sailed back himself to
Lampsacus and devoted himself to refitting his ships.
</p>
<p>
It was night when the "Paralus" reached Athens with her evil tidings, on
receipt of which a bitter wail of woe broke forth. From Piraeus, following
the line of the long walls up to the heart of the city, it swept and
swelled, as each man to his neighbour passed on the news. On that night no
man slept. There was mourning and sorrow for those that were lost, but the
lamentation for the dead was merged in even deeper sorrow for themselves,
as they pictured the evils they were about to suffer, the like of which
they themselves had inflicted upon the men of Melos, who were colonists of
the Lacedaemonians, when they mastered them by siege. Or on the men of
Histiaea; on Scione and Torone; on the Aeginetans, and many another
Hellene city. (1) On the following day the public assembly met, and, after
debate, it was resolved to block up all the harbours save one, to put the
walls in a state of defence, to post guards at various points, and to make
all other necessary preparations for a siege. Such were the concerns of
the men of Athens.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) With regard to these painful recollections, see (1) for the siege
and surrender of Melos (in B.C. 416), Thuc. v. 114, 116; and cf.
Aristoph. "Birds," 186; Plut. ("Lysander," 14); (2) for the
ejection of the Histiaeans, an incident of the recovery of Euboea
in 445 B.C., see Thuc. i. 14; Plut. ("Pericles," 23); (3) for the
matter of Scione, which revolted in 423 B.C., and was for a long
time a source of disagreement between the Athenians and
Lacedaemonians, until finally captured by the former in 421 B.C.,
when the citizens were slain and the city given to the Plataeans,
see Thuc. iv. 120-122, 129-133; v. 18, 32; (4) for Torone see
Thuc. ib., and also v. 3; (5) for the expulsion of the Aeginetans
in 431 B.C. see Thuc. ii. 27.
</pre>
<p>
Lysander presently left the Hellespont with two hundred sail and arrived
at Lesbos, where he established a new order of things in Mitylene and the
other cities of the island. Meanwhile he despatched Eteonicus with a
squadron of ten ships to the northern coasts, (2) where that officer
brought about a revolution of affairs which placed the whole region in the
hands of Lacedaemon. Indeed, in a moment of time, after the sea-fight, the
whole of Hellas had revolted from Athens, with the solitary exception of
the men of Samos. These, having massacred the notables, (3) held the state
under their control. After a while Lysander sent messages to Agis at
Deceleia, and to Lacedaemon, announcing his approach with a squadron of
two hundred sail.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Lit. "the Thraceward districts." See above, p. 16.
(3) Or, "since they had slain their notables, held the state under
popular control." See Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 303
note 3 (2d ed.), who thinks that the incident referred to is the
violent democratic revolution in Samos described in Thuc. viii.
21, B.C. 412.
</pre>
<p>
In obedience to a general order of Pausanias, the other king of
Lacedaemon, a levy in force of the Lacedaemonians and all the rest of
Peloponnesus, except the Argives, was set in motion for a campaign. As
soon as the several contingents had arrived, the king put himself at their
head and marched against Athens, encamping in the gymnasium of the
Academy, (4) as it is called. Lysander had now reached Aegina, where,
having got together as many of the former inhabitants as possible, he
formally reinstated them in their city; and what he did in behalf of the
Aeginetans, he did also in behalf of the Melians, and of the rest who had
been deprived of their countries. He then pillaged the island of Salamis,
and finally came to moorings off Piraeus with one hundred and fifty ships
of the line, and established a strict blockade against all merchant ships
entering that harbour.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) For this most illustrious of Athenian gymnasia, which still
retains its name, see Leake, "Topography of Athens," i. 195 foll.
</pre>
<p>
The Athenians, finding themselves besieged by land and sea, were in sore
perplexity what to do. Without ships, without allies, without provisions,
the belief gained hold upon them that there was no way of escape. They
must now, in their turn, suffer what they had themselves inflincted upon
others; not in retaliation, indeed, for ills received, but out of sheer
insolence, overriding the citizens of petty states, and for no better
reason than that these were allies of the very men now at their gates. In
this frame of mind they enfranchised those who at any time had lost their
civil rights, and schooled themselves to endurance; and, albeit many
succumbed to starvation, no thought of truce or reconciliation with their
foes was breathed. (5) But when the stock of corn was absolutely
insufficient, they sent an embassage to Agis, proposing to become allies
of the Lacedaemonians on the sole condition of keeping their fortification
walls and Piraeus; and to draw up articles of treaty on these terms. Agis
bade them betake themselves to Lacedaemon, seeing that he had no authority
to act himself. With this answer the ambassadors returned to Athens, and
were forthwith sent on to Lacedaemon. On reaching Sellasia, (6) a town in
(7) Laconian territory, they waited till they got their answer from the
ephors, who, having learnt their terms (which were identical to those
already proposed to Agis), bade them instantly to be gone, and, if they
really desired peace, to come with other proposals, the fruit of happier
reflection. Thus the ambassadors returned home, and reported the result of
their embassage, whereupon despondency fell upon all. It was a painful
reflection that in the end they would be sold into slavery; and meanwhile,
pending the return of a second embassy, many must needs fall victims to
starvation. The razing of their fortifications was not a solution which
any one cared to recommend. A senator, Archestratus, had indeed put the
question in the senate, whether it were not best to make peace with the
Lacedaemonians on such terms as they were willing to propose; but he was
thrown into prison. The Laconian proposals referred to involved the
destruction of both long walls for a space of more than a mile. And a
decree had been passed, making it illegal to submit any such proposition
about the walls. Things having reached this pass, Theramenes made a
proposal in the public assembly as follows: If they chose to send him as
an ambassador to Lysander, he would go and find out why the Lacedaemonians
were so unyielding about the walls; whether it was they really intended to
enslave the city, or merely that they wanted a guarantee of good faith.
Despatched accordingly, he lingered on with Lysander for three whole
months and more, watching for the time when the Athenians, at the last
pinch of starvation, would be willing to accede to any terms that might be
offered. At last, in the fourth month, he returned and reported to the
public assembly that Lysander had detained him all this while, and had
ended by bidding him betake himself to Lacedaemon, since he had no
authority himself to answer his questions, which must be addressed
directly to the ephors. After this Theramenes was chosen with nine others
to go to Lacedaemon as ambassadors with full powers. Meanwhile Lysander
had sent an Athenian exile, named Aristoteles, in company of certain
Lacedaemonians, to Sparta to report to the board of ephors how he had
answered Theramenes, that they, and they alone, had supreme authority in
matters of peace and war.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) Or, "they refused to treat for peace."
(6) Sellasia, the bulwark of Sparta in the valley of the Oenus.
(7) The MSS. have "in the neighbourhood of," which words are
inappropriate at this date, though they may well have been added
by some annotator after the Cleomenic war and the battle of
Sellasia, B.C. 222, when Antigonus of Macedon destroyed the place
in the interests of the Achaean League.
</pre>
<p>
Theramenes and his companions presently reached Sellasia, and being there
questioned as to the reason of their visit, replied that they had full
powers to treat of peace. After which the ephors ordered them to be
summoned to their presence. On their arrival a general assembly was
convened, in which the Corinthians and Thebans more particularly, though
their views were shared by many other Hellenes also, urged the meeting not
to come to terms with the Athenians, but to destroy them. The
Lacedaemonians replied that they would never reduce to slavery a city
which was itself an integral portion of Hellas, and had performed a great
and noble service to Hellas in the most perilous of emergencies. On the
contrary, they were willing to offer peace on the terms now specified—namely,
"That the long walls and the fortifications of Piraeus should be
destroyed; that the Athenian fleet, with the exception of twelve vessels,
should be surrendered; that the exiles should be restored; and lastly,
that the Athenians should acknowledge the headship of Sparta in peace and
war, leaving to her the choice of friends and foes, and following her lead
by land and sea." Such were the terms which Theramenes and the rest who
acted with him were able to report on their return to Athens. As they
entered the city, a vast crowd met them, trembling lest their mission have
proved fruitless. For indeed delay was no longer possible, so long already
was the list of victims daily perishing from starvation. On the day
following, the ambassadors delivered their report, stating the terms upon
which the Lacedaemonians were willing to make peace. Theramenes acted as
spokesman, insisting that they ought to obey the Lacedaemonians and pull
down the walls. A small minority raised their voice in opposition, but the
majority were strongly in favour of the proposition, and the resolution
was passed to accept the peace. After that, Lysander sailed into the
Piraeus, and the exiles were readmitted. And so they fell to levelling the
fortifications and walls with much enthusiasm, to the accompaniment of
female flute-players, deeming that day the beginning of liberty to Greece.
</p>
<p>
Thus the year drew to its close (8)—during its middle months took
place the accession of Dionysius, the son of Hermocrates the Syracusan, to
the tyranny of Syracuse; an incident itself preceded by a victory gained
over the Carthaginians by the Syracusans; the reduction of Agrigentum
through famine by the Carthaginians themselves; and the exodus of the
Sicilian Greeks from that city.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) For the puzzling chronology of this paragraph see Grote, "Hist. of
Greece," vol. x. p 619 (2d ed.) If genuine, the words may perhaps
have slipt out of their natural place in chapter i. above, in
front of the words "in the following year Lysander arrived," etc.
L. Dindorf brackets them as spurious. Xen., "Hist. Gr." ed.
tertia, Lipsiae, MDCCCLXXII. For the incidents referred to see
above; Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. x. pp. 582, 598 (2d ed.)
</pre>
<p>
III
</p>
<p>
B.C. 404. In the following year (1) the people passed a resolution to
choose thirty men who were to draft a constitution based on the ancestral
laws of the State. The following were chosen to act on this committee:—Polychares,
Critias, Melobius, Hippolochus, Eucleides, Hiero, Mnesilochus, Chremo,
Theramenes, Aresias, Diocles, Phaedrias, Chaereleos, Anaetius, Piso,
Sophocles, Erastosthenes, Charicles, Onomacles, Theognis, Aeschines,
Theogones, Cleomedes, Erasistratus, Pheido, Dracontides, Eumathes,
Aristoteles, Hippomachus, Mnesitheides. After these transactions, Lysander
set sail for Samos; and Agis withdrew the land force from Deceleia and
disbanded the troops, dismissing the contingents to their several cities.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) The MSS. here add "it was that year of the Olympiad cycle in which
Crocinas, a Thessalian, won the Stadium; when Endius was ephor at
Sparta, and Pythodorus archon at Athens, though the Athenians
indeed do not call the year by that archon's name, since he was
elected during the oligarchy, but prefer to speak of the year of
'anarchy'; the aforesaid oligarchy originated thus,"—which,
though correct, probably was not written by Xenophon. The year of
anarchy might perhaps be better rendered "the year without
archons."
</pre>
<p>
In was at this date, about the time of the solar eclipse, (2) that
Lycophron of Pherae, who was ambitious of ruling over the whole of
Thessaly, defeated those sections of the Thessalians who opposed him, such
as the men of Larissa and others, and slew many of them. It was also about
this date that Dionysius, now tyrant of Syracuse, was defeated by the
Carthaginians and lost Gela and Camarina. And again, a little later, the
men of Leontini, who previously had been amalgamated with the Syracusans,
separated themselves from Syracuse and Dionysius, and asserted their
independence, and returned to their native city. Another incident of this
period was the sudden despatch and introduction of Syracusan horse into
Catana by Dionysius.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) This took place on 2d September B.C. 404.
</pre>
<p>
Now the Samians, though besieged by Lysander on all sides, were at first
unwilling to come to terms. But at the last moment, when Lysander was on
the point of assaulting the town, they accepted the terms, which allowed
every free man to leave the island, but not to carry away any part of his
property, except the clothes on his back. On these conditions they marched
out. The city and all it contained was then delivered over to its ancient
citizens by Lysander, who finally appointed ten governors to garrison the
island. (3) After which, he disbanded the allied fleet, dismissing them to
their respective cities, while he himself, with the Lacedaemonian
squadron, set sail for Laconia, bringing with him the prows of the
conquered vessels and the whole navy of Piraeus, with the exception of
twelve ships. He also brought the crowns which he had received from the
cities as private gifts, and a sum of four hundred and seventy talents (4)
in silver (the surplus of the tribute money which Cyrus had assigned to
him for the prosecution of the war), besides other property, the fruit of
his military exploits. All these things Lysander delivered to the
Lacedaemonians in the latter end of summer. (5)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) A council of ten, or "decarchy." See Grote, "H. G." viii. 323 (1st
ed.)
(4) About 112,800 pounds.
(5) The MSS. add "a summer, the close of which coincided with the
termination of a war which had lasted twenty-eight and a half
years, as the list of annual ephors, appended in order, serves to
show. Aenesias is the first name. The war began during his
ephorate, in the fifteenth year of the thirty years' truce after
the capture of Euboea. His successors were Brasidas, Isanor,
Sostratidas, Exarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas, Onomacles,
Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Cleinomachus, Harchus, Leon,
Chaerilas, Patesiadas, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Eperatus,
Onomantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Isias, Aracus, Euarchippus,
Pantacles, Pityas, Archytas, and lastly, Endius, during whose year
of office Lysander sailed home in triumph, after performing the
exploits above recorded,"—the interpolation, probably, of some
editor or copyist, the words "twenty-eight and a half" being
probably a mistake on his part for "twenty-seven and a half." Cf.
Thuc. v. 26; also Buchsenschutz, Einleitung, p. 8 of his school
edition of the "Hellenica."
</pre>
<p>
The Thirty had been chosen almost immediately after the long walls and the
fortifications round Piraeus had been razed. They were chosen for the
express purpose of compiling a code of laws for the future constitution of
the State. The laws were always on the point of being published, yet they
were never forthcoming; and the thirty compilers contented themselves
meanwhile with appointing a senate and the other magistracies as suited
their fancy best. That done, they turned their attention, in the first
instance, to such persons as were well known to have made their living as
informers (6) under the democracy, and to be thorns in the side of all
respectable people. These they laid hold on and prosecuted on the capital
charge. The new senate gladly recorded its vote of condemnation against
them; and the rest of the world, conscious of bearing no resemblance to
them, seemed scarcely vexed. But the Thirty did not stop there. Presently
they began to deliberate by what means they could get the city under their
absolute control, in order that they might work their will upon it. Here
again they proceeded tentatively; in the first instance, they sent (two of
their number), Aeschines and Aristoteles, to Lacedaemon, and persuaded
Lysander to support them in getting a Lacedaemonian garrison despatched to
Athens. They only needed it until they had got the "malignants" out of the
way, and had established the constitution; and they would undertake to
maintain these troops at their own cost. Lysander was not deaf to their
persuasions, and by his co-operation their request was granted. A
bodyguard, with Callibius as governor, was sent.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) Lit. "by sycophancy," i.e. calumnious accusation—the sycophant's
trade. For a description of this pest of Athenian life cf. "Dem."
in Arist. 1, S. 52; quoted in Jebb, "Attic Orators," chap. xxix.
14; cf. Aristoph. "Ach." 904; Xen. "Mem." II. ix. 1.
</pre>
<p>
And now that they had got the garrison, they fell to flattering Callibius
with all servile flattery, in order that he might give countenance to
their doings. Thus they prevailed on him to allow some of the guards, whom
they selected, to accompany them, while they proceeded to lay hands on
whom they would; no longer confining themselves to base folk and people of
no account, but boldly laying hands on those who they felt sure would
least easily brook being thrust aside, or, if a spirit of opposition
seized them, could command the largest number of partisans.
</p>
<p>
These were early days; as yet Critias was of one mind with Theramenes, and
the two were friends. But the time came when, in proportion as Critias was
ready to rush headlong into wholesale carnage, like one who thirsted for
the blood of the democracy, which had banished him, Theramenes balked and
thwarted him. It was barely reasonable, he argued, to put people to death,
who had never done a thing wrong to respectable people in their lives,
simply because they had enjoyed influence and honour under the democracy.
"Why, you and I, Critias," he would add, "have said and done many things
ere now for the sake of popularity." To which the other (for the terms of
friendly intimacy still subsisted) would retort, "There is no choice left
to us, since we intend to take the lion's share, but to get rid of those
who are best able to hinder us. If you imagine, because we are thirty
instead of one, our government requires one whit the less careful guarding
than an actual tyranny, you must be very innocent."
</p>
<p>
So things went on. Day after day the list of persons put to death for no
just reason grew longer. Day after day the signs of resentment were more
significant in the groups of citizens banding together and forecasting the
character of this future constitution; till at length Theramenes spoke
again, protesting:—There was no help for it but to associate with
themselves a sufficient number of persons in the conduct of affairs, or
the oligarchy would certainly come to an end. Critias and the rest of the
Thirty, whose fears had already converted Theramenes into a dangerous
popular idol, proceeded at once to draw up a list of three thousand
citizens; fit and proper persons to have a share in the conduct of
affairs. But Theramenes was not wholly satisfied, "indeed he must say, for
himself, he regarded it as ridiculous, that in their effort to associate
the better classes with themselves in power, they should fix on just that
particular number, three thousand, as if that figure had some necessary
connection with the exact number of gentlemen in the State, making it
impossible to discover any respectability outside or rascality within the
magic number. And in the second place," he continued, "I see we are trying
to do two things, diametrically opposed; we are manufacturing a
government, which is based on force, and at the same time inferior in
strength to those whom we propose to govern." That was what he said, but
what his colleagues did, was to institute a military inspection or review.
The Three Thousand were drawn up in the Agora, and the rest of the
citizens, who were not included in the list, elsewhere in various quarters
of the city. The order to take arms was given; (7) but while the men's
backs were turned, at the bidding of the Thirty, the Laconian guards, with
those of the citizens who shared their views, appeared on the scene and
took away the arms of all except the Three Thousand, carried them up to
the Acropolis, and safely deposited them in the temple.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) Or, "a summons to the 'place d'armes' was given; but." Or, "the
order to seize the arms was given, and." It is clear from
Aristoph. "Acharn." 1050, that the citizens kept their weapons at
home. On the other hand, it was a custom not to come to any
meeting in arms. See Thuc. vi. 58. It seems probable that while
the men were being reviewed in the market-place and elsewhere, the
ruling party gave orders to seize their weapons (which they had
left at home), and this was done except in the case of the Three
Thousand. Cf. Arnold, "Thuc." II. 2. 5; and IV. 91.
</pre>
<p>
The ground being thus cleared, as it were, and feeling that they had it in
their power to do what they pleased, they embarked on a course of
wholesale butchery, to which many were sacrificed to the merest hatred,
many to the accident of possessing riches. Presently the question rose,
How they were to get money to pay their guards? and to meet this
difficulty a resolution was passed empowering each of the committee to
seize on one of the resident aliens apiece, to put his victim to death,
and to confiscate his property. Theramenes was invited, or rather told to
seize some one or other. "Choose whom you will, only let it be done." To
which he made answer, it hardly seemed to him a noble or worthy course on
the part of those who claimed to be the elite of society to go beyond the
informers (8) in injustice. "Yesterday they, to-day we; with this
difference, the victim of the informer must live as a source of income;
our innocents must die that we may get their wealth. Surely their method
was innocent in comparison with ours."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) See above.
</pre>
<p>
The rest of the Thirty, who had come to regard Theramenes as an obstacle
to any course they might wish to adopt, proceeded to plot against him.
They addressed themselves to the members of the senate in private, here a
man and there a man, and denounced him as the marplot of the constitution.
Then they issued an order to the young men, picking out the most audacious
characters they could find, to be present, each with a dagger hidden in
the hollow of the armpit; and so called a meeting of the senate. When
Theramenes had taken his place, Critias got up and addressed the meeting:
</p>
<p>
"If," said he, "any member of this council, here seated, imagines that an
undue amount of blood has been shed, let me remind him that with changes
of constitution such things can not be avoided. It is the rule everywhere,
but more particularly at Athens it was inevitable there should be found a
specially large number of persons sworn foes to any constitutional change
in the direction of oligarchy, and this for two reasons. First, because
the population of this city, compared with other Hellenic cities, is
enormously large; and again, owing to the length of time during which the
people has battened upon liberty. Now, as to two points we are clear. The
first is that democracy is a form of government detestable to persons like
ourselves—to us and to you; the next is that the people of Athens
could never be got to be friendly to our friends and saviours, the
Lacedaemonians. But on the loyalty of the better classes the
Lacedaemonians can count. And that is our reason for establishing an
oligarchical constitution with their concurrence. That is why we do our
best to rid us of every one whom we perceive to be opposed to the
oligarchy; and, in our opinion, if one of ourselves should elect to
undermine this constitution of ours, he would deserve punishment. Do you
not agree? And the case," he continued, "is no imaginary one. The offender
is here present—Theramenes. And what we say of him is, that he is
bent upon destroying yourselves and us by every means in his power. These
are not baseless charges; but if you will consider it, you will find them
amply established in this unmeasured censure of the present posture of
affairs, and his persistent opposition to us, his colleagues, if ever we
seek to get rid of any of these demagogues. Had this been his guiding
principle of action from the beginning, in spite of hostility, at least he
would have escaped all imputation of villainy. Why, this is the very man
who originated our friendly and confidential relations with Lacedaemon.
This is the very man who authorised the abolition of the democracy, who
urged us on to inflict punishment on the earliest batch of prisoners
brought before us. But to-day all is changed; now you and we are out of
odour with the people, and he accordingly has ceased to be pleased with
our proceedings. The explanation is obvious. In case of a catastrophe, how
much pleasanter for him once again to light upon his legs, and leave us to
render account for our past performances.
</p>
<p>
"I contend that this man is fairly entitled to render his account also,
not only as an ordinary enemy, but as a traitor to yourselves and us. And
let us add, not only is treason more formidable than open war, in
proportion as it is harder to guard against a hidden assassin than an open
foe, but it bears the impress of a more enduring hostility, inasmuch as
men fight their enemies and come to terms with them again and are fast
friends; but whoever heard of reconciliation with a traitor? There he
stands unmasked; he has forfeited our confidence for evermore. But to show
you that these are no new tactics of his, to prove to you that he is a
traitor in grain, I will recall to your memories some points in his past
history.
</p>
<p>
"He began by being held in high honour by the democracy; but taking a leaf
out of his father's, Hagnon's, book, he next showed a most headlong
anxiety to transform the democracy into the Four Hundred, and, in fact,
for a time held the first place in that body. But presently, detecting the
formation of rival power to the oligarchs, round he shifted; and we find
him next a ringleader of the popular party in assailing them. It must be
admitted, he has well earned his nickname 'Buskin.' (9) Yes, Theramenes!
clever you may be, but the man who deserves to live should not show his
cleverness in leading on his associates into trouble, and when some
obstacle presents itself, at once veer round; but like a pilot on
shipboard, he ought then to redouble his efforts, until the wind is fair.
Else, how in the name of wonderment are those mariners to reach the haven
where they would be, if at the first contrary wind or tide they turn about
and sail in the opposite direction? Death and destruction are concomitants
of constitutional changes and revolution, no doubt; but you are such an
impersonation of change, that, as you twist and turn and double, you deal
destruction on all sides. At one swoop you are the ruin of a thousand
oligarchs at the hands of the people, and at another of a thousand
democrats at the hands of the better classes. Why, sirs, this is the man
to whom the orders were given by the generals, in the sea-fight off
Lesbos, to pick up the crews of the disabled vessels; and who, neglecting
to obey orders, turned round and accused the generals; and to save himself
murdered them! What, I ask you, of a man who so openly studied the art of
self-seeking, deaf alike to the pleas of honour and to the claims of
friendship? Would not leniency towards such a creature be misplaced? Can
it be our duty at all to spare him? Ought we not rather, when we know the
doublings of his nature, to guard against them, lest we enable him
presently to practise on ourselves? The case is clear. We therefore hereby
cite this man before you, as a conspirator and traitor against yourselves
and us. The reasonableness of our conduct, one further reflection may make
clear. No one, I take it, will dispute the splendour, the perfection of
the Laconian constitution. Imagine one of the ephors there in Sparta, in
lieu of devoted obedience to the majority, taking on himself to find fault
with the government and to oppose all measures. Do you not think that the
ephors themselves, and the whole commonwealth besides, would hold this
renegade worthy of condign punishment? So, too, by the same token, if you
are wise, do you spare yourselves, not him. For what does the alternative
mean? I will tell you. His preservation will cause the courage of many who
hold opposite views to your own to rise; his destruction will cut off the
last hopes of all your enemies, whether within or without the city."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) An annotator seems to have added here the words, occurring in the
MSS., "the buskin which seems to fit both legs equally, but is
constant to neither," unless, indeed, they are an original
"marginal note" of the author. For the character of Theramenes, as
popularly conceived, cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 538, 968 foll., and
Thuc. viii. 92; and Prof. Jowett, "Thuc." vol. ii. pp. 523, 524.
</pre>
<p>
With these words he sat down, but Theramenes rose and said: "Sirs, with
your permission I will first touch upon the charge against me which
Critias has mentioned last. The assertion is that as the accuser of the
generals I was their murderer. Now I presume it was not I who began the
attack upon them, but it was they who asserted that in spite of the orders
given me I had neglected to pick up the unfortunates in the sea-fight off
Lesbos. All I did was to defend myself. My defence was that the storm was
too violent to permit any vessel to ride at sea, much more therefore to
pick up the men, and this defence was accepted by my fellow-citizens as
highly reasonable, while the generals seemed to be condemned out of their
own mouths. For while they kept on asserting that it was possible to save
the men, the fact still remained that they abandoned them to their fate,
set sail, and were gone.
</p>
<p>
"However, I am not surprised, I confess, at this grave misconception (10)
on the part of Critias, for at the date of these occurrences he was not in
Athens. He was away in Thessaly, laying the foundations of a democracy
with Prometheus, and arming the Penestae (11) against their masters.
Heaven forbid that any of his transactions there should be re-enacted
here. However, I must say, I do heartily concur with him on one point.
Whoever desires to exclude you from the government, or to strength the
hands of your secret foes, deserves and ought to meet with condign
punishment; but who is most capable of so doing? That you will best
discover, I think, by looking a little more closely into the past and the
present conduct of each of us. Well, then! up to the moment at which you
were formed into a senatorial body, when the magistracies were appointed,
and certain notorious 'informers' were brought to trial, we all held the
same views. But later on, when our friends yonder began to hale
respectable honest folk to prison and to death, I, on my side, began to
differ from them. From the moment when Leon of Salamis, (12) a man of high
and well-deserved reputation, was put to death, though he had not
committed the shadow of a crime, I knew that all his equals must tremble
for themselves, and, so trembling, be driven into opposition to the new
constitution. In the same way, when Niceratus, (13) the son of Nicias, was
arrested; a wealthy man, who, no more than his father, had never done
anything that could be called popular or democratic in his life; it did
not require much insight to discover that his compeers would be converted
into our foes. But to go a step further: when it came to Antiphon (14)
falling at our hands—Antiphon, who during the war contributed two
fast-sailing men-of-war out of his own resources, it was then plain to me,
that all who had ever been zealous and patriotic must eye us with
suspicion. Once more I could not help speaking out in opposition to my
colleagues when they suggested that each of us ought to seize some one
resident alien. (15) For what could be more certain than that their
death-warrant would turn the whole resident foreign population into
enemies of the constitution. I spoke out again when they insisted on
depriving the populace of their arms; it being no part of my creed that we
ought to take the strength out of the city; nor, indeed, so far as I could
see, had the Lacedaemonians stept between us and destruction merely that
we might become a handful of people, powerless to aid them in the day of
need. Had that been their object, they might have swept us away to the
last man. A few more weeks, or even days, would have sufficed to
extinguish us quietly by famine. Nor, again, can I say that the
importation of mercenary foreign guards was altogether to my taste, when
it would have been so easy for us to add to our own body a sufficient
number of fellow-citizens to ensure our supremacy as governors over those
we essayed to govern. But when I saw what an army of malcontents this
government had raised up within the city walls, besides another daily
increasing host of exiles without, I could not but regard the banishment
of people like Thrasybulus and Anytus and Alcibiades (16) as impolitic.
Had our object been to strengthen the rival power, we could hardly have
set about it better than by providing the populace with the competent
leaders whom they needed, and the would-be leaders themselves with an army
of willing adherents.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Reading with Cobet {paranenomikenai}.
(11) I.e. serfs—Penestae being the local name in Thessaly for the
villein class. Like the {Eilotes} in Laconia, they were originally
a conquered tribe, afterwards increased by prisoners of war, and
formed a link between the freemen and born slaves.
(12) Cf. "Mem." IV. iv. 3; Plat. "Apol." 8. 32.
(13) Cf. Lysias, "Or." 18. 6.
(14) Probably the son of Lysidonides. See Thirlwall, "Hist. of
Greece," vol. iv. p. 179 (ed. 1847); also Lysias, "Or." 12. contra
Eratosth. According to Lysias, Theramenes, when a member of the
first Oligarchy, betrayed his own closest friends, Antiphon and
Archeptolemus. See Prof. Jebb, "Attic Orators," I. x. p. 266.
(15) The resident aliens, or {metoikoi}, "metics," so technically
called.
(16) Isocr. "De Bigis," 355; and Prof. Jebb's "Attic Orators," ii.
230. In the defence of his father's career, which the younger
Alcibiades, the defendant in this case (B.C. 397 probably) has
occasion to make, he reminds the court, that under the Thirty,
others were banished from Athens, but his father was driven out of
the civilised world of Hellas itself, and finally murdered. See
Plutarch, "Alcibiades," ad fin.
</pre>
<p>
"I ask then is the man who tenders such advice in the full light of day
justly to be regarded as a traitor, and not as a benefactor? Surely
Critias, the peacemaker, the man who hinders the creation of many enemies,
whose counsels tend to the acquistion of yet more friends, (17) cannot be
accused of strengthening the hands of the enemy. Much more truly may the
imputation be retorted on those who wrongfully appropriate their
neighbours' goods and put to death those who have done no wrong. These are
they who cause our adversaries to grow and multiply, and who in very truth
are traitors, not to their friends only, but to themselves, spurred on by
sordid love of gain.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) Or, "the peacemaker, the healer of differences, the cementer of
new alliances, cannot," etc.
</pre>
<p>
"I might prove the truth of what I say in many ways, but I beg you to look
at the matter thus. With which condition of affairs here in Athens do you
think will Thrasybulus and Anytus and the other exiles be the better
pleased? That which I have pictured as desirable, or that which my
colleagues yonder are producing? For my part I cannot doubt but that, as
things now are, they are saying to themselves, 'Our allies muster thick
and fast.' But were the real strength, the pith and fibre of this city,
kindly disposed to us, they would find it an uphill task even to get a
foothold anywhere in the country.
</p>
<p>
"Then, with regard to what he said of me and my propensity to be for ever
changing sides, let me draw your attention to the following facts. Was it
not the people itself, the democracy, who voted the constitution of the
Four Hundred? This they did, because they had learned to think that the
Lacedaemonians would trust any other form of government rather than a
democracy. But when the efforts of Lacedaemon were not a whit relaxed,
when Aristoteles, Melanthius, and Aristarchus, (18) and the rest of them
acting as generals, were plainly minded to construct an intrenched
fortress on the mole for the purpose of admitting the enemy, and so
getting the city under the power of themselves and their associates; (19)
because I got wind of these schemes, and nipped them in the bud, is that
to be a traitor to one's friends?
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) Cf. Thuc. viii. 90-92, for the behaviour of the Lacedaemonian
party at Athens and the fortification of Eetioneia in B.C. 411.
(19) I.e. of the political clubs.
</pre>
<p>
"Then he threw in my teeth the nickname 'Buskin,' as descriptive of an
endeavour on my part to fit both parties. But what of the man who pleases
neither? What in heaven's name are we to call him? Yes! you—Critias?
Under the democracy you were looked upon as the most arrant hater of the
people, and under the aristocracy you have proved yourself the bitterest
foe of everything respectable. Yes! Critias, I am, and ever have been, a
foe of those who think that a democracy cannot reach perfection until
slaves and those who, from poverty, would sell the city for a drachma, can
get their drachma a day. (20) But not less am I, and ever have been, a
pronounced opponent of those who do not think there can possibly exist a
perfect oligarchy until the State is subjected to the despotism of a few.
On the contrary, my own ambition has been to combine with those who are
rich enough to possess a horse and shield, and to use them for the benefit
of the State. (21) That was my ideal in the old days, and I hold to it
without a shadow of turning still. If you can imagine when and where, in
conjunction with despots or demagogues, I have set to my hand to deprive
honest gentlefolk of their citizenship, pray speak. If you can convict me
of such crimes at present, or can prove my perpetration of them in the
past, I admit that I deserve to die, and by the worst of deaths."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) I.e. may enjoy the senatorial stipend of a drachma a day = 9 3/4
pence.
(21) See Thuc. viii. 97, for a momentary realisation of that "duly
attempered compound of Oligarchy and Democracy" which Thucydides
praises, and which Theramenes here refers to. It threw the power
into the hands of the wealthier upper classes to the exclusion of
the {nautikos okhlos}. See Prof. Jowett, vol. ii. note, ad loc.
cit.
</pre>
<p>
With these words he ceased, and the loud murmur of the applause which
followed marked the favourable impression produced upon the senate. It was
plain to Critias, that if he allowed his adversary's fate to be decided by
formal voting, Theramenes would escape, and life to himself would become
intolerable. Accordingly he stepped forward and spoke a word or two in the
ears of the Thirty. This done, he went out and gave an order to the
attendants with the daggers to stand close to the bar in full view of the
senators. Again he entered and addressed the senate thus: "I hold it to be
the duty of a good president, when he sees the friends about him being
made the dupes of some delusion, to intervene. That at any rate is what I
propose to do. Indeed our friends here standing by the bar say that if we
propose to acquit a man so openly bent upon the ruin of the oligarchy,
they do not mean to let us do so. Now there is a clause in the new code
forbidding any of the Three Thousand to be put to death without your vote;
but the Thirty have power of life and death over all outside that list.
Accordingly," he proceeded, "I herewith strike this man, Theramenes, off
the list; and this with the concurrence of my colleagues. And now," he
continued, "we condemn him to death."
</p>
<p>
Hearing these words Theramenes sprang upon the altar of Hestia,
exclaiming: "And I, sirs, supplicate you for the barest forms of law and
justice. Let it not be in the power of Critias to strike off either me, or
any one of you whom he will. But in my case, in what may be your case, if
we are tried, let our trial be in accordance with the law they have made
concerning those on the list. I know," he added, "but too well, that this
altar will not protect me; but I will make it plain that these men are as
impious towards the gods as they are nefarious towards men. Yet I do
marvel, good sirs and honest gentlemen, for so you are, that you will not
help yourselves, and that too when you must see that the name of every one
of you is as easily erased as mine."
</p>
<p>
But when he had got so far, the voice of the herald was heard giving the
order to the Eleven to seize Theramenes. They at that instant entered with
their satellites—at their head Satyrus, the boldest and most
shameless of the body—and Critias exclaimed, addressing the Eleven,
"We deliver over to you Theramenes yonder, who has been condemned
according to the law. Do you take him and lead him away to the proper
place, and do there with him what remains to do." As Critias uttered the
words, Satyrus laid hold upon Theramenes to drag him from the altar, and
the attendants lent their aid. But he, as was natural, called upon gods
and men to witness what was happening. The senators the while kept
silence, seeing the companions of Satyrus at the bar, and the whole front
of the senate house crowded with the foreign guards, nor did they need to
be told that there were daggers in reserve among those present.
</p>
<p>
And so Theramenes was dragged through the Agora, in vehement and loud
tones proclaiming the wrongs that he was suffering. One word, which is
said to have fallen from his lips, I cite. It is this: Satyrus, bade him
"Be silent, or he would rue the day;" to which he made answer, "And if I
be silent, shall I not rue it?" Also, when they brought him the hemlock,
and the time was come to drink the fatal draught, they tell how he
playfully jerked out the dregs from the bottom of the cup, like one who
plays "Cottabos," (22) with the words, "This to the lovely Critias." These
are but "apophthegms" (23) too trivial, it may be thought, to find a place
in history. Yet I must deem it an admirable trait in this man's character,
if at such a moment, when death confronted him, neither his wits forsook
him, nor could the childlike sportiveness vanish from his soul.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) "A Sicilian game much in vogue at the drinking parties of young
men at Athens. The simplest mode was when each threw the wine left
in his cup so as to strike smartly in a metal basin, at the same
time invoking his mistress's name; if all fell into the basin and
the sound was clear, it was a sign he stood well with her."—
Liddell and Scott, sub. v. For the origin of the game compare
curiously enough the first line of the first Elegy of Critias
himself, who was a poet and political philosopher, as well as a
politician:—
</pre>
<p>
"{Kottabos ek Sikeles esti khthonos, euprepes ergon on skopon es latagon
toxa kathistametha.}" Bergk. "Poetae Lyr. Graec." Pars II. xxx.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) Or, "these are sayings too slight, perhaps, to deserve record;
yet," etc. By an "apophthegm" was meant originally a terse
(sententious) remark, but the word has somewhat altered in
meaning.
</pre>
<p>
IV
</p>
<p>
So Theramenes met his death; and, now that this obstacle was removed, the
Thirty, feeling that they had it in their power to play the tyrant without
fear, issued an order forbidding all, whose names were not on the list, to
set foot within the city. Retirement in the country districts was no
protection, thither the prosecutor followed them, and thence dragged them,
that their farms and properties might fall to the possession of the Thirty
and their friends. Even Piraeus was not safe; of those who sought refuge
there, many were driven forth in similar fashion, until Megara and Thebes
overflowed with the crowd of refugees.
</p>
<p>
Presently Thrasybulus, with about seventy followers, sallied out from
Thebes, and made himself master of the fortress of Phyle. (1) The weather
was brilliant, and the Thirty marched out of the city to repel the
invader; with them were the Three Thousand and the Knights. When they
reached the place, some of the young men, in the foolhardiness of youth,
made a dash at the fortress, but without effect; all they got was wounds,
and so retired. The intention of the Thirty now was to blockade the place;
by shutting off all the avenues of supplies, they thought to force the
garrison to capitulate. But this project was interrupted by a steady
downfall of snow that night and the following day. Baffled by this
all-pervading enemy they beat a retreat to the city, but not without the
sacrifice of many of their camp-followers, who fell a prey to the men in
Phyle. The next anxiety of the government in Athens was to secure the
farms and country houses against the plunderings and forays to which they
would be exposed, if there were no armed force to protect them. With this
object a protecting force was despatched to the "boundary estates," (2)
about two miles south of Phyle. This corps consisted of the Lacedaemonian
guards, or nearly all of them, and two divisions of horse. (3) They
encamped in a wild and broken district, and the round of their duties
commenced.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) "A strong fortress (the remains of which still exist) commanding
the narrow pass across Mount Parnes, through which runs the direct
road from Thebes to Athens, past Acharnae. The precipitous rock on
which it stands can only be approached by a ridge on the eastern
side. The height commands a magnificent view of the whole Athenian
plain, of the city itself, of Mount Hymettus, and the Saronic
Gulf,"—"Dict. of Geog., The demi of the Diacria and Mount
Parnes."
(2) Cf. Boeckh, "P. E. A." p. 63, Eng. ed.
(3) Lit. tribes, each of the ten tribes furnishing about one hundred
horse.
</pre>
<p>
But by this time the small garrison above them had increased tenfold,
until there were now something like seven hundred men collected in Phyle;
and with these Thrasybulus one night descended. When he was not quite half
a mile from the enemy's encampment he grounded arms, and a deep silence
was maintained until it drew towards day. In a little while the men
opposite, one by one, were getting to their legs or leaving the camp for
necessary purposes, while a suppressed din and murmur arose, caused by the
grooms currying and combing their horses. This was the moment for
Thrasybulus and his men to snatch up their arms and make a dash at the
enemy's position. Some they felled on the spot; and routing the whole
body, pursued them six or seven furlongs, killing one hundred and twenty
hoplites and more. Of the cavalry, Nicostratus, "the beautiful," as men
called him, and two others besides were slain; they were caught while
still in their beds. Returning from the pursuit, the victors set up a
trophy, got together all the arms they had taken, besides baggage, and
retired again to Phyle. A reinforcement of horse sent from the city could
not discover the vestige of a foe; but waited on the scene of battle until
the bodies of the slain had been picked up by their relatives, when they
withdrew again to the city.
</p>
<p>
After this the Thirty, who had begun to realise the insecurity of their
position, were anxious to appropriate Eleusis, so that an asylum might be
ready for them against the day of need. With this view an order was issued
to the Knights; and Critias, with the rest of the Thirty, visited Eleusis.
There they held a review of the Eleusians in the presence of the Knights;
(4) and, on the pretext of wishing to discover how many they were, and how
large a garrison they would further require, they ordered the townsfolk to
enter their names. As each man did so he had to retire by a postern
leading to the sea. But on the sea-beach this side there were lines of
cavalry drawn up in waiting, and as each man appeared he was handcuffed by
the satellites of the Thirty. When all had so been seized and secured,
they gave orders to Lysimachus, the commander of the cavalry, to take them
off to the city and deliver them over to the Eleven. Next day they
summoned the heavy armed who were on the list, and the rest of the Knights
(5) to the Odeum, and Critias rose and addressed them. He said: "Sirs, the
constitution, the lines of which we are laying down, is a work undertaken
in your interests no less than ours; it is incumbent on you therefore to
participate in its dangers, even as you will partake of its honours. We
expect you therefore, in reference to these Eleusians here, who have been
seized and secured, to vote their condemnation, so that our hopes and
fears may be identical." Then, pointing to a particular spot, he said
peremptorily, "You will please deposit your votes there within sight of
all." It must be understood that the Laconian guards were present at the
time, and armed to the teeth, and filling one-half of the Odeum. As to the
proceedings themselves, they found acceptance with those members of the
State, besides the Thirty, who could be satisfied with a simple policy of
self-aggrandisement.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) Or, "in the cavalry quarters," cf. {en tois ikhthusin} = in the
fish market. Or, "at the review of the horse."
(5) For the various Odeums at Athens vide Prof. Jebb, "Theophr."
xviii. 235, 236. The one here named was near the fountain
Callirhoe by the Ilissus.
</pre>
<p>
But now Thrasybulus at the head of his followers, by this time about one
thousand strong, descended from Phyle and reached Piraeus in the night.
The Thirty, on their side, informed of this new move, were not slow to
rally to the rescue, with the Laconian guards, supported by their own
cavalry and hoplites. And so they advanced, marching down along the broad
carriage road which leads into Piraeus. The men from Phyle seemed at first
inclined to dispute their passage, but as the wide circuit of the walls
needed a defence beyond the reach of their still scanty numbers, they fell
back in a compact body upon Munychia. (6) Then the troops from the city
poured into the Agora of Hippodmus. (7) Here they formed in line,
stretching along and filling the street which leads to the temple of
Artemis and the Bendideum. (8) This line must have been at least fifty
shields deep; and in this formation they at once began to march up. As to
the men of Phyle, they too blocked the street at the opposite end, and
facing the foe. They presented only a thin line, not more than ten deep,
though behind these, certainly, were ranged a body of targeteers and
light-armed javelin men, who were again supported by an artillery of
stone-throwers—a tolerably numerous division drawn from the
population of the port and district itself. While his antagonists were
still advancing, Thrasybulus gave the order to ground their heavy shields,
and having done so himself, whilst retaining the rest of his arms, he
stood in the midst, and thus addressed them: "Men and fellow-citizens, I
wish to inform some, and to remind others of you, that of the men you see
advancing beneath us there, the right division are the very men we routed
and pursued only five days ago; while on the extreme left there you see
the Thirty. These are the men who have not spared to rob us of our city,
though we did no wrong; who have hounded us from our homes; who have set
the seal of proscription on our dearest friends. But to-day the wheel of
fortune has revolved; that has come about which least of all they looked
for, which most of all we prayed for. Here we stand with our good swords
in our hands, face to face with our foes; and the gods themselves are with
us, seeing that we were arrested in the midst of our peaceful pursuits; at
any moment, whilst we supped, or slept, or marketed, sentence of
banishment was passed upon us: we had done no wrong—nay, many of us
were not even resident in the country. To-day, therefore, I repeat, the
gods do visibly fight upon our side; the great gods, who raise a tempest
even in the midst of calm for our benefit, and when we lay to our hand to
fight, enable our little company to set up the trophy of victory over the
multitude of our foes. On this day they have brought us hither to a place
where the steep ascent must needs hinder our foes from reaching with lance
or arrow further than our foremost ranks; but we with our volley of spears
and arrows and stones cannot fail to reach them with terrible effect. Had
we been forced to meet them vanguard to vanguard, on an equal footing, who
could have been surprised? But as it is, all I say to you is, let fly your
missiles with a will in right brave style. No one can miss his mark when
the road is full of them. To avoid our darts they must be for ever ducking
and skulking beneath their shields; but we will rain blows upon them in
their blindness; we will leap upon them and lay them low. But, O sirs! let
me call upon you so to bear yourselves that each shall be conscious to
himself that victory was won by him and him alone. Victory—which,
God willing, shall this day restore to us the land of our fathers, our
homes, our freedom, and the rewards of civic life, our children, if
children we have, our darlings, and our wives! Thrice happy those among us
who as conquerors shall look upon this gladdest of all days. Nor less
fortunate the man who falls to-day. Not all the wealth in the world shall
purchase him a monument so glorious. At the right instant I will strike
the keynote of the paean; then, with an invocation to the God of battle,
(9) and in return for the wanton insults they put upon us, let us with one
accord wreak vengeance on yonder men."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) The citadel quarter of Piraeus.
(7) Named after the famous architect Hippodamus, who built the town.
It was situated near where the two long walls joined the wall of
Piraeus; a broad street led from it up to the citadel of Munychia.
(8) I.e. the temple of Bendis (the Thracian Artemis). Cf. Plat. "Rep."
327, 354; and Prof. Jowett, "Plato," vol. iii. pp. 193, 226.
(9) Lit. "Enyalius," in Homer an epithet of Ares; at another date (cf.
Aristoph. "Peace," 456) looked upon as a distinct divinity.
</pre>
<p>
Having so spoken, he turned round, facing the foemen, and kept quiet, for
the order passed by the soothsayer enjoined on them, not to charge before
one of their side was slain or wounded. "As soon as that happens," said
the seer, "we will lead you onwards, and the victory shall be yours; but
for myself, if I err not, death is waiting." And herein he spoke truly,
for they had barely resumed their arms when he himself as though he were
driven by some fatal hand, leapt out in front of the ranks, and so
springing into the midst of the foe, was slain, and lies now buried at the
passage of the Cephisus. But the rest were victorious, and pursued the
routed enemy down to the level ground. There fell in this engagement, out
of the number of the Thirty, Critias himself and Hippomachus, and with
them Charmides, (10) the son of Glaucon, one of the ten archons in
Piraeus, and of the rest about seventy men. The arms of the slain were
taken; but, as fellow-citizens, the conquerors forebore to despoil them of
their coats. This being done, they proceeded to give back the dead under
cover of a truce, when the men, on either side, in numbers stept forward
and conversed with one another. Then Cleocritus (he was the Herald of the
Initiated, (11) a truly "sweet-voiced herald," if ever there was), caused
a deep silence to reign, and addressed their late combatants as follows:
"Fellow-citizens—Why do you drive us forth? why would you slay us?
what evil have we wrought you at any time? or is it a crime that we have
shared with you in the most solemn rites and sacrifices, and in festivals
of the fairest: we have been companions in the chorus, the school, the
army. We have braved a thousand dangers with you by land and sea in behalf
of our common safety, our common liberty. By the gods of our fathers, by
the gods of our mothers, by the hallowed names of kinship, intermarriage,
comradeship, those three bonds which knit the hearts of so many of us, bow
in reverence before God and man, and cease to sin against the land of our
fathers: cease to obey these most unhallowed Thirty, who for the sake of
private gain have in eight months slain almost more men than the
Peloponnesians together in ten years of warfare. See, we have it in our
power to live as citizens in peace; it is only these men, who lay upon us
this most foul burthen, this hideous horror of fratricidal war, loathed of
God and man. Ah! be well assured, for these men slain by our hands this
day, ye are not the sole mourners. There are among them some whose deaths
have wrung from us also many a bitter tear."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) He was cousin to Critias, and uncle by the mother's side to
Plato, who introduces him in the dialogue, which bears his name
(and treats of Temperance), as a very young man at the beginning
of the Peloponnesian War. We hear more of him also from Xenophon
himself in the "Memorabilia," iii. 6. 7; and as one of the
interlocutors in the "Symposium."
(11) I.e. of the Eleusinian mysteries. He had not only a loud voice,
but a big body. Cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 1237.
</pre>
<p>
So he spoke, but the officers and leaders of the defeated army who were
left, unwilling that their troops should listen to such topics at that
moment, led them back to the city. But the next day the Thirty, in deep
down-heartedness and desolation, sat in the council chamber. The Three
Thousand, wherever their several divisions were posted, were everywhere a
prey to discord. Those who were implicated in deeds of violence, and whose
fears could not sleep, protested hotly that to yield to the party in
Piraeus were preposterous. Those on the other hand who had faith in their
own innocence, argued in their own minds, and tried to convince their
neighbours that they could well dispense with most of their present evils.
"Why yield obedience to these Thirty?" they asked, "Why assign to them the
privilege of destroying the State?" In the end they voted a resolution to
depose the government, and to elect another. This was a board of ten,
elected one from each tribe.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 403. As to the Thirty, they retired to Eleusis; but the Ten, assisted
by the cavalry officers, had enough to do to keep watch over the men in
the city, whose anarchy and mutual distrust were rampant. The Knights did
not return to quarters at night, but slept out in the Odeum, keeping their
horses and shields close beside them; indeed the distrust was so great
that from evening onwards they patrolled the walls on foot with their
shields, and at break of day mounted their horses, at every moment fearing
some sudden attack upon them by the men in Piraeus. These latter were now
so numerous, and of so mixed a company, that it was difficult to find arms
for all. Some had to be content with shields of wood, others of
wicker-work, which they spent their time in coating with whitening. Before
ten days had elapsed guarantees were given, securing full citizenship,
with equality of taxation and tribute to all, even foreigners, who would
take part in the fighting. Thus they were presently able to take the
field, with large detachments both of heavy infantry and light-armed
troops, besides a division of cavalry, about seventy in number. Their
system was to push forward foraging parties in quest of wood and fruits,
returning at nightfall to Piraeus. Of the city party no one ventured to
take the field under arms; only, from time to time, the cavalry would
capture stray pillagers from Piraeus or inflict some damage on the main
body of their opponents. Once they fell in with a party belonging to the
deme Aexone, (12) marching to their own farms in search of provisions.
These, in spite of many prayers for mercy and the strong disapprobation of
many of the knights, were ruthlessly slaughtered by Lysimachus, the
general of cavalry. The men of Piraeus retaliated by putting to death a
horseman, named Callistratus, of the tribe Leontis, whom they captured in
the country. Indeed their courage ran so high at present that they even
meditated an assault upon the city walls. And here perhaps the reader will
pardon the record of a somewhat ingenious device on the part of the city
engineer, who, aware of the enemy's intention to advance his batteries
along the racecourse, which slopes from the Lyceum, had all the carts and
waggons which were to be found laden with blocks of stone, each one a
cartload in itself, and so sent them to deposit their freights "pele-mele"
on the course in question. The annoyance created by these separate blocks
of stone was enormous, and quite out of proportion to the simplicity of
the contrivance.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) On the coast south of Phalerum, celebrated for its fisheries. Cf.
"Athen." vii. 325.
</pre>
<p>
But it was to Lacedaemon that men's eyes now turned. The Thirty despatched
one set of ambassadors from Eleusis, while another set representing the
government of the city, that is to say the men on the list, was despatched
to summon the Lacedaemonians to their aid, on the plea that the people had
revolted from Sparta. At Sparta, Lysander, taking into account the
possibility of speedily reducing the party in Piraeus by blockading them
by land and sea, and so cutting them off from all supplies, supported the
application, and negotiated the loan of one hundred talents (13) to his
clients, backed by the appointment of himself as harmost on land, and of
his brother, Libys, as admiral of the fleet. And so proceeding to the
scene of action at Eleusis, he got together a large body of Peloponnesian
hoplites, whilst his brother, the admiral, kept watch and ward by sea to
prevent the importation of supplies into Piraeus by water. Thus the men in
Piraeus were soon again reduced to their former helplessness, while the
ardour of the city folk rose to a proportionally high pitch under the
auspices of Lysander.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) 24,375 pounds, reckoning one tal. = 243 pounds 15 shillings.
</pre>
<p>
Things were progressing after this sort when King Pausanias intervened.
Touched by a certain envy of Lysander—(who seemed, by a final stroke
of achievement, about to reach the pinnacle of popularity, with Athens
laid like a pocket dependency at his feet)—the king persuaded three
of the ephors to support him, and forthwith called out the ban. With him
marched contingents of all the allied States, except the Boeotians and
Corinthians. These maintained, that to undertake such an expedition
against the Athenians, in whose conduct they saw nothing contrary to the
treaty, was inconsistent with their oaths. But if that was the language
held by them, the secret of their behaviour lay deeper; they seemed to be
aware of a desire on the part of the Lacedaemonians to annex the soil of
the Athenians and to reduce the state to vassalage. Pausanias encamped on
the Halipedon, (14) as the sandy flat is called, with his right wing
resting on Piraeus, and Lysander and his mercenaries forming the left. His
first act was to send an embassage to the party in Piraeus, calling upon
them to retire peacably to their homes; when they refused to obey, he
made, as far as mere noise went, the semblance of an attack, with
sufficient show of fight to prevent his kindly disposition being too
apparent. But gaining nothing by the feint, he was forced to retire. Next
day he took two Laconian regiments, with three tribes of Athenian horse,
and crossed over to the Mute (15) Harbour, examining the lie of the ground
to discover how and where it would be easiest to draw lines of
circumvallation round Piraeus. As he turned his back to retire, a party of
the enemy sallied out and caused him annoyance. Nettled at the liberty, he
ordered the cavalry to charge at the gallop, supported by the
ten-year-service (16) infantry, whilst he himself, with the rest of the
troops, followed close, holding quietly back in reserve. They cut down
about thirty of the enemy's light troops and pursued the rest hotly to the
theatre in Piraeus. Here, as chance would have it, the whole light and
heavy infantry of the Piraeus men were getting under arms; and in an
instant their light troops rushed out and dashed at the assailants; thick
and fast flew missiles of all sorts—javelins, arrows and sling
stones. The Lacedaemonians finding the number of their wounded increasing
every minute, and sorely called, slowly fell back step by step, eyeing
their opponents. These meanwhile resolutely pressed on. Here fell Chaeron
and Thibrachus, both polemarchs, here also Lacrates, an Olympic victor,
and other Lacedaemonians, all of whom now lie entombed before the city
gates in the Ceramicus. (17)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) The Halipedon is the long stretch of flat sandy land between
Piraeus Phalerum and the city.
(15) Perhaps the landlocked creek just round the promontory of
Eetioneia, as Leake conjectures, "Topog. of Athens," p. 389. See
also Prof. Jowett's note, "Thuc." v. 2; vol. ii. p. 286.
(16) I.e. who had already seen ten years of service, i.e. over twenty-
eight, as the Spartan was eligible to serve at eighteen. Cf. Xen.
"Hell." III. iv. 23; VI. iv. 176.
(17) The outer Ceramicus, "the most beautiful spot outside the walls."
Cf. Thuc. ii. 34; through it passes the street of the tombs on the
sacred road; and here was the place of burial for all persons
honoured with a public funeral. Cf. Arist. "Birds," 395.
</pre>
<p>
Watching how matters went, Thrasybulus began his advance with the whole of
his heavy infantry to support his light troops and quickly fell into line
eight deep, acting as a screen to the rest of his troops. Pausanias, on
his side, had retired, sorely pressed, about half a mile towards a bit of
rising ground, where he sent orders to the Lacedaemonians and the other
allied troops to bring up reinforcements. Here, on this slope, he reformed
his troops, giving his phalanx the full depth, and advanced against the
Athenians, who did not hesitate to receive him at close quarters, but
presently had to give way; one portion being forced into the mud and clay
at Halae, (18) while the others wavered and broke their line; one hundred
and fifty of them were left dead on the field, whereupon Pausanias set up
a trophy and retired. Not even so, were his feelings embittered against
his adversary. On the contrary he sent secretly and instructed the men of
Piraeus, what sort of terms they should propose to himself and the ephors
in attendance. To this advice they listened. He also fostered a division
in the party within the city. A deputation, acting on his orders, sought
an audience of him and the ephors. It had all the appearance of a mass
meeting. In approaching the Spartan authorities, they had no desire or
occasion, they stated, to look upon the men of Piraeus as enemies, they
would prefer a general reconciliation and the friendship of both sides
with Lacedaemon. The propositions were favourably received, and by no less
a person than Nauclidas. He was present as ephor, in accordance with the
custom which obliges two members of that board to serve on all military
expeditions with the king, and with his colleague shared the political
views represented by Pausanias, rather than those of Lysander and his
party. Thus the authorities were quite ready to despatch to Lacedaemon the
representatives of Piraeus, carrying their terms of truce with the
Lacedaemonians, as also two private individuals belonging to the city
party, whose names were Cephisophon and Meletus. This double deputation,
however, had no sooner set out to Lacedaemon than the "de facto"
government of the city followed suit, by sending a third set of
representatives to state on their behalf: that they were prepared to
deliver up themselves and the fortifications in their possession to the
Lacedaemonians, to do with them what they liked. "Are the men of Piraeus,"
they asked, "prepared to surrender Piraeus and Munychia in the same way?
If they are sincere in their profession of friendship to Lacedaemon, they
ought to do so." The ephors and the members of assembly at Sparta (19)
gave audience to these several parties, and sent out fifteen commissioners
to Athens empowered, in conjunction with Pausanias, to discover the best
settlement possible. The terms (20) arrived at were that a general peace
between the rival parties should be established, liberty to return to
their own homes being granted to all, with the exception of the Thirty,
the Eleven, and the Ten who had been governors in Piraeus; but a proviso
was added, enabling any of the city party who feared to remain at Athens
to find a home in Eleusis.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) Halae, the salt marshy ground immediately behind the great
harbour of Piraeus, but outside the fortification lines.
(19) Cf. "Hell." VI. iii. 3, {oi ekkletoi}.
(20) Cf. Prof. Jebb, "Orators," i. 262, note 2.
</pre>
<p>
And now that everything was happily concluded, Pausanias disbanded his
army, and the men from Piraeus marched up under arms into the acropolis
and offered sacrifice to Athena. When they were come down, the generals
called a meeting of the Ecclesia, (21) and Thrasybulus made a speech in
which, addressing the city party, he said: "Men of the city! I have one
piece of advice I would tender to you; it is that you should learn to know
yourselves, and towards the attainment of that self-knowledge I would have
you make a careful computation of your good qualities and satisfy
yourselves on the strength of which of these it is that you claim to rule
over us. Is it that you are more just than ourselves? Yet the people, who
are poorer—have never wronged you for the purposes of plunder; but
you, whose wealth would outweight the whole of ours, have wrought many a
shameful deed for the sake of gain. If, then, you have no monopoly of
justice, can it be on the score of courage that you are warranted to hold
your heads so high? If so, what fairer test of courage will you propose
than the arbitrament of war—the war just ended? Or do you claim
superiority of intelligence?—you, who with all your wealth of arms
and walls, money and Peloponnesian allies, have been paralysed by men who
had none of these things to aid them! Or is it on these Laconian friends
of yours that you pride yourselves? What! when these same friends have
dealt by you as men deal by vicious dogs. You know how that is. They put a
heavy collar round the neck of the brutes and hand them over muzzled to
their masters. So too have the Lacedaemonians handed you over to the
people, this very people whom you have injured; and now they have turned
their backs and are gone. But" (turning to the mass) "do not misconceive
me. It is not for me, sirs, coldly to beg of you, in no respect to violate
your solemn undertakings. I go further; I beg you, to crown your list of
exploits by one final display of virtue. Show the world that you can be
faithful to your oaths, and flawless in your conduct." By these and other
kindred arguments he impressed upon them that there was no need for
anarchy or disorder, seeing that there were the ancient laws ready for
use. And so he broke up (22) the assembly.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(21) I.e. the Public Assembly, see above; and reading with Sauppe
after Cobet {ekklesian epoiesan}, which words are supposed to have
dropt out of the MSS. Or, keeping to the MSS., translate "When the
generals were come down, Thrasybulus," etc. See next note.
(22) The Greek words are {antestese ten ekklesian} (an odd phrase for
the more technical {eluse} or {dieluse ten ekklesian}). Or,
accepting the MSS. reading above (see last note), translate "he
set up (i.e. restored) the Assembly." So Mr. J. G. Philpotts, Mr.
Herbert Hailstone, and others.
</pre>
<p>
At this auspicious moment, then, they reappointed the several magistrates;
the constitution began to work afresh, and civic life was recommenced. At
a subsequent period, on receiving information that the party at Eleusis
were collecting a body of mercenaries, they marched out with their whole
force against them, and put to death their generals, who came out to
parley. These removed, they introduced to the others their friends and
connections, and so persuaded them to come to terms and be reconciled. The
oath they bound themselves by consisted of a simple asseveration: "We will
remember past offences no more;" and to this day (23) the two parties live
amicably together as good citizens, and the democracy is steadfast to its
oaths.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) It would be interesting to know the date at which the author
penned these words. Was this portion of the "Hellenica" written
before the expedition of Cyrus? i.e. in the interval between the
formal restoration of the Democracy, September B.C. 403, and March
B.C. 401. The remaining books of the "Hellenica" were clearly
written after that expedition, since reference is made to it quite
early in Bk. III. i. 2. Practically, then, the first volume of
Xenophon's "History of Hellenic Affairs" ends here. This history
is resumed in Bk. III. i. 3. after the Cyreian expedition (of
which episode we have a detailed account in the "Anabasis" from
March B.C. 401 down to March B.C. 399, when the remnant of the Ten
Thousand was handed over to the Spartan general Thibron in Asia).
Some incidents belonging to B.C. 402 are referred to in the
opening paragraphs of "Hellenica," III. i. 1, 2, but only as an
introduction to the new matter; and with regard to the historian
himself, it is clear that "a change has come o'er the spirit of
his dream." This change of view is marked by a change of style in
writing. I have thought it legitimate, under the circumstances, to
follow the chronological order of events, and instead of
continuing the "Hellenica," at this point to insert the
"Anabasis." My next volume will contain the remaining books of the
"Hellenica" and the rest of Xenophon's "historical" writings.
</pre>
<p>
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<h2>
BOOK III
</h2>
<p>
I
</p>
<p>
B.C. 403-402. Thus the civil strife at Athens had an end. At a subsequent
date Cyrus sent messengers to Lacedaemon, claiming requital in kind for
the service which he had lately rendered in the war with Athens. (1) The
demand seemed to the ephorate just and reasonable. Accordingly they
ordered Samius, (2) who was admiral at the time, to put himself at the
disposition of Cyrus for any service which he might require. Samius
himself needed no persuasion to carry out the wishes of Cyrus. With his
own fleet, accompanied by that of Cyrus, he sailed round to Cilicia, and
so made it impossible for Syennesis, the ruler of that province, to oppose
Cyrus by land in his advance against the king his brother.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Lit. "what Cyrus himself had been to the Lacedaemonians let the
Lacedaemonians in their turn be to Cyrus."
(2) Samius (Diod. Sic. xiv. 19). But see "Anab." I. iv. 2, where
Pythagoras is named as admiral. Possibly the one officer succeeded
the other.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 401. The particulars of the expedition are to be found in the pages
of the Syracusan Themistogenes, (3) who describes the mustering of the
armament, and the advance of Cyrus at the head of his troops; and then the
battle, and death of Cyrus himself, and the consequent retreat of the
Hellenes while effecting their escape to the sea. (4)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) Lit. "as to how then Cyrus collected an army and with it went up
against his brother, and how the battle was fought and how he
died, and how in the sequel the Hellenes escaped to the sea (all
this), is written by (or 'for,' or 'in honour of') Themistogenes
the Syracusan." My impression is that Xenophon's "Anabasis," or a
portion of the work so named, was edited originally by
Themistogenes. See "Philol. Museum," vol. i. p. 489; L. Dindorf,
{Xen. Ell.}, Ox. MDCCCLIII., node ad loc. {Themistogenei}. Cf.
Diod. Sic. xiv. 19-31, 37, after Ephorus and Theopompus probably.
(4) At Trapezus, March 10, B.C. 400.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 400. It was in recognition of the service which he had rendered in
this affair, that Tissaphernes was despatched to Lower Asia by the king
his master. He came as satrap, not only of his own provinces, but of those
which had belonged to Cyrus; and he at once demanded the absolute
submission of the Ionic cities, without exception, to his authority. These
communities, partly from a desire to maintain their freedom, and partly
from fear of Tissaphernes himself, whom they had rejected in favour of
Cyrus during the lifetime of that prince, were loth to admit the satrap
within their gates. They thought it better to send an embassy to the
Lacedaemonians, calling upon them as representatives and leaders (5) of
the Hellenic world to look to the interests of their petitioners, who were
Hellenes also, albeit they lived in Asia, and not to suffer their country
to be ravaged and themselves enslaved.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) {Prostatai}, "patrons and protectors."
</pre>
<p>
In answer to this appeal, the Lacedaemonians sent out Thibron (6) as
governor, providing him with a body of troops, consisting of one thousand
neodamodes (7) (i.e. enfranchised helots) and four thousand
Peloponnesians. In addition to these, Thibron himself applied to the
Athenians for a detachment of three hundred horse, for whose service-money
he would hold himself responsible. The Athenians in answer sent him some
of the knights who had served under the Thirty, (8) thinking that the
people of Athens would be well rid of them if they went abroad and
perished there.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) "As harmost." See "Anab." ad fin.
(7) See "Hell." I. iii. 15; Thuc. vii. 58.
(8) See "Hell." II. iv. 2.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 400-399. On their arrival in Asia, Thibron further collected
contingents from the Hellenic cities on the continent; for at this time
the word of a Lacedaemonian was law. He had only to command, and every
city must needs obey. (9) But although he had this armament, Thibron, when
he saw the cavalry, had no mind to descend into the plain. If he succeeded
in protecting from pillage the particular district in which he chanced to
be, he was quite content. It was only when the troops (10) who had taken
part in the expedition of Cyrus had joined him on their safe return, that
he assumed a bolder attitude. He was now ready to confront Tissaphernes,
army against army, on the level ground, and won over a number of cities.
Pergamum came in of her own accord. So did Teuthrania and Halisarna. These
were under the government of Eurysthenes and Procles, (11) the descendants
of Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, who in days of old had received this
territory as a gift from the Persian monarch in return for his share in
the campaign against Hellas. Gorgion and Gongylus, two brothers, also gave
in their adhesion; they were lords, the one of Gambreum and
Palae-Gambreum, the other of Myrina and Gryneum, four cities which, like
those above named, had originally been gifts from the king to an earlier
Gongylus—the sole Eretrian who "joined the Mede," and in consequence
was banished. Other cities which were too weak to resist, Thibron took by
force of arms. In the case of one he was not so successful. This was the
Egyptian (12) Larisa, as it is called, which refused to capitulate, and
was forthwith invested and subjected to a regular siege. When all other
attempts to take it failed, he set about digging a tank or reservoir, and
in connection with the tank an underground channel, by means of which he
proposed to draw off the water supply of the inhabitants. In this he was
baffled by frequent sallies of the besieged, and a continual discharge of
timber and stones into the cutting. He retaliated by the construction of a
wooden tortoise which he erected over the tank; but once more the tortoise
was burnt to a cinder in a successful night attack on the part of the men
of Larisa. These ineffectual efforts induced the ephors to send a despatch
bidding Thibron give up Larisa and march upon Caria.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) See "Anab." VI. vi. 12.
(10) March B.C. 399. See the final sentence of the "Anabasis."
(11) See "Anab." VII. viii. 8-16.
(12) Seventy stades S.E. of Cyme in the Aeolid. See Strabo, xiii. 621.
For the origin of the name cf. "Cyrop." VII. i. 45.
</pre>
<p>
He had already reached Ephesus, and was on the point of marching into
Caria, when Dercylidas arrived to take command of his army. The new
general was a man whose genius for invention had won him the nickname of
Sisyphus. Thus it was that Thibron returned home, where on his arrival he
was fined and banished, the allies accusing him of allowing his troops to
plunder their friends.
</p>
<p>
Dercylidas was not slow to perceive and turn to account the jealousy which
subsisted between Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. Coming to terms with the
former, he marched into the territory of the latter, preferring, as he
said, to be at war with one of the pair at a time, rather than the two
together. His hostility, indeed, to Pharnabazus was an old story, dating
back to a period during the naval command (13) of Lysander, when he was
himself governor in Abydos; where, thanks to Pharnabazus, he had got into
trouble with his superior officer, and had been made to stand "with his
shield on his arm"—a stigma on his honour which no true
Lacedaemonian would forgive, since this is the punishment of
insubordination. (14) For this reason, doubtless, Dercylidas had the
greater satisfaction in marching against Pharnabazus. From the moment he
assumed command there was a marked difference for the better between his
methods and those of his predecessor. Thus he contrived to conduct his
troops into that portion of the Aeolid which belonged to Pharnabazus,
through the heart of friendly territory without injury to the allies.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Technically "navarchy," in B.C. 408-407. "Hell." I. v. 1.
(14) See Plut. "Aristid." 23 (Clough, ii. p. 309).
</pre>
<p>
This district of Aeolis belonged to Pharnabazus, (15) but had been held as
a satrapy under him by a Dardanian named Zenis whilst he was alive; but
when Zenis fell sick and died, Pharnabazus made preparation to give the
satrapy to another. Then Mania the wife of Zenis, herself also a
Dardanian, fitted out an expedition, and taking with her gifts wherewith
to make a present to Pharnabazus himself, and to gratify his concubines
and those whose power was greatest with Pharnabazus, set forth on her
journey. When she had obtained audience with him she spoke as follows: "O
Pharnabazus, thou knowest that thy servant my husband was in all respects
friendly to thee; moreover, he paid my lord the tributes which were thy
due, so that thou didst praise and honour him. Now therefore, if I do thee
service as faithfully as my husband, why needest thou to appoint another
satrap?—nay but, if in any matter I please thee not, is it not in
thy power to take from me the government on that day, and to give it to
another?" When he had heard her words, Pharnabazus decided that the woman
ought to be satrap. She, as soon as she was mistress of the territory,
never ceased to render the tribute in due season, even as her husband
before her had done. Moreover, whenever she came to the court of
Pharnabazus she brought him gifts continually, and whenever Pharnabazus
went down to visit her provinces she welcomed him with all fair and
courteous entertainment beyond what his other viceroys were wont to do.
The cities also which had been left to her by her husband, she guarded
safely for him; while of those cities that owed her no allegiance, she
acquired, on the seaboard, Larisa and Hamaxitus and Colonae—attacking
their walls by aid of Hellenic mercenaries, whilst she herself sat in her
carriage and watched the spectacle. Nor was she sparing of her gifts to
those who won her admiration; and thus she furnished herself with a
mercenary force of exceptional splendour. She also went with Pharnabazus
on his campaigns, even when, on pretext of some injury done to the king's
territory, Mysians or Pisidians were the object of attack. In requital,
Pharnabazus paid her magnificent honour, and at times invited her to
assist him with her counsel. (16)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) I.e. as suzerain.
(16) Grote, "H. G." ix. 292; cf. Herod. viii. 69.
</pre>
<p>
Now when Mania was more than forty years old, the husband of her own
daughter, Meidias—flustered by the suggestions of certain people who
said that it was monstrous a woman should rule and he remain a private
person (17)—found his way into her presence, as the story goes, and
strangled her. For Mania, albeit she carefully guarded herself against all
ordinary comers, as behoved her in the exercise of her "tyranny," trusted
in Meidias, and, as a woman might her own son-in-law, was ready to greet
him at all times with open arms. He also murdered her son, a youth of
marvellous beauty, who was about seventeen years of age. He next seized
upon the strong cities of Scepsis and Gergithes, in which lay for the most
part the property and wealth of Mania. As for the other cities of the
satrapy, they would not receive the usurper, their garrisons keeping them
safely for Pharnabazus. Thereupon Meidias sent gifts to Pharnabazus, and
claimed to hold the district even as Mania had held it; to whom the other
answered, "Keep your gifts and guard them safely until that day when I
shall come in person and take both you and them together"; adding, "What
care I to live longer if I avenge not myself for the murder of Mania!"
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) Or, "his brains whimsied with insinuations."
</pre>
<p>
Just at the critical moment Dercylidas arrived, and in a single day
received the adhesion of the three seaboard cities Larisa, Hamaxitus, and
Colonae—which threw open their gates to him. Then he sent messengers
to the cities of the Aeolid also, offering them freedom if they would
receive him within their walls and become allies. Accordingly the men of
Neandria and Ilium and Cocylium lent willing ears; for since the death of
Mania their Hellenic garrisons had been treated but ill. But the commander
of the garrison in Cebrene, a place of some strength, bethinking him that
if he should succeed in guarding that city for Pharnabazus, he would
receive honour at his hands, refused to admit Dercylidas. Whereupon the
latter, in a rage, prepared to take the place by force; but when he came
to sacrifice, on the first day the victims would not yield good omens; on
the second, and again upon the third day, it was the same story. Thus for
as many as four days he persevered in sacrificing, cherishing wrath the
while—for he was in haste to become master of the whole Aeolid
before Pharnabazus came to the succour of the district.
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile a certain Sicyonian captain, Athenadas by name, said to himself:
"Dercylidas does but trifle to waste his time here, whilst I with my own
hand can draw off their water from the men of Cybrene"; wherewith he ran
forward with his division and essayed to choke up the spring which
supplied the city. But the garrison sallied out and covered the Sicyonian
himself with wounds, besides killing two of his men. Indeed, they plied
their swords and missiles with such good effect that the whole company was
forced to beat a retreat. Dercylidas was not a little annoyed, thinking
that now the spirit of the besiegers would certainly die away; but whilst
he was in this mood, behold! there arrived from the beleaguered fortress
emissaries of the Hellenes, who stated that the action taken by the
commandant was not to their taste; for themselves, they would far rather
be joined in bonds of fellowship with Hellenes than with barbarians. While
the matter was still under discussion there came a messenger also from the
commandant, to say that whatever the former deputation had proposed he, on
his side, was ready to endorse. Accordingly Dercylidas, who, it so
happened, had at length obtained favourable omens on that day, marched his
force without more ado up to the gates of the city, which were flung open
by those within; and so he entered. (18) Here, then, he was content to
appoint a garrison, and without further stay advanced upon Scepsis and
Gergithes.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) Grote ("H. G." ix. 294) says: "The reader will remark how
Xenophon shapes the narrative in such a manner as to inculcate the
pious duty in a general of obeying the warnings furnished by the
sacrifice—either for action or for inaction.... Such an
inference is never (I believe) to be found suggested in
Thucydides." See Brietenbach, "Xen. Hell." I et II, praef. in
alteram ed. p. xvii.
</pre>
<p>
And now Meidias, partly expecting the hostile advance of Pharnabazus, and
partly mistrusting the citizens—for to such a pass things had come—sent
to Dercylidas, proposing to meet him in conference provided he might take
security of hostages. In answer to this suggestion the other sent him one
man from each of the cities of the allies, and bade him take his pick of
these, whichsoever and how many soever he chose, as hostages for his own
security. Meidias selected ten, and so went out. In conversation with
Dercylidas, he asked him on what terms he would accept his alliance. The
other answered: "The terms are that you grant the citizens freedom and
self-government." The words were scarcely out of his mouth before he began
marching upon Scepsis. Whereupon Meidias, perceiving it was vain to hinder
him in the teeth of the citizens, suffered him to enter. That done,
Dercylidas offered sacrifice to Athena in the citadel of the Scepsians,
turned out the bodyguards of Meidias, and handed over the city to the
citizens. And so, having admonished them to regulate their civic life as
Hellenes and free men ought, he left the place and continued his advance
against Gergithes. On this last march he was escorted by many of the
Scepsians themselves; such was the honour they paid him and so great their
satisfaction at his exploits. Meidias also followed close at his side,
petitioning that he would hand over the city of Gergithians to himself. To
whom Dercylidas only made reply, that he should not fail to obtain any of
his just rights. And whilst the words were yet upon his lips, he was
drawing close to the gates, with Meidias at his side. Behind him followed
the troops, marching two and two in peaceful fashion. The defenders of
Gergithes from their towers—which were extraordinarily high—espied
Meidias in company of the Spartan, and abstained from shooting. And
Dercylidas said: "Bid them open the gates, Meidias, when you shall lead
the way, and I will enter the temple along with you and do sacrifice to
Athena." And Meidias, though he shrank from opening the gates, yet in
terror of finding himself on a sudden seized, reluctantly gave the order
to open the gates. As soon as he was entered in, the Spartan, still taking
Meidias with him, marched up to the citadel and there ordered the main
body of his soldiers to take up their position round the walls, whilst he
with those about him did sacrifice to Athena. When the sacrifice was ended
he ordered Meidias's bodyguard to pile arms (19) in the van of his troops.
Here for the future they would serve as mercenaries, since Meidias their
former master stood no longer in need of their protection. The latter,
being at his wits' end what to do, exclaimed: "Look you, I will now leave
you; I go to make preparation for my guest." But the other replied:
"Heaven forbid! Ill were it that I who have offered sacrifice should be
treated as a guest by you. I rather should be the entertainer and you the
guest. Pray stay with us, and while the supper is preparing, you and I can
consider our obligations, and perform them."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) I.e. take up a position, or "to order arms," whilst he addressed
them; not probably "to ground arms," as if likely to be mutinous.
</pre>
<p>
When they were seated Dercylidas put certain questions: "Tell me, Meidias,
did your father leave you heir to his estates?" "Certainly he did,"
answered the other. "And how many dwelling-houses have you? what landed
estates? how much pasturage?" The other began running off an inventory,
whilst some of the Scepsians who were present kept interposing, "He is
lying to you, Dercylidas." "Nay, you take too minute a view of matters,"
replied the Spartan. When the inventory of the paternal property was
completed, he proceeded: "Tell me, Meidias, to whom did Mania belong?" A
chorus of voices rejoined, "To Pharnabazus." "Then must her property have
belonged to Pharnabazus too." "Certainly," they answered. "Then it must
now be ours," he remarked, "by right of conquest, since Pharnabazus is at
war with us. Will some one of you escort me to the place where the
property of Mania and Pharnabazus lies?" So the rest led the way to the
dwelling-place of Mania which Meidias had taken from her, and Meidias
followed too. When he was entered, Dercylidas summoned the stewards, and
bidding his attendants seize them, gave them to understand that, if
detected stealing anything which belonged to Mania, they would lose their
heads on the spot. The stewards proceeded to point out the treasures, and
he, when he had looked through the whole store, bolted and barred the
doors, affixing his seal, and setting a watch. As he went out he found at
the doors certain of the generals (20) and captains, and said to them:
"Here, sirs, we have pay ready made for the army—a year's pay nearly
for eight thousand men—and if we can win anything besides, there
will be so much the more." This he said, knowing that those who heard it
would be all the more amenable to discipline, and would yield him a more
flattering obedience. Then Meidias asked, "And where am I to live,
Dercylidas?" "Where you have the very best right to live," replied the
other, "in your native town of Scepsis, and in your father's house."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) Lit. "of the taxiarchs and lochagoi."
</pre>
<p>
II
</p>
<p>
Such were the exploits of Dercylidas: nine cities taken in eight days. Two
considerations now began to occupy his mind: how was he to avoid falling
into the fatal error of Thibron and becoming a burthen to his allies,
whilst wintering in a friendly country? how, again, was he to prevent
Pharnabazus from overriding the Hellenic states in pure contempt with his
cavalry? Accordingly he sent to Pharnabazus and put it to him point-blank:
Which will you have, peace or war? Whereupon Pharnabazus, who could not
but perceive that the whole Aeolid had now been converted practically into
a fortified base of operations, which threatened his own homestead of
Phrygia, chose peace.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 399-398. This being so, Dercylidas advanced into Bithynian Thrace,
and there spent the winter; nor did Pharnabazus exhibit a shadow of
annoyance, since the Bithynians were perpetually at war with himself. For
the most part, Dercylidas continued to harry (1) Bithynia in perfect
security, and found provisions without stint. Presently he was joined from
the other side of the straits by some Odrysian allies sent by Seuthes; (2)
they numbered two hundred horse and three hundred peltasts. These fellows
pitched upon a site a little more than a couple of miles (3) from the
Hellenic force, where they entrenched themselves; then having got from
Dercylidas some heavy infantry soldiers to act as guards of their
encampment, they devoted themselves to plundering, and succeeded in
capturing an ample store of slaves and other wealth. Presently their camp
was full of prisoners, when one morning the Bithynians, having ascertained
the actual numbers of the marauding parties as well as of the Hellenes
left as guards behind, collected in large masses of light troops and
cavalry, and attacked the garrison, who were not more than two hundred
strong. As soon as they came close enough, they began discharging spears
and other missiles on the little body, who on their side continued to be
wounded and shot down, but were quite unable to retaliate, cooped up as
they were within a palisading barely six feet high, until in desperation
they tore down their defences with their own hands, and dashed at the
enemy. These had nothing to do but to draw back from the point of egress,
and being light troops easily escaped beyond the grasp of heavy-armed men,
while ever and again, from one point of vantage or another, they poured
their shower of javelins, and at every sally laid many a brave man low,
till at length, like sheep penned in a fold, the defenders were shot down
almost to a man. A remnant, it is true, did escape, consisting of some
fifteen who, seeing the turn affairs were taking, had already made off in
the middle of the fighting. Slipping through their assailants' fingers,
(4) to the small concern of the Bithynians, they reached the main Hellenic
camp in safety. The Bithynians, satisfied with their achievement, part of
which consisted in cutting down the tent guards of the Odrysian Thracians
and recovering all their prisoners, made off without delay; so that by the
time the Hellenes got wind of the affair and rallied to the rescue, they
found nothing left in the camp save only the stripped corpses of the
slain. When the Odrysians themselves returned, they fell to burying their
own dead, quaffing copious draughts of wine in their honour and holding
horse-races; but for the future they deemed it advisable to camp along
with the Hellenes. Thus they harried and burned Bithynia the winter
through.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) {Pheson kai agon}, i.e. "there was plenty of live stock to lift
and chattels to make away with."
(2) For Seuthes see "Anab." VII. i. 5; and below, IV. viii. 26.
(3) Lit. "twenty stades."
(4) Or, "slipping through the enemy's fingers, who took no heed of
them, they," etc.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 398. With the commencement of spring Dercylidas turned his back upon
the Bithynians and came to Lampsacus. Whilst at this place envoys reached
him from the home authorities. These were Aracus, Naubates, and
Antisthenes. They were sent to inquire generally into the condition of
affairs in Asia, and to inform Dercylidas of the extension of his office
for another year. They had been further commissioned by the ephors to
summon a meeting of the soldiers and inform them that the ephors held them
to blame for their former doings, though for their present avoidance of
evil conduct they must needs praise them; and for the future they must
understand that while no repetition of misdoing would be tolerated, all
just and upright dealing by the allies would receive its meed of praise.
The soldiers were therefore summoned, and the envoys delivered their
message, to which the leader of the Cyreians answered: "Nay, men of
Lacedaemon, listen; we are the same to-day as we were last year; only our
general of to-day is different from our general in the past. If to-day we
have avoided our offence of yesterday, the cause is not far to seek; you
may discover it for yourselves."
</p>
<p>
Aracus and the other envoys shared the hospitality of Dercylidas's tent,
and one of the party chanced to mention how they had left an embassy from
the men of Chersonese in Lacedaemon. According to their statement, he
added, it was impossible for them to till their land nowadays, so
perpetually were they robbed and plundered by the Thracians; whereas the
peninsula needed only to be walled across from sea to sea, and there would
be abundance of good land to cultivate—enough for themselves and as
many others from Lacedaemon as cared to come. "So that it would not
surprise us," continued the envoys, "if a Lacedaemonian were actually sent
out from Sparta with a force to carry out the project." Dercylidas kept
his ears open but his counsel close, and so sent forward the commissioners
to Ephesus. (5) It pleased him to picture their progress through the
Hellenic cities, and the spectacle of peace and prosperity which would
everywhere greet their eyes. When he knew that his stay was to be
prolonged, he sent again to Pharnabazus and offered him once more as an
alternative either the prolongation of the winter truce or war. And once
again Pharnabazus chose truce. It was thus that Dercylidas was able to
leave the cities in the neighbourhood of the satrap (6) in peace and
friendship. Crossing the Hellespont himself he brought his army into
Europe, and marching through Thrace, which was also friendly, was
entertained by Seuthes, (7) and so reached the Chersonese.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 301.
(6) Or, reading after Cobet, {tas peri ekeina poleis}—"the cities of
that neighbourhood."
(7) See "Anab." VII. vii. 51.
</pre>
<p>
This district, he soon discovered, not only contained something like a
dozen cities, (8) but was singularly fertile. The soil was of the best,
but ruined by the ravages of the Thracians, precisely as he had been told.
Accordingly, having measured and found the breadth of the isthmus barely
four miles, (9) he no longer hesitated. Having offered sacrifice, he
commenced his line of wall, distributing the area to the soldiers in
detachments, and promising to award them prizes for their industry—a
first prize for the section first completed, and the rest as each
detachment of workers might deserve. By this means the whole wall begun in
spring was finished before autumn. Within these lines he established
eleven cities, with numerous harbours, abundance of good arable land, and
plenty of land under plantation, besides magnificent grazing grounds for
sheep and cattle of every kind.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Lit. "eleven or twelve cities." For the natural productivity, see
"Anab." V. vi. 25.
(9) Lit. "thirty-seven stades." Mod. Gallipoli. See Herod. vi. 36;
Plut. "Pericl." xix.
</pre>
<p>
Having finished the work, he crossed back again into Asia, and on a tour
of inspection, found the cities for the most part in a thriving condition;
but when he came to Atarneus he discovered that certain exiles from Chios
had got possession of the stronghold, which served them as a convenient
base for pillaging and plundering Ionia; and this, in fact, was their
means of livelihood. Being further informed of the large supplies of grain
which they had inside, he proceeded to draw entrenchments around the place
with a view to a regular investment, and by this means he reduced it in
eight months. Then having appointed Draco of Pellene (10) commandant, he
stocked the fortress with an abundance of provisions of all sorts, to
serve him as a halting-place when he chanced to pass that way, and so
withdrew to Ephesus, which is three days' journey from Sardis.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Cf. Isocr. "Panegyr." 70; Jebb. "Att. Or." ii. p. 161. Of Pellene
(or Pellana) in Laconia, not Pellene in Achaia? though that is the
opinion of Grote and Thirlwall.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 397. Up to this date peace had been maintained between Tissaphernes
and Dercylidas, as also between the Hellenes and the barbarians in those
parts. But the time came when an embassy arrived at Lacedaemon from the
Ionic cities, protesting that Tissaphernes might, if he chose, leave the
Hellenic cities independent. "Our idea," they added, "is, that if Caria,
the home of Tissaphernes, felt the pinch of war, the satrap would very
soon agree to grant us independence." The ephors, on hearing this, sent a
despatch to Dercylidas, and bade him cross the frontier with his army into
Caria, whilst Pharax the admiral coasted round with the fleet. These
orders were carried out. Meanwhile a visitor had reached Tissaphernes.
This was not less a person than Pharnabazus. His coming was partly owing
to the fact that Tissaphernes had been appointed general-in-chief, and
party in order to testify his readiness to make common cause with his
brother satrap in fighting and expelling the Hellenes from the king's
territory; for if his heart was stirred by jealousy on account of the
generalship bestowed upon his rival, he was not the less aggrieved at
finding himself robbed of the Aeolid. Tissaphernes, lending willing ears
to the proposal, had answered: "First cross over with me in Caria, and
then we will take counsel on these matters." But being arrived in Caria,
they determined to establish garrisons of some strength in the various
fortresses, and so crossed back again into Ionia.
</p>
<p>
Hearing that the satraps had recrossed the Maeander, Dercylidas grew
apprehensive for the district which lay there unprotected. "If
Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus," he said to Pharax, "chose to make a
descent, they could harry the country right and left." In this mind he
followed suit, and recrossed the frontier too. And now as they marched on,
preserving no sort of battle order—on the supposition that the enemy
had got far ahead of them into the district of Ephesus—suddenly they
caught sight of his scouts perched on some monumental structures facing
them. To send up scouts into similar edifices and towers on their own side
was the work of a few moments, and before them lay revealed the long lines
of troops drawn up just where their road lay. These were the Carians, with
their white shields, and the whole Persian troops there present, with all
the Hellenic contingents belonging to either satrap. Besides these there
was a great cloud of cavalry: on the right wing the squadrons of
Tissaphernes, and on the left those of Pharnabazus.
</p>
<p>
Seeing how matters lay, Dercylidas ordered the generals of brigade and
captains to form into line as quickly as possible, eight deep, placing the
light infantry on the fringe of battle, with the cavalry—such
cavalry, that is, and of such numerical strength, as he chanced to have.
Meanwhile, as general, he sacrificed. (11) During this interval the troops
from Peloponnese kept quiet in preparation as for battle. Not so the
troops from Priene and Achilleum, from the islands and the Ionic cities,
some of whom left their arms in the corn, which stood thick and deep in
the plain of the Maeander, and took to their heels; while those who
remained at their posts gave evident signs that their steadiness would not
last. Pharnabazus, it was reported, had given orders to engage; but
Tissaphernes, who recalled his experience of his own exploits with the
Cyreian army, and assumed that all other Hellenes were of similar mettle,
had no desire to engage, but sent to Dercylidas saying, he should be glad
to meet him in conference. So Dercylidas, attended by the pick of his
troops, horse and foot, in personal attendance on himself, (12) went
forward to meet the envoys. He told them that for his own part he had made
his preparations to engage, as they themselves might see, but still, if
the satraps were minded to meet in conference, he had nothing to say
against it—"Only, in that case, there must be mutual exchange of
hostages and other pledges."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) I.e. according to custom on the eve of battle. See "Pol. Lac."
xiii. 8.
(12) Lit. "they were splendid fellows to look at." See "Anab." II.
iii. 3.
</pre>
<p>
When this proposal had been agreed to and carried out, the two armies
retired for the night—the Asiatics to Tralles in Caria, the Hellenes
to Leucophrys, where was a temple (13) of Artemis of great sanctity, and a
sandy-bottomed lake more than a furlong in extent, fed by a spring of
ever-flowing water fit for drinking and warm. For the moment so much was
effected. On the next day they met at the place appointed, and it was
agreed that they should mutually ascertain the terms on which either party
was willing to make peace. On his side, Dercylidas insisted that the king
should grant independence to the Hellenic cities; while Tissaphernes and
Pharnabazus demanded the evacuation of the country by the Hellenic army,
and the withdrawal of the Lacedaemonian governors from the cities. After
this interchange of ideas a truce was entered into, so as to allow time
for the reports of the proceedings to be sent by Dercylidas to Lacedaemon,
and by Tissaphernes to the king.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Lately unearthed. See "Class. Rev." v. 8, p. 391.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 401 (?). Whilst such was the conduct of affairs in Asia under the
guidance of Dercylidas, the Lacedaemonians at home were at the same time
no less busily employed with other matters. They cherished a long-standing
embitterment against the Eleians, the grounds of which were that the
Eleians had once (14) contracted an alliance with the Athenians, Argives,
and Mantineans; moreover, on pretence of a sentence registered against the
Lacedaemonians, they had excluded them from the horse-race and gymnastic
contests. Nor was that the sum of their offending. They had taken and
scourged Lichas, (15) under the following circumstances:—Being a
Spartan, he had formally consigned his chariot to the Thebans, and when
the Thebans were proclaimed victors he stepped forward to crown his
charioteer; whereupon, in spite of his grey hairs, the Eleians put those
indignities upon him and expelled him from the festival. Again, at a date
subsequent to that occurrence, Agis being sent to offer sacrifice to
Olympian Zeus in accordance with the bidding of an oracle, the Eleians
would not suffer him to offer prayer for victory in war, asserting that
the ancient law and custom (16) forbade Hellenes to consult the god for
war with Hellenes; and Agis was forced to go away without offering the
sacrifice.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) In 421 B.C. (see Thuc. v. 31); for the second charge, see Thuc.
v. 49 foll.
(15) See "Mem." I. ii. 61; Thuc. v. 50; and Jowett, note ad loc. vol.
ii. p. 314.
(16) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 311 note.
</pre>
<p>
In consequence of all these annoyances the ephors and the Assembly
determined "to bring the men of Elis to their senses." Thereupon they sent
an embassy to that state, announcing that the authorities of Lacedaemon
deemed it just and right that they should leave the country (17) townships
in the territory of Elis free and independent. This the Eleians flatly
refused to do. The cities in question were theirs by right of war.
Thereupon the ephors called out the ban. The leader of the expedition was
Agis. He invaded Elis through Achaia (18) by the Larisus; but the army had
hardly set foot on the enemy's soil and the work of devastation begun,
when an earthquake took place, and Agis, taking this as a sign from
Heaven, marched back again out of the country and disbanded his army.
Thereat the men of Elis were much more emboldened, and sent embassies to
various cities which they knew to be hostile to the Lacedaemonians.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) Lit. "perioecid."
(18) From the north. The Larisus is the frontier stream between Achaia
and Elis. See Strabo, viii. 387.
</pre>
<p>
The year had not completed its revolution (19) ere the ephors again called
out the ban against Elis, and the invading host of Agis was this time
swelled by the rest of the allies, including the Athenians; the Boeotians
and Corinthians alone excepted. The Spartan king now entered through
Aulon, (20) and the men of Lepreum (21) at once revolted from the Eleians
and gave in their adhesion to the Spartan, and simultaneously with these
the Macistians and their next-door neighbours the Epitalians. As he
crossed the river further adhesions followed, on the part of the
Letrinians, the Amphidolians, and the Marganians.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) Al. "on the coming round of the next year." See Jowett (note to
Thuc. i. 31), vol. ii. p. 33.
(20) On the south. For the history, see Busolt, "Die Laked." pp.
146-200. "The river" is the Alpheus.
(21) See below, VI. v. 11; Paus. IV. xv. 8.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 400 (?). Upon this he pushed on into Olympian territory and did
sacrifice to Olympian Zeus. There was no attempt to stay his proceedings
now. After sacrifice he marched against the capital, (22) devastating and
burning the country as he went. Multitudes of cattle, multitudes of
slaves, were the fruits of conquest yielded, insomuch that the fame
thereof spread, and many more Arcadians and Achaeans flocked to join the
standard of the invader and to share in the plunder. In fact, the
expedition became one enormous foray. Here was the chance to fill all the
granaries of Peloponnese with corn. When he had reached the capital, the
beautiful suburbs and gymnasia became a spoil to the troops; but the city
itself, though it lay open before him a defenceless and unwalled town, he
kept aloof from. He would not, rather than could not, take it. Such was
the explanation given. Thus the country was a prey to devastation, and the
invaders massed round Cyllene.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) I.e. Elis, of which Cyllene is the port town. For the wealth of
the district, see Polyb. iv. 73; and below, VII. iv. 33.
</pre>
<p>
Then the friends of a certain Xenias—a man of whom it was said that
he might measure the silver coin, inherited from his father, by the bushel—wishing
to be the leading instrument in bringing over the state to Lacedaemon,
rushed out of the house, sword in hand, and began a work of butchery.
Amongst other victims they killed a man who strongly resembled the leader
of the democratic party, Thrasydaeus. (23) Everyone believed it was really
Thrasydaeus who was slain. The popular party were panic-stricken, and
stirred neither hand nor foot. On their side, the cut-throats poured their
armed bands into the market-place. But Thrasydaeus was laid asleep the
while where the fumes of wine had overpowered him. When the people came to
discover that their hero was not dead, they crowded round his house this
side and that, (24) like a swarm of bees clinging to their leader; and as
soon as Thrasydaeus had put himself in the van, with the people at his
back, a battle was fought, and the people won. And those who had laid
their hands to deeds of butchery went as exiles to the Lacedaemonians.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) See Paus. III. viii. 4. He was a friend of Lysias ("Vit. X. Orat.
835").
(24) The house was filled to overflowing by the clustering close-
packed crowd.
</pre>
<p>
After a while Agis himself retired, recrossing the Alpheus; but he was
careful to leave a garrison in Epitalium near that river, with Lysippus as
governor, and the exiles from Elis along with him. Having done so, he
disbanded his army and returned home himself.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 400-399 (?). (25) During the rest of the summer and the ensuing
winter the territory of the Eleians was ravaged and ransacked by Lysippus
and his troops, until Thrasydaeus, the following summer, sent to
Lacedaemon and agreed to dismantle the walls of Phea and Cyllene, and to
grant autonomy to the Triphylian townships (26)—together with Phrixa
and Epitalium, the Letrinians, Amphidolians, and Marganians; and besides
these to the Acroreians and to Lasion, a place claimed by the Arcadians.
With regard to Epeium, a town midway between Heraea and Macistus, the
Eleians claimed the right to keep it, on the plea that they had purchased
the whole district from its then owners, for thirty talents, (27) which
sum they had actually paid. But the Lacedaemonians, acting on the
principle "that a purchase which forcibly deprives the weaker party of his
possession is no more justifiable than a seizure by violence," compelled
them to emancipate Epeium also. From the presidency of the temple of
Olympian Zeus, however, they did not oust them; not that it belonged to
Elis of ancient right, but because the rival claimants, (28) it was felt,
were "villagers," hardly equal to the exercise of the presidency. After
these concessions, peace and alliance between the Eleians and the
Lacedaemonians were established, and the war between Elis and Sparta
ceased.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(25) Grote ("H. G." ix. 316) discusses the date of this war between
Elis and Sparta, which he thinks, reaches over three different
years, 402-400 B.C. But Curtius (vol. iv. Eng. tr. p. 196)
disagrees: "The Eleian war must have occurred in 401-400 B.C., and
Grote rightly conjectures that the Eleians were anxious to bring
it to a close before the celebration of the festival. But he errs
in extending its duration over three years." See Diod. xiv. 17.
24; Paus. III. viii. 2 foll.
(26) Grote remarks: "There is something perplexing in Xenophon's
description of the Triphylian townships which the Eleians
surrendered" ("H. G." ix. 315). I adopt Grote's emend. {kai
Phrixan}. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 176.
(27) = 7,312 pounds: 10 shillings.
(28) I.e. the men of the Pisatid. See below, VII. iv. 28; Busolt, op.
cit. p 156.
</pre>
<p>
III
</p>
<p>
After this Agis came to Delphi and offered as a sacrifice a tenth of the
spoil. On his return journey he fell ill at Heraea—being by this
time an old man—and was carried back to Lacedaemon. He survived the
journey, but being there arrived, death speedily overtook him. He was
buried with a sepulchre transcending in solemnity the lot of ordinary
mortality. (1)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See "Ages." xi. 16; "Pol. Lac." xv. 9.
</pre>
<p>
When the holy days of mourning were accomplished, and it was necessary to
choose another king, there were rival claimants to the throne. Leotychides
claimed it as the son, Agesilaus as the brother, of Agis. Then Leotychides
protested: "Yet consider, Agesilaus, the law bids not 'the king's
brother,' but 'the king's son' to be king; only if there chance to be no
son, in that case shall the brother of the king be king." Agesilaus: "Then
must I needs be king." Leotychides: "How so, seeing that I am not dead?"
Agesilaus: "Because he whom you call your father denied you, saying,
'Leotychides is no son of mine.'" Leotychides: "Nay, but my mother, who
would know far better than he, said, and still to-day says, I am."
Agesilaus: "Nay, but the god himself, Poteidan, laid his finger on thy
falsity when by his earthquake he drove forth thy father from the bridal
chamber into the light of day; and time, 'that tells no lies,' as the
proverb has it, bare witness to the witness of the god; for just ten
months from the moment at which he fled and was no more seen within that
chamber, you were born." (2) So they reasoned together.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) I have followed Sauppe as usual, but see Hartman ("Anal. Xen." p.
327) for a discussion of the whole passage. He thinks Xenophon
wrote {ex ou gar toi ephugen} ({o sos pater}, i.e. adulterer) {ek
to thalamo dekato meni tu ephus}. The Doric {ek to thalamo} was
corrupted into {en to thalamo} and {kai ephane} inserted. This
corrupt reading Plutarch had before him, and hence his distorted
version of the story.
</pre>
<p>
Diopethes, (3) a great authority upon oracles, supported Leotychides.
There was an oracle of Apollo, he urged, which said "Beware of the lame
reign." But Diopethes was met by Lysander, who in behalf of Agesilaus
demurred to this interpretation put upon the language of the god. If they
were to beware of a lame reign, it meant not, beware lest a man stumble
and halt, but rather, beware of him in whose veins flows not the blood of
Heracles; most assuredly the kingdom would halt, and that would be a lame
reign in very deed, whensoever the descendants of Heracles should cease to
lead the state. Such were the arguments on either side, after hearing
which the city chose Agesilaus to be king.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) See Plut. "Ages." ii. 4; "Lys." xxii. (Clough, iv. 3; iii. 129);
Paus. III. viii. 5.
</pre>
<p>
Now Agesilaus had not been seated on the throne one year when, as he
sacrificed one of the appointed sacrifices in behalf of the city, (4) the
soothsayer warned him, saying: "The gods reveal a conspiracy of the most
fearful character"; and when the king sacrificed a second time, he said:
"The aspect of the victims is now even yet more terrible"; but when he had
sacrificed for the third time, the soothsayer exclaimed: "O Agesilaus, the
sign is given to me, even as though we were in the very midst of the
enemy." Thereupon they sacrificed to the deities who avert evil and work
salvation, and so barely obtained good omens and ceased sacrificing. Nor
had five days elapsed after the sacrifices were ended, ere one came
bringing information to the ephors of a conspiracy, and named Cinadon as
the ringleader; a young man robust of body as of soul, but not one of the
peers. (5) Accordingly the ephors questioned their informant: "How say you
the occurrence is to take place?" and he who gave the information
answered: "Cinadon took me to the limit of the market-place, and bade me
count how many Spartans there were in the market-place; and I counted—'king,
ephors, and elders, and others—maybe forty. But tell me, Cinadon,' I
said to him, 'why have you bidden me count them?' and he answered me:
'Those men, I would have you know, are your sworn foes; and all those
others, more than four thousand, congregated there are your natural
allies.' Then he took and showed me in the streets, here one and there two
of 'our enemies,' as we chanced to come across them, and all the rest 'our
natural allies'; and so again running through the list of Spartans to be
found in the country districts, he still kept harping on that string:
'Look you, on each estate one foeman—the master—and all the
rest allies.'" The ephors asked: "How many do you reckon are in the secret
of this matter?" The informant answered: "On that point also he gave me to
understand that there were by no means many in their secret who were prime
movers of the affair, but those few to be depended on; 'and to make up,'
said he, 'we ourselves are in their secret, all the rest of them—helots,
enfranchised, inferiors, provincials, one and all. (6) Note their
demeanour when Spartans chance to be the topic of their talk. Not one of
them can conceal the delight it would give him if he might eat up every
Spartan raw.'" (7) Then, as the inquiry went on, the question came: "And
where did they propose to find arms?" The answer followed: "He explained
that those of us, of course, who are enrolled in regiments have arms of
our own already, and as for the mass—he led the way to the war
foundry, and showed me scores and scores of knives, of swords, of spits,
hatchets, and axes, and reaping-hooks. 'Anything or everything,' he told
me, 'which men use to delve in earth, cut timber, or quarry stone, would
serve our purpose; nay, the instruments used for other arts would in nine
cases out of ten furnish weapons enough and to spare, especially when
dealing with unarmed antagonists.'" Once more being asked what time the
affair was to come off, he replied his orders were "not to leave the
city."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) "Pol. Lac." xv. 2.
(5) For the {omoioi}, see Muller, "Dorians," iii. 5, 7 (vol. ii. p.
84); Grote, "H. G." ix. 345, note 2.
(6) For the neodamodes, hypomeiones, perioeci, see Arnold, "Thuc." v.
34; Muller, "Dorians," ii. 43, 84, 18; Busolt, op. cit. p 16.
(7) See "Anab." IV. viii. 14; and Hom. "Il." iv. 34.
</pre>
<p>
As the result of their inquiry the ephors were persuaded that the man's
statements were based upon things he had really seen, (8) and they were so
alarmed that they did not even venture to summon the Little Assembly, (9)
as it was named; but holding informal meetings among themselves—a
few senators here and a few there—they determined to send Cinadon
and others of the young men to Aulon, with instructions to apprehend
certain of the inhabitants and helots, whose names were written on the
scytale (or scroll). (10) He had further instructions to capture another
resident in Aulon; this was a woman, the fashionable beauty of the place—supposed
to be the arch-corruptress of all Lacedaemonians, young and old, who
visited Aulon. It was not the first mission of the sort on which Cinadon
had been employed by the ephors. It was natural, therefore, that the
ephors should entrust him with the scytale on which the names of the suspects
were inscribed; and in answer to his inquiry which of the young men he was
to take with him, they said: "Go and order the eldest of the Hippagretae
(11) (or commanders of horse) to let you have six or seven who chance to
be there." But they had taken care to let the commander know whom he was
to send, and that those sent should also know that their business was to
capture Cinadon. Further, the authorities instructed Cinadon that they
would send three waggons to save bringing back his captives on foot—concealing
as deeply as possible the fact that he, and he alone, was the object of
the mission. Their reason for not securing him in the city was that they
did not really know the extent of the mischief; and they wished, in the
first instance, to learn from Cinadon who his accomplices were before
these latter could discover they were informed against and effect their
escape. His captors were to secure him first, and having learnt from him
the names of his confederates, to write them down and send them as quickly
as possible to the ephors. The ephors, indeed, were so much concerned
about the whole occurrence that they further sent a company of horse to
assist their agents at Aulon. (12) As soon as the capture was effected,
and one of the horsemen was back with the list of names taken down on the
information of Cinadon, they lost no time in apprehending the soothsayer
Tisamenus and the rest who were the principals in the conspiracy. When
Cinadon (13) himself was brought back and cross-examined, and had made a
full confession of the whole plot, his plans, and his accomplices, they
put to him one final question: "What was your object in undertaking this
business?" He answered: "I wished to be inferior to no man in Lacedaemon."
Let that be as it might, his fate was to be taken out forthwith in irons,
just as he was, and to be placed with his two hands and his neck in the
collar, and so under scourge and goad to be driven, himself and his
accomplices, round the city. Thus upon the heads of those was visited the
penalty of their offences.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) "And pointed to a well-concerted plan."
(9) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 348.
(10) See Thuc. i. 131; Plut. "Lys." 19 (Clough, iii. p. 125).
(11) "The Hippagretes (or commander of the three hundred guards called
horsemen, though they were not really mounted)." Grote, "H. G."
vol. ix. p. 349; see "Pol. Lac." iv. 3.
(12) Or, "to those on the way to Aulon."
(13) See for Cinadon's case, Arist. "Pol." v. 7, 3.
</pre>
<p>
IV
</p>
<p>
B.C. 397. (1) It was after the incidents just recorded that a Syracusan
named Herodas brought news to Lacedaemon. He had chanced to be in
Phoenicia with a certain shipowner, and was struck by the number of
Phoenician triremes which he observed, some coming into harbour from other
ports, others already there with their ships' companies complete, while
others again were still completing their equipments. Nor was it only what
he saw, but he had heard say further that there were to be three hundred
of these vessels all told; whereupon he had taken passage on the first
sailing ship bound for Hellas. He was in haste to lay this information
before the Lacedaemonians, feeling sure that the king and Tissaphernes
were concerned in these preparations—though where the fleet was to
act, or against whom, he would not venture to predict.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 353, for chronology, etc.
</pre>
<p>
These reports threw the Lacedaemonians into a flutter of expectation and
anxiety. They summoned a meeting of the allies, and began to deliberate as
to what ought to be done. Lysander, convinced of the enormous superiority
of the Hellenic navy, and with regard to land forces drawing an obvious
inference from the exploits and final deliverance of the troops with
Cyrus, persuaded Agesilaus, to undertake a campaign into Asia, provided
the authorities would furnish him with thirty Spartans, two thousand of
the enfranchised, (2) and contingents of the allies amounting to six
thousand men. Apart from these calculations, Lysander had a personal
object: he wished to accompany the king himself, and by his aid to
re-establish the decarchies originally set up by himself in the different
cities, but at a later date expelled through the action of the ephors, who
had issued a fiat re-establishing the old order of constitution.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Technically, "neodamodes."
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 396. To this offer on the part of Agesilaus to undertake such an
expedition the Lacedaemonians responded by presenting him with all he
asked for, and six months' provisions besides. When the hour of departure
came he offered all such sacrifices as are necessary, and lastly those
"before crossing the border," (3) and so set out. This done, he despatched
to the several states (4) messengers with directions as to the numbers to
be sent from each, and the points of rendezvous; but for himself he was
minded to go and do sacrifice at Aulis, even as Agamemnon had offered
sacrifice in that place ere he set sail for Troy. But when he had reached
the place and had begun to sacrifice, the Boeotarchs (5) being apprised of
his design, sent a body of cavalry and bade him desist from further
sacrificing; (6) and lighting upon victims already offered, they hurled
them from off the altars, scattering the fragments. Then Agesilaus,
calling the gods to witness, got on board his trireme in bitter
indignation, and sailed away. Arrived at Geraestus, he there collected as
large a portion of his troops as possible, and with the armada made sail
for Ephesus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) "Pol. Lac." xiii. 2 foll.
(4) Or, "To the several cities he had already despatched messengers
with directions," etc.; see Paus. III. ix. 1-3.
(5) See Freeman, "Hist. of Federal Government," ch. iv. "Constitution
of the Boeotian League," pp. 162, 163. The Boeotarchs, as
representatives of the several Boeotian cities, were the supreme
military commanders of the League, and, as it would appear, the
general administrators of Federal affairs. "The Boeotarchs of
course command at Delion, but they also act as administrative
magistrates of the League by hindering Agesilaus from sacrificing
at Aulis."
(6) Plut. "Ages." vi.; "Pelop." xxi. See Breitenb. op. cit. Praef. p.
xvi.; and below, III. v. 5; VI. iv. 23.
</pre>
<p>
When he had reached that city the first move was made by Tissaphernes, who
sent asking, "With what purpose he was come thither?" And the Spartan king
made answer: "With the intention that the cities in Asia shall be
independent even as are the cities in our quarter of Hellas." In answer to
this Tissaphernes said: "If you on your part choose to make a truce whilst
I send ambassadors to the king, I think you may well arrange the matter,
and sail back home again, if so you will." "Willing enough should I be,"
replied Agesilaus, "were I not persuaded that you are cheating me." "Nay,
but it is open to you," replied the satrap, "to exact a surety for the
execution of the terms... 'Provided always that you, Tissaphernes, carry
out what you say without deceit, we on our side will abstain from injuring
your dominion in any respect whatever during the truce.'" (7) Accordingly
in the presence of three commissioners—Herippidas, Dercylidas, and
Megillus—Tissaphernes took an oath in the words prescribed: "Verily
and indeed, I will effect peace honestly and without guile." To which the
commissioners, on behalf of Agesilaus, swore a counter-oath: "Verily and
indeed, provided Tissaphernes so acts, we on our side will observe the
truce."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) For this corrupt passage, see Hartman, "Anal. Xen." p. 332; also
Otto Keller's critical edition of the "Hellenica" (Lips,
MDCCCLXXX.)
</pre>
<p>
Tissaphernes at once gave the lie to what he had sworn. Instead of
adhering to peace he sent up to demand a large army from the king, in
addition to what he already had. But Agesilaus, though he was fully alive
to these proceedings, adhered as rigidly as ever to the truce.
</p>
<p>
To keep quiet and enjoy leisure was his duty, in the exercise of which he
wore away the time at Ephesus. But in reference to the organisation of the
several states it was a season of vehement constitutional disturbance in
the several cities; that is to say, there were neither democracies as in
the old days of the Athenians, nor yet were there decarchies as in the
days of Lysander. But here was Lysander back again. Every one recognised
him, and flocked to him with petitions for one favour or another, which he
was to obtain for them from Agesilaus. A crowd of suitors danced
attendance on his heels, and formed so conspicuous a retinue that
Agesilaus, any one would have supposed, was the private person and
Lysander the king. All this was maddening to Agesilaus, as was presently
plain. As to the rest of the Thirty, jealousy did not suffer them to keep
silence, and they put it plainly to Agesilaus that the super-regal
splendour in which Lysander lived was a violation of the constitution. So
when Lysander took upon himself to introduce some of his petitioners to
Agesilaus, the latter turned them a deaf ear. Their being aided and
abetted by Lysander was sufficient; he sent them away discomfited. At
length, as time after time things turned out contrary to his wishes,
Lysander himself perceived the position of affairs. He now no longer
suffered that crowd to follow him, and gave those who asked him help in
anything plainly to understand that they would gain nothing, but rather be
losers, by his intervention. But being bitterly annoyed at the degradation
put upon him, he came to the king and said to him: "Ah, Agesilaus, how
well you know the art of humbling your friends!" "Ay, indeed," the king
replied; "those of them whose one idea it is to appear greater than
myself; if I did not know how also to requite with honour those who work
for my good, I should be ashamed." And Lysander said: "maybe there is more
reason in your doings than ever guided my conduct;" adding, "Grant me for
the rest one favour, so shall I cease to blush at the loss of my influence
with you, and you will cease to be embarrassed by my presence. Send me off
on a mission somewhere; wherever I am I will strive to be of service to
you." Such was the proposal of Lysander. Agesilaus resolved to act upon
it, and despatched Lysander to the Hellespont. And this is what befell.
(8) Lysander, being made aware of a slight which had been put upon
Spithridates the Persian by Pharnabazus, got into conversation with the
injured man, and so worked upon him that he was persuaded to bring his
children and his personal belongings, and with a couple of hundred troops
to revolt. The next step was to deposit all the goods safely in Cyzicus,
and the last to get on shipboard with Spithridates and his son, and so to
present himself with his Persian friends to Agesilaus. Agesilaus, on his
side, was delighted at the transaction, and set himself at once to get
information about Pharnabazus, his territory and his government.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) See "Ages." iii. 3; "Anab." VI. v. 7.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile Tissaphernes had waxed bolder. A large body of troops had been
sent down by the king. On the strength of that he declared war against
Agesilaus, if he did not instantly withdraw his troops from Asia. The
Lacedaemonians there (9) present, no less than the allies, received the
news with profound vexation, persuaded as they were that Agesilaus had no
force capable of competing with the king's grand armament. But a smile lit
up the face of Agesilaus as he bade the ambassadors return to Tissaphernes
and tell him that he was much in his debt for the perjury by which he had
won the enmity of Heaven and made the very gods themselves allies of
Hellas. He at once issued a general order to the troops to equip
themselves for a forward movement. He warned the cities through which he
must pass in an advance upon Caria, to have markets in readiness, and
lastly, he despatched a message to the Ionian, Aeolian, and Hellespontine
communities to send their contingents to join him at Ephesus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) I.e. at Ephesus.
</pre>
<p>
Tissaphernes, putting together the facts that Agesilaus had no cavalry and
that Caria was a region unadapted to that arm, and persuaded in his own
mind also that the Spartan could not but cherish wrath against himself
personally for his chicanery, felt convinced that he was really intending
to invade Caria, and that the satrap's palace was his final goal.
Accordingly he transferred the whole of his infantry to that province, and
proceeded to lead his cavalry round into the plain of the Maeander. Here
he conceived himself capable of trampling the Hellenes under foot with his
horsemen before they could reach the craggy districts where no cavalry
could operate.
</p>
<p>
But, instead of marching straight into Caria, Agesilaus turned sharp off
in the opposite direction towards Phrygia. Picking up various detachments
of troops which met him on his march, he steadily advanced, laying cities
prostrate before him, and by the unexpectedness of his attack reaping a
golden harvest of spoil. As a rule the march was prosecuted safely; but
not far from Dascylium his advanced guard of cavalry were pushing on
towards a knoll to take a survey of the state of things in front, when, as
chance would have it, a detachment of cavalry sent forward by Pharnabazus—the
corps, in fact, of Rhathines and his natural brother Bagaeus—just
about equal to the Hellenes in number, also came galloping up to the very
knoll in question. The two bodies found themselves face to face not one
hundred and fifty yards (10) apart, and for the first moment or two stood
stock still. The Hellenic horse were drawn up like an ordinary phalanx
four deep, the barbarians presenting a narrow front of twelve or
thereabouts, and a very disproportionate depth. There was a moment's
pause, and then the barbarians, taking the initiative, charged. There was
a hand-to-hand tussle, in which any Hellene who succeeded in striking his
man shivered his lance with the blow, while the Persian troopers, armed
with cornel-wood javelins, speedily despatched a dozen men and a couple of
horses. (11) At this point the Hellenic cavalry turned and fled. But as
Agesilaus came up to the rescue with his heavy infantry, the Asiatics were
forced in their turn to withdraw, with the loss of one man slain. This
cavalry engagement gave them pause. Agesilaus on the day following it
offered sacrifice. "Was he to continue his advance?" But the victims
proved hopeless. (12) There was nothing for it after this manifestation
but to turn and march towards the sea. It was clear enough to his mind
that without a proper cavalry force it would be impossible to conduct a
campaign in the flat country. Cavalry, therefore, he must get, or be
driven to mere guerilla warfare. With this view he drew up a list of all
the wealthiest inhabitants belonging to the several cities of those parts.
Their duty would be to support a body of cavalry, with the proviso,
however, that any one contributing a horse, arms, and rider, up to the
standard, would be exempted from personal service. The effect was
instantaneous. The zeal with which the recipients of these orders
responded could hardly have been greater if they had been seeking
substitutes to die for them.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Lit. "four plethra."
(11) See Xenophon's treatise "On Horsemanship," xii. 12.
(12) Lit. "lobeless," i.e. with a lobe of the liver wanting—a bad
sign.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 395. After this, at the first indication of spring, he collected the
whole of his army at Ephesus. But the army needed training. With that
object he proposed a series of prizes—prizes to the heavy infantry
regiments, to be won by those who presented their men in the best
condition; prizes for the cavalry regiments which could ride best; prizes
for those divisions of peltasts and archers which proved most efficient in
their respective duties. And now the gymnasiums were a sight to see,
thronged as they were, one and all, with warriors stripping for exercise;
or again, the hippodrome crowded with horses and riders performing their
evolutions; or the javelin men and archers going through their peculiar
drill. In fact, the whole city where he lay presented under his hands a
spectacle not to be forgotten. The market-place literally teemed with
horses, arms, and accoutrements of all sorts for sale. The bronze-worker,
the carpenter, the smith, the leather-cutter, the painter and embosser,
were all busily engaged in fabricating the implements of war; so that the
city of Ephesus itself was fairly converted into a military workshop. (13)
It would have done a man's heart good to see those long lines of soldiers
with Agesilaus at their head, as they stepped gaily be-garlanded from the
gymnasiums to dedicate their wreaths to the goddess Artemis. Nor can I
well conceive of elements more fraught with hope than were here combined.
Here were reverence and piety towards Heaven; here practice in war and
military training; here discipline with habitual obedience to authority.
But contempt for one's enemy will infuse a kind of strength in battle. So
the Spartan leader argued; and with a view to its production he ordered
the quartermasters to put up the prisoners who had been captured by his
foraging bands for auction, stripped naked; so that his Hellenic soldiery,
as they looked at the white skins which had never been bared to sun and
wind, the soft limbs unused to toil through constant riding in carriages,
came to the conclusion that war with such adversaries would differ little
from a fight with women.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) See Plut. "Marc." (Clough, ii. 262); Polyb. "Hist." x. 20.
</pre>
<p>
By this date a full year had elapsed since the embarkation of Agesilaus,
and the time had come for the Thirty with Lysander to sail back home, and
for their successors, with Herippidas, to arrive. Among these Agesilaus
appointed Xenocles and another to the command of the cavalry, Scythes to
that of the heavy infantry of the enfranchised, (14) Herippidas to that of
the Cyreians, and Migdon to that of the contingents from the states.
Agesilaus gave them to understand that he intended to lead them forthwith
by the most expeditious route against the stronghold of the country, (15)
so that without further ceremony they might prepare their minds and bodies
for the tug of battle. Tissaphernes, however, was firmly persuaded that
this was only talk intended to deceive him; Agesilaus would this time
certainly invade Caria. Accordingly he repeated his former tactics,
transporting his infantry bodily into Caria and posting his cavalry in the
valley of the Maeander. But Agesilaus was as good as his word, and at once
invaded the district of Sardis. A three days' march through a region
denuded of the enemy threw large supplies into his hands. On the fourth
day the cavalry of the enemy approached. Their general ordered the officer
in charge of his baggage-train to cross the Pactolus and encamp, while his
troopers, catching sight of stragglers from the Hellenic force scattered
in pursuit of booty, put several of them to the sword. Perceiving which,
Agesilaus ordered his cavalry to the rescue; and the Persians on their
side, seeing their advance, collected together in battle order to receive
them, with dense squadrons of horse, troop upon troop. The Spartan,
reflecting that the enemy had as yet no infantry to support him, whilst he
had all branches of the service to depend upon, concluded that the
critical moment had arrived at which to risk an engagement. In this mood
he sacrificed, and began advancing his main line of battle against the
serried lines of cavalry in front of him, at the same time ordering the
flower of his heavy infantry—the ten-years-service men (16)—to
close with them at a run, and the peltasts to bring up their supports at
the double. The order passed to his cavalry was to charge in confidence
that he and the whole body of his troops were close behind them. The
cavalry charge was received by the Persians without flinching, but
presently finding themselves environed by the full tide of war they
swerved. Some found a speedy grave within the river, but the mass of them
gradually made good their escape. The Hellenes followed close on the heels
of the flying foe and captured his camp. here the peltasts not unnaturally
fell to pillaging; whereupon Agesilaus planted his troops so as to form a
cordon enclosing the property of friends and foes alike. The spoil taken
was considerable; it fetched more than seventy talents, (17) not to
mention the famous camels, subsequently brought over by Agesilaus into
Hellas, which were captured here. At the moment of the battle Tissaphernes
lay in Sardis. Hence the Persians argued that they had been betrayed by
the satrap. And the king of Persia, coming to a like conclusion himself
that Tissaphernes was to blame for the evil turn of his affairs, sent down
Tithraustes and beheaded him. (18)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) The neodamodes.
(15) I.e. Lydia. See Plut. "Ages." x. (Clough, iv. 11).
(16) See note to "Hell." II. iv. 32.
(17) = 17,062 pounds: 10 shillings.
(18) See Diod. xiv. 80.
</pre>
<p>
This done, Tithraustes sent an embassy to Agesilaus with a message as
follows: "The author of all our trouble, yours and ours, Agesilaus, has
paid the penalty of his misdoings; the king therefore asks of you first
that you should sail back home in peace; secondly, that the cities in Asia
secured in their autonomy should continue to render him the ancient
tribute." To this proposition Agesilaus made answer that "without the
authorities at home he could do nothing in the matter." "Then do you, at
least," replied Tithraustes, "while awaiting advice from Lacedaemon,
withdraw into the territory of Pharnabazus. Have I not avenged you of your
enemy?" "While, then, I am on my way thither," rejoined Agesilaus, "will
you support my army with provisions?" On this wise Tithraustes handed him
thirty talents, (19) which the other took, and forthwith began his march
into Phrygia (the Phrygia of Pharnabazus). He lay in the plain district
above Cyme, (20) when a message reached him from the home authorities,
giving him absolute disposal of the naval forces, (21) with the right to
appoint the admiral of his choice. This course the Lacedaemonians were led
to adopt by the following considerations: If, they argued, the same man
were in command of both services, the land force would be greatly
strengthened through the concentration of the double force at any point
necessary; and the navy likewise would be far more useful through the
immediate presence and co-operation of the land force where needed.
Apprised of these measures, Agesilaus in the first instance sent an order
to the cities on the islands and the seaboard to fit out as many ships of
war as they severally might deem desirable. The result was a new navy,
consisting of the vessels thus voluntarily furnished by the states, with
others presented by private persons out of courtesy to their commander,
and amounting in all to a fleet of one hundred and twenty sail. The
admiral whom he selected was Peisander, his wife's brother, a man of
genuine ambition and of a vigorous spirit, but not sufficiently expert in
the details of equipment to achieve a great naval success. Thus while
Peisander set off to attend to naval matters, Agesilaus continued his
march whither he was bound to Phrygia.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) = 7,312 pounds: 10 shillings.
(20) See "Cyrop." VII. i. 45.
(21) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 327, note 3; Arist. "Pol." ii. 9, 33.
</pre>
<p>
V
</p>
<p>
But now Tithraustes seemed to have discovered in Agesilaus a disposition
to despise the fortunes of the Persian monarch—he evidently had no
intention to withdraw from Asia; on the contrary, he was cherishing hopes
vast enough to include the capture of the king himself. Being at his wits'
end how to manage matters, he resolved to send Timocrates the Rhodian to
Hellas with a gift of gold worthy fifty silver talents, (1) and enjoined
upon him to endeavour to exchange solemn pledges with the leading men in
the several states, binding them to undertake a war against Lacedaemon.
Timocrates arrived and began to dole out his presents. In Thebes he gave
gifts to Androcleidas, Ismenias, and Galaxidorus; in Corinth to Timolaus
and Polyanthes; in Argos to Cylon and his party. The Athenians, (2) though
they took no share of the gold, were none the less eager for the war,
being of opinion that empire was theirs by right. (3) The recipients of
the moneys forthwith began covertly to attack the Lacedaemonians in their
respective states, and, when they had brought these to a sufficient pitch
of hatred, bound together the most important of them in a confederacy.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) = 12,187 pounds: 10 shillings.
(2) See Paus. III. ix. 8; Plut. "Ages." xv.
(3) Reading {nomizontes auton to arkhein} with Sauppe; or if, as
Breitinbach suggests, {enomizon de oukh outon to arkhesthai},
translate "but thought it was not for them to take the
initiative."
</pre>
<p>
But it was clear to the leaders in Thebes that, unless some one struck the
first blow, the Lacedaemonians would never be brought to break the truce
with their allies. They therefore persuaded the Opuntian Locrians (4) to
levy moneys on a debatable district, (5) jointly claimed by the Phocians
and themselves, when the Phocians would be sure to retaliate by an attack
on Locris. These expectations were fulfilled. The Phocians immediately
invaded Locris and seized moneys on their side with ample interest. Then
Androcleidas and his friends lost no time in persuading the Thebans to
assist the Locrians, on the ground that it was no debatable district which
had been entered by the Phocians, but the admittedly friendly and allied
territory of Locris itself. The counter-invasion of Phocis and pillage of
their country by the Thebans promptly induced the Phocians to send an
embassy to Lacedaemon. In claiming assistance they explained that the war
was not of their own seeking, but that they had attacked the Locrians in
self-defence. On their side the Lacedaemonians were glad enough to seize a
pretext for marching upon the Thebans, against whom they cherished a
long-standing bitterness. They had not forgotten the claim which the
Thebans had set up to a tithe for Apollo in Deceleia, (6) nor yet their
refusal to support Lacedaemon in the attack on Piraeus; (7) and they
accused them further of having persuaded the Corinthians not to join that
expedition. Nor did they fail to call to mind some later proceedings of
the Thebans—their refusal to allow Agesilaus to sacrifice in Aulis;
(8) their snatching the victims already offered and hurling them from the
altars; their refusal to join the same general in a campaign directed even
against Asia. (9) The Lacedaemonians further reasoned that now, if ever,
was the favourable moment to conduct an expedition against the Thebans,
and once for all to put a stop to their insolent behaviour towards them.
Affairs in Asia were prospering under the strong arm of Agesilaus, and in
Hellas they had no other war on hand to trammel their movements. Such,
therefore, being the general view of the situation adopted at Lacedaemon,
the ephors proceeded to call out the ban. Meanwhile they despatched
Lysander to Phocis with orders to put himself at the head of the Phocians
along with the Oetaeans, Heracleotes, Melians, and Aenianians, and to
march upon Haliartus; before the walls of which place Pausanias, the
destined leader of the expedition, undertook to present himself at the
head of the Lacedaemonians and other Peloponnesian forces by a specified
date. Lysander not only carried out his instructions to the letter, but
going a little beyond them, succeeded in detaching Orchomenus from Thebes.
(10) Pausanias, on the other hand, after finding the sacrifice for
crossing the frontier favourable, sat down at Tegea and set about
despatching to and fro the commandants of allied troops whilst contentedly
awaiting the soldiers from the provincial (11) districts of Laconia.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) For an alliance between Athens and the Locrians, B.C. 395, see
Hicks, 67; and below, IV. ii. 17.
(5) Lit. "the." See Paus. III. ix. 9.
(6) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 309, 403; viii. 355.
(7) "Hell." II. iv. 30, B.C. 403.
(8) See above, III. iv. 3; and below, VII. i. 34.
(9) See Paus. III. ix. 1-3.
(10) See Freeman, op. cit. p. 167, "Ill feeling between Thebes and
other towns."—"Against Thebes, backed by Sparta, resistance was
hopeless. It was not till long after that, at last (in 395 B.C.),
on a favourable opportunity during the Corinthian war, Orchomenos
openly seceded." And for the prior "state of disaffection towards
Thebes on the part of the smaller cities," see "Mem." III. v. 2,
in reference to B.C. 407.
(11) Lit. "perioecid."
</pre>
<p>
And now that it was fully plain to the Thebans that the Lacedaemonians
would invade their territory, they sent ambassadors to Athens, who spoke
as follows:—
</p>
<p>
"Men of Athens, it is a mistake on your part to blame us for certain harsh
resolutions concerning Athens at the conclusion of the war. (12) That vote
was not authorised by the state of Thebes. It was the utterance merely of
one man, (13) who was at that time seated in the congress of the allies. A
more important fact is that when the Lacedaemonians summoned us to attack
Piraeus (14) the collective state of Thebes passed a resolution refusing
to join in the campaign. As then you are to a large extent the cause of
the resentment which the Lacedaemonians feel towards us, we consider it
only fair that you in your turn should render us assistance. Still more do
we demand of you, sirs, who were of the city party at that date, to enter
heart and soul into war with the Lacedaemonians. For what were their
services to you? They first deliberately converted you into an oligarchy
and placed you in hostility to the democracy, and then they came with a
great force under guise of being your allies, and delivered you over to
the majority, so that, for any service they rendered you, you were all
dead men; and you owe your lives to our friends here, the people of
Athens. (15)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) See "Hell." II. ii. 19; and below, VI. v. 35.
(13) Plut. "Lys." xv. "Erianthus the Theban gave his vote to pull down
the city, and turn the country into sheep-pasture."—Clough, iii.
121.
(14) See "Hell." II. iv. 30.
(15) See "Hell." II. iv. 38, 40, 41.
</pre>
<p>
"But to pass on—we all know, men of Athens, that you would like to
recover the empire which you formerly possessed; and how can you compass
your object better than by coming to the aid yourselves of the victims of
Lacedaemonian injustice? Is it their wide empire of which you are afraid?
Let not that make cowards of you—much rather let it embolden you as
you lay to heart and ponder your own case. When your empire was widest
then the crop of your enemies was thickest. Only so long as they found no
opportunity to revolt did they keep their hatred of you dark; but no
sooner had they found a champion in Lacedaemon than they at once showed
what they really felt towards you. So too to-day. Let us show plainly that
we mean to stand shoulder to shoulder (16) embattled against the
Lacedaemonians; and haters enough of them—whole armies—never
fear, will be forthcoming. To prove the truth of this assertion you need
only to count upon your fingers. How many friends have they left to them
to-day? The Argives have been, are, and ever will be, hostile to them. Of
course. But the Eleians? Why, the Eleians have quite lately (17) been
robbed of so much territory and so many cities that their friendship is
converted into hatred. And what shall we say of the Corinthians? the
Arcadians? the Achaeans? In the war which Sparta waged against you, there
was no toil, no danger, no expense, which those peoples did not share, in
obedience to the dulcet coaxings (18) and persuasions of that power. The
Lacedaemonians gained what they wanted, and then not one fractional
portion of empire, honour, or wealth did these faithful followers come in
for. That is not all. They have no scruple in appointing their helots (19)
as governors, and on the free necks of their alies, in the day of their
good fortune, they have planted the tyrant's heel.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(16) Lit. "shield to shield."
(17) Lit. "to-day," "nowadays."
(18) {mala liparoumenoi}. See Thuc. i. 66 foll.; vi. 88.
(19) See "Pol. Lac." xiv.
</pre>
<p>
"Then again take the case of those whom they have detached from
yourselves. In the most patent way they have cajoled and cheated them; in
place of freedom they have presented them with a twofold slavery. The
allies are tyrannised over by the governor and tyrannised over by the ten
commissioners set up by Lysander over every city. (20) And to come lastly
to the great king. In spite of all the enormous contributions with which
he aided them to gain a mastery over you, is the lord of Asia one whit
better off to-day than if he had taken exactly the opposite course and
joined you in reducing them?
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) Grote ("H. G." ix. 323), referring to this passage, and to
"Hell." VI. iii. 8-11, notes the change in Spartan habits between
405 and 394 B.C. (i.e. between the victory of Aegospotami and the
defeat of Cnidos), when Sparta possessed a large public revenue
derived from the tribute of the dependent cities. For her earlier
condition, 432 B.C., cf. Thuc. i. 80. For her subsequent
condition, 334 B.C., cf. Arist. "Pol." ii. 6, 23.
</pre>
<p>
"Is it not clear that you have only to step forward once again as the
champions of this crowd of sufferers from injustice, and you will attain
to a pinnacle of power quite unprecedented? In the days of your old empire
you were leaders of the maritime powers merely—that is clear; but
your new empire to-day will be universal. You will have at your backs not
only your former subjects, but ourselves, and the Peloponnesians, and the
king himself, with all that mighty power which is his. We do not deny that
we were serviceable allies enough to Lacedaemon, as you will bear us
witness; but this we say:—If we helped the Lacedaemonians vigorously
in the past, everything tends to show that we shall help you still more
vigorously to-day; for our swords will be unsheathed, not in behalf of
islanders, or Syracusans, or men of alien stock, as happened in the late
war, but of ourselves, suffering under a sense of wrong. And there is
another important fact which you ought to realise: this selfish system of
organised greed which is Sparta's will fall more readily to pieces than
your own late empire. Yours was the proud assertion of naval empire over
subjects powerless by sea. Theirs is the selfish sway of a minority
asserting dominion over states equally well armed with themselves, and
many times more numerous. Here our remarks end. Do not forget, however,
men of Athens, that as far as we can understand the matter, the field to
which we invite you is destined to prove far richer in blessings to your
own state of Athens than to ours, Thebes."
</p>
<p>
With these words the speaker ended. Among the Athenians, speaker after
speaker spoke in favour of the proposition, (21) and finally a unanimous
resolution was passed voting assistance to the Thebans. Thrasybulus, in an
answer communicating the resolution, pointed out with pride that in spite
of the unfortified condition of Piraeus, Athens would not shrink from
repaying her former debt of gratitude to Thebes with interest. "You," he
added, "refused to join in a campaign against us; we are prepared to fight
your battles with you against the enemy, if he attacks you." Thus the
Thebans returned home and made preparations to defend themselves, whilst
the Athenians made ready to assist them.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(21) For the alliance between Boeotia and Athens, B.C. 395, see
Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 6; Hicks, op. cit. 65; Lys. "pro Man." S.
13; Jebb, "Att. Or." i. p. 247; and the two speeches of the same
orator Lysias against Alcibiades (son of the famous Alcibiades),
on a Charge of Desertion ("Or." xiv.), and on a Charge of Failure
to Serve ("Or." xv.)—Jebb, op. cit. i. p. 256 foll.
</pre>
<p>
And now the Lacedaemonians no longer hesitated. Pausanias the king
advanced into Boeotia with the home army and the whole of the
Peloponnesian contingents, saving only the Corinthians, who declined to
serve. Lysander, at the head of the army supplied by Phocis and Orchomenus
and the other strong places in those parts, had already reached Haliartus,
in front of Pausanias. Being arrived, he refused to sit down quietly and
await the arrival of the army from Lacedaemon, but at once marched with
what troops he had against the walls of Haliartus; and in the first
instance he tried to persuade the citizens to detach themselves from
Thebes and to assume autonomy, but the intention was cut short by certain
Thebans within the fortress. Whereupon Lysander attacked the place. The
Thebans were made aware, (22) and hurried to the rescue with heavy
infantry and cavalry. Then, whether it was that the army of relief fell
upon Lysander unawares, or that with clear knowledge of his approach he
preferred to await the enemy, with intent to crush him, is uncertain. This
only is clear: a battle was fought beside the walls, and a trophy still
exists to mark the victory of the townsfolk before the gates of Haliartus.
Lysander was slain, and the rest fled to the mountains, the Thebans hotly
pursuing. But when the pursuit had led them to some considerable height,
and they were fairly environed and hemmed in by difficult ground and
narrow space, then the heavy infantry turned to bay, and greeted them with
a shower of darts and missiles. First two or three men dropped who had
been foremost of the pursuers, and then upon the rest they poured volleys
of stones down the precipitous incline, and pressed on their late pursuers
with much zeal, until the Thebans turned tail and quitted the deadly
slope, leaving behind them more than a couple of hundred corpses.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) See Plut. "Lys." xxviii. (Clough, iii. 137).
</pre>
<p>
On this day, thereafter, the hearts of the Thebans failed them as they
counted their losses and found them equal to their gains; but the next day
they discovered that during the night the Phocians and the rest of them
had made off to their several homes, whereupon they fell to pluming
themselves highly on their achievement. But presently Pausanias appeared
at the head of the Lacedaemonian army, and once more their dangers seemed
to thicken round them. Deep, we are told, was the silence and abasement
which reigned in their host. It was not until the third day, when the
Athenians arrived (23) and were duely drawn up beside them, whilst
Pausanias neither attacked nor offered battle, that at length the
confidence of the Thebans took a larger range. Pausanias, on his side,
having summoned his generals and commanders of fifties, (24) deliberated
whether to give battle or to content himself with picking up the bodies of
Lysander and those who fell with him, under cover of a truce.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) See Dem. "On the Crown," 258.
(24) Lit. "polemarchs and penteconters"—"colonels and lieutenants."
See "Pol. Lac." xi.
</pre>
<p>
The considerations which weighed upon the minds of Pausanias and the other
high officers of the Lacedaemonians seem to have been that Lysander was
dead and his defeated army in retreat; while, as far as they themselves
were concerned, the Corinthian contingent was absolutely wanting, and the
zeal of the troops there present at the lowest ebb. They further reasoned
that the enemy's cavalry was numerous and theirs the reverse; whilst,
weightiest of all, there lay the dead right under the walls, so that if
they had been ever so much stronger it would have been no easy task to
pick up the bodies within range of the towers of Haliartus. On all these
grounds they determined to ask for a flag of truce, in order to pick up
the bodies of the slain. These, however, the Thebans were not disposed to
give back unless they agreed to retire from their territory. The terms
were gladly accepted by the Lacedaemonians, who at once picked up the
corpses of the slain, and prepared to quit the territory of Boeotia. The
preliminaries were transacted, and the retreat commenced. Despondent
indeed was the demeanour of the Lacedaemonians, in contrast with the
insolent bearing of the Thebans, who visited the slightest attempt to
trespass on their private estates with blows and chased the offenders back
on to the high roads unflinchingly. Such was the conclusion of the
campaign of the Lacedaemonians.
</p>
<p>
As for Pausanias, on his arrival at home he was tried on the capital
charge. The heads of indictment set forth that he had failed to reach
Haliartus as soon as Lysander, in spite of his undertaking to be there on
the same day: that, instead of using any endeavour to pick up the bodies
of the slain by force of arms, he had asked for a flag of truce: that at
an earlier date, when he had got the popular government of Athens fairly
in his grip at Piraeus, he had suffered it to slip through his fingers and
escape. Besides this, (25) he failed to present himself at the trial, and
a sentence of death was passed upon him. He escaped to Tegea and there
died of an illness whilst still in exile. Thus closes the chapter of
events enacted on the soil of Hellas. To return to Asia and Agesilaus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(25) Or, add, "as a further gravamen."
</pre>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005">
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</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
BOOK IV
</h2>
<p>
I
</p>
<p>
B.C. 395. With the fall of the year Agesilaus reached Phrygia—the
Phrygia of Pharnabazus—and proceeded to burn and harry the district.
City after city was taken, some by force and some by voluntary surrender.
To a proposal of Spithridates to lead him into Paphlagonia, (1) where he
would introduce the king of the country to him in conference and obtain
his alliance, he readily acceded. It was a long-cherished ambition of
Agesilaus to alienate some one of the subject nations from the Persian
monarch, and he pushed forward eagerly.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See Hartman ("An. Xen." p. 339), who suggests {Otun auto} for {sun
auto}.
</pre>
<p>
On his arrival in Paphlagonia, King Otys (2) came, and an alliance was
made. (The fact was, he had been summoned by the king to Susa and had not
gone up.) More than that, through the persuasion of Spithridates he left
behind as a parting gift to Agesilaus one thousand cavalry and a couple of
thousand peltasts. Agesilaus was anxious in some way to show his gratitude
to Spithridates for such help, and spoke as follows:—"Tell me," he
said to Spithridates, "would you not like to give your daughter to King
Otys?" "Much more would I like to give her," he answered, "than he to take
her—I an outcast wanderer, and he lord of a vast territory and
forces." Nothing more was said at the time about the marriage; but when
Otys was on the point of departure and came to bid farewell, Agesilaus,
having taken care that Spithridates should be out of the way, in the
presence of the Thirty broached the subject: (3) "Can you tell me, Otys,
to what sort of family Spithridates belongs?" "To one of the noblest in
Persia," replied the king. Agesilaus: "Have you observed how beautiful his
son is?" Otys: "To be sure; last evening I was supping with him."
Agesilaus: "And they tell me his daughter is yet more beautiful." Otys:
"That may well be; beautiful she is." Agesilaus: "For my part, as you have
proved so good a friend to us, I should like to advise you to take this
girl to wife. Not only is she very beautiful—and what more should a
husband ask for?—but her father is of noble family, and has a force
at his back large enough to retaliate on Pharnabazus for an injury. He has
made the satrap, as you see, a fugitive and a vagabond in his own vast
territory. I need not tell you," he added, "that a man who can so chastise
an enemy is well able to benefit a friend; and of this be assured: by such
an alliance you will gain not the connection of Spithridates alone, but of
myself and the Lacedaemonians, and, as we are the leaders of Hellas, of
the rest of Hellas also. And what a wedding yours will be! Were ever
nuptials celebrated on so grand a scale before? Was ever bride led home by
such an escort of cavalry and light-armed troops and heavy infantry, as
shall escort your wife home to your palace?" Otys asked: "Is Spithridates
of one mind with you in this proposal?" and Agesilaus answered: "In good
sooth he did not bid me make it for him. And for my own part in the
matter, though it is, I admit, a rare pleasure to requite an enemy, yet I
had far rather at any time discover some good fortune for my friends."
Otys: "Why not ask if your project pleases Spithridates too?" Then
Agesilaus, turning to Herippidas and the rest of the Thirty, bade them go
to Spithridates; "and give him such good instruction," he added, "that he
shall wish what we wish." The Thirty rose and retired to administer their
lesson. But they seemed to tarry a long time, and Agesilaus asked: "What
say you, King Otys—shall we summon him hither ourselves? You, I feel
certain, are better able to persuade him than the whole Thirty put
together." Thereupon Agesilaus summoned Spithridates and the others. As
they came forward, Herippidas promptly delivered himself thus: "I spare
you the details, Agesilaus. To make a long story short, Spithridates says,
'He will be glad to do whatever pleases you.'" Then Agesilaus, turning
first to one and then to the other: "What pleases me," said he, "is that
you should wed a daughter—and you a wife—so happily. (4) But,"
he added, "I do not see how we can well bring home the bride by land till
spring." "No, not by land," the suitor answered, "but you might, if you
chose, conduct her home at once by sea." Thereupon they exchanged pledges
to ratify the compact; and so sent Otys rejoicing on his way.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) See "Ages." iii. 4, where he is called Cotys.
(3) I.e. "Spartan counsellors."
(4) Or, "and may the wedding be blest!"
</pre>
<p>
Agesilaus, who had not failed to note the king's impatience, at once
fitted out a ship of war and gave orders to Callias, a Lacedaemonian, to
escort the maiden to her new home; after which he himself began his march
on Dascylium. Here was the palace of Pharnabazus. It lay in the midst of
abundant supplies. Here, too, were most fair hunting grounds, offering the
hunter choice between enclosed parks (5) and a wide expanse of field and
fell; and all around there flowed a river full of fish of every sort; and
for the sportsman versed in fowling, winged game in abundance.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) Lit. "paradises." See "Anab." I. ii. 7; "Cyrop." I. iv. 11.
</pre>
<p>
In these quarters the Spartan king passed the winter, collecting supplies
for the army either on the spot or by a system of forage. On one of these
occasions the troops, who had grown reckless and scornful of the enemy
through long immunity from attack, whilst engaged in collecting supplies
were scattered over the flat country, when Pharnabazus fell upon them with
two scythe-chariots and about four hundred horse. Seeing him thus
advancing, the Hellenes ran together, mustering possibly seven hundred
men. The Persian did not hesitate, but placing his chariots in front,
supported by himself and the cavalry, he gave the command to charge. The
scythe-chariots charged and scattered the compact mass, and speedily the
cavalry had laid low in the dust about a hundred men, while the rest
retreated hastily, under cover of Agesilaus and his hoplites, who were
fortunately near.
</p>
<p>
It was the third or fourth day after this that Spithridates made a
discovery: Pharnabazus lay encamped in Caue, a large village not more than
eighteen miles (6) away. This news he lost no time in reporting to
Herippidas. The latter, who was longing for some brilliant exploit, begged
Agesilaus to furnish him with two thousand hoplites, an equal number of
peltasts, and some cavalry—the latter to consist of the horsemen of
Spithridates, the Paphlagonians, and as many Hellene troopers as he might
perchance persuade to follow him. Having got the promise of them from
Agesilaus, he proceeded to take the auspices. Towards late afternoon he
obtained favourable omens and broke off the sacrifice. Thereupon he
ordered the troops to get their evening meal, after which they were to
present themselves in front of the camp. But by the time darkness had
closed in, not one half of them had come out. To abandon the project was
to call down the ridicule of the rest of the Thirty. So he set out with
the force to hand, and about daylight, falling on the camp of Pharnabazus,
put many of his advanced guard of Mysians to the sword. The men themselves
made good their escape in different directions, but the camp was taken,
and with it divers goblets and other gear such as a man like Pharnabazus
would have, not to speak of much baggage and many baggage animals. It was
the dread of being surrounded and besieged, if he should establish himself
for long at any one spot, which induced Pharnabazus to flee in gipsy
fashion from point to point over the country, carefully obliterating his
encampments. Now as the Paphlagonians and Spithridates brought back the
captured property, they were met by Herippidas with his brigadiers and
captains, who stopped them and (7) relieved them of all they had; the
object being to have as large a list as possible of captures to deliver
over to the officers who superintended the sale of booty. (8) This
treatment the Asiatics found intolerable. They deemed themselves at once
injured and insulted, got their kit together in the night, and made off in
the direction of Sardis to join Ariaeus without mistrust, seeing that he
too had revolted and gone to war with the king. On Agesilaus himself no
heavier blow fell during the whole campaign than the desertion of
Spithridates and Megabates and the Paphlagonians.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) Lit. "one hundred and sixty stades."
(7) Or, "captains posted to intercept them, who relieved..." See
"Anab." IV. i. 14.
(8) See "Pol. Lac." xiii. 11, for these officers.
</pre>
<p>
Now there was a certain man of Cyzicus, Apollophanes by name; he was an
old friend of Pharnabazus, and at this time had become a friend also of
Agesilaus. (9) This man informed Agesilaus that he thought he could bring
about a meeting between him and Pharnabazus, which might tend to
friendship; and having so got ear of him, he obtained pledges of good
faith between his two friends, and presented himself with Pharnabazus at
the trysting-place, where Agesilaus with the Thirty around him awaited
their coming, reclined upon a grassy sward. Pharnabazus presently arrived
clad in costliest apparel; but just as his attendants were about to spread
at his feet the carpets on which the Persians delicately seat themselves,
he was touched with a sense of shame at his own luxury in sight of the
simplicity of Agesilaus, and he also without further ceremony seated
himself on the bare ground. And first the two bade one another hail, and
then Pharnabazus stretched out his right hand and Agesilaus his to meet
him, and the conversation began. Pharnabazus, as the elder of the two,
spoke first. "Agesilaus," he said, "and all you Lacedaemonians here
present, while you were at war with the Athenians I was your friend and
ally; it was I who furnished the wealth that made your navy strong on sea;
on land I fought on horseback by your side, and pursued your enemies into
the sea. (10) As to duplicity like that of Tissaphernes, I challenge you
to accuse me of having played you false by word or deed. Such have I ever
been; and in return how am I treated by yourselves to-day?—in such
sort that I cannot even sup in my own country unless, like the wild
animals, I pick up the scraps you chance to leave. The beautiful palaces
which my father left me as an heirloom, the parks (11) full of trees and
beasts of the chase in which my heart rejoiced, lie before my eyes hacked
to pieces, burnt to ashes. Maybe I do not comprehend the first principles
of justice and holiness; do you then explain to me how all this resembles
the conduct of men who know how to repay a simple debt of gratitude." He
ceased, and the Thirty were ashamed before him and kept silence. (12)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) "Ages." v. 4; Plut. "Ages." xi. (Clough, iv. p. 14).
(10) See "Hell." I. i. 6.
(11) Lit. "paradises."
(12) Theopompus of Chios, the historian (b. B.C. 378, fl. B.C. 333),
"in the eleventh book (of his {Suntazis Ellenikon}) borrowed
Xenophon's lively account of the interview between Agesilaus and
Pharnabazus (Apollonius apud Euseb. B, "Praep. Evang." p. 465)."
See "Hist. Lit. of Anc. Gr.," Muller and Donaldson, ii. p. 380.
</pre>
<p>
At length, after some pause, Agesilaus spoke. "I think you are aware," he
said, "Pharnabazus, that within the states of Hellas the folk of one
community contract relations of friendship and hospitality with one
another; (13) but if these states should go to war, then each man will
side with his fatherland, and friend will find himself pitted against
friend in the field of battle, and, if it so betide, the one may even deal
the other his death-blow. So too we to-day, being at war with your
sovereign lord the king, must needs regard as our enemy all that he calls
his; not but that with yourself personally we should esteem it our high
fortune to be friends. If indeed it were merely an exchange of service—were
you asked to give up your lord the king and to take us as your masters in
his stead, I could not so advise you; but the fact is, by joining with us
it is in your power to-day to bow your head to no man, to call no man
master, to reap the produce of your own domain in freedom—freedom,
which to my mind is more precious than all riches. Not that we bid you to
become a beggar for the sake of freedom, but rather to use our friendship
to increase not the king's authority, but your own, by subduing those who
are your fellow-slaves to-day, and who to-morrow shall be your willing
subjects. Well, then, freedom given and wealth added—what more would
you desire to fill the cup of happiness to overflowing?" Pharnabazus
replied: "Shall I tell you plainly what I will do?" "That were but kind
and courteous on your part," he answered. "Thus it stands with me, then,"
said Pharnabazus. "If the king should send another general, and if he
should wish to rank me under this new man's orders, I, for my part, am
willing to accept your friendship and alliance; but if he offers me the
supreme command—why, then, I plainly tell you, there is a certain
something in the very name ambition which whispers me that I shall war
against you to the best of my ability." (14) When he heard that, Agesilaus
seized the satrap's hand, exclaiming: "Ah, best of mortals, may the day
arrive which sends us such a friend! Of one thing rest assured. This
instant I leave your territory with what haste I may, and for the future—even
in case of war—as long as we can find foes elsewhere our hands shall
hold aloof from you and yours."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Or, add, "we call them guest friends."
(14) Or, "so subtle a force, it seems, is the love of honour that."
Grote, "H. G." ix. 386; cf. Herod. iii. 57 for "ambition,"
{philotimia}.
</pre>
<p>
And with these words he broke up the meeting. Pharnabazus mounted his
horse and rode away, but his son by Parapita, who was still in the bloom
of youth, lingered behind; then, running up to Agesilaus, he exclaimed:
"See, I choose you as my friend." "And I accept you," replied the king.
"Remember, then," the lad answered, and with the word presented the
beautiful javelin in his hand to Agesilaus, who received it, and
unclasping a splendid trapping (15) which his secretary, Idaeus, had round
the neck of his charger, he gave it in return to the youth; whereupon the
boy leapt on his horse's back and galloped after his father. (16) At a
later date, during the absence of Pharnabazus abroad, this same youth, the
son of Parapita, was deprived of the government by his brother and driven
into exile. Then Agesilaus took great interest in him, and as he had a
strong attachment to the son of Eualces, an Athenian, Agesilaus did all he
could to have this friend of his, who was the tallest of the boys,
admitted to the two hundred yards race at Olympia.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) {phalara}, bosses of gold, silver, or other metals, cast or
chased, with some appropriate device in relief, which were worn as
an ornamental trapping for horses, affixed to the head-stall or to
a throat-collar, or to a martingale over the chest.—Rich's
"Companion to Lat. Dict. and Greek Lex.," s.v.
(16) See Grote, ix. 387; Plut. "Ages." xiv. (Clough, iv. 15); "Ages."
iii. 5. The incident is idealised in the "Cyrop." I. iv. 26 foll.
See "Lyra Heroica": CXXV. A Ballad of East and West—the incident
of the "turquoise-studded rein."
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 394. But to return to the actual moment. Agesilaus was as good as his
word, and at once marched out of the territory of Pharnabazus. The season
verged on spring. Reaching the plain of Thebe, (17) he encamped in the
neighbourhood of the temple of Artemis of Astyra, (18) and there employed
himself in collecting troops from every side, in addition to those which
he already had, so as to form a complete armament. These preparations were
pressed forward with a view to penetrating as far as possible into the
interior. He was persuaded that every tribe or nation placed in his rear
might be considered as alienated from the king.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) "Anab." VII. viii. 7.
(18) Vide Strab. xiii. 606, 613. Seventy stades from Thebe.
</pre>
<p>
II
</p>
<p>
Such were the concerns and projects of Agesilaus. Meanwhile the
Lacedaemonians at home were quite alive to the fact that moneys had been
sent into Hellas, and that the bigger states were leagued together to
declare war against them. It was hard to avoid the conclusion that Sparta
herself was in actual danger, and that a campaign was inevitable. While
busy, therefore, with preparations themselves, they lost no time in
despatching Epicydidas to fetch Agesilaus. That officer, on his arrival,
explained the position of affairs, and concluded by delivering a
peremptory summons of the state recalling him to the assistance of the
fatherland without delay. The announcement could not but come as a
grievous blow to Agesilaus, as he reflected on the vanished hopes, and the
honours plucked from his grasp. Still, he summoned the allies and
announced to them the contents of the despatch from home. "To aid our
fatherland," he added, "is an imperative duty. If, however, matters turn
out well on the other side, rely upon it, friends and allies, I will not
forget you, but I shall be back anon to carry out your wishes." When they
heard the announcement many wept, and they passed a resolution, one and
all, to assist Agesilaus in assisting Lacedaemon; if matters turned out
well there, they undertook to take him as their leader and come back again
to Asia; and so they fell to making preparations to follow him.
</p>
<p>
Agesilaus, on his side, determined to leave behind him in Asia Euxenus as
governor, and with him a garrison numbering no less than four thousand
troops, which would enable him to protect the states in Asia. But for
himself, as on the one hand he could see that the majority of the soldiers
would far rather stay behind than undertake service against
fellow-Hellenes, and on the other hand he wished to take as fine and large
an army with him as he could, he offered prizes first to that state or
city which should continue the best corps of troops, and secondly to that
captain of mercenaries who should join the expedition with the best
equipped battalion of heavy infantry, archers, and light infantry. On the
same principle he informed the chief cavalry officers that the general who
succeeded in presenting the best accoutred and best mounted regiment would
receive from himself some victorious distinction. "The final
adjudication," he said, "would not be made until they had crossed from
Asia into Europe and had reached the Chersonese; and this with a view to
impress upon them that the prizes were not for show but for real
campaigners." (1) These consisted for the most part of infantry or cavalry
arms and accoutrements tastefully furnished, besides which there were
chaplets of gold. The whole, useful and ornamental alike, must have cost
nearly a thousand pounds, (2) but as the result of this outlay, no doubt,
arms of great value were procured for the expedition. (3) When the
Hellespont was crossed the judges were appointed. The Lacedaemonians were
represented by Menascus, Herippidas, and Orsippus, and the allies by one
member from each state. As soon as the adjudication was complete, the army
commenced its march with Agesilaus at its head, following the very route
taken by the great king when he invaded Hellas.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Or, "that the perfection of equipment was regarded as anticipative
of actual service in the field." Cobet suggests for {eukrinein}
{dieukrinein}; cf. "Oecon." viii. 6.
(2) Lit. "at least four talents" = 975 pounds.
(3) Or, "beyond which, the arms and material to equip the expedition
were no doubt highly costly."
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile the ephors had called out the ban, and as Agesipolis was still a
boy, the state called upon Aristodemus, who was of the royal family and
guardian of the young king, to lead the expedition; and now that the
Lacedaemonians were ready to take the field and the forces of their
opponents were duly mustered, the latter met (4) to consider the most
advantageous method of doing battle.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) At Corinth. See above, III. iv. 11; below, V. iv. 61, where the
victory of Nixos is described but not localised.
</pre>
<p>
Timolaus of Corinth spoke: "Soldiers of the allied forces," he said, "the
growth of Lacedaemon seems to me just like that of some mighty river—at
its sources small and easily crossed, but as it farther and farther
advances, other rivers discharge themselves into its channel, and its
stream grows ever more formidable. So is it with the Lacedaemonians. Take
them at the starting-point and they are but a single community, but as
they advance and attach city after city they grow more numerous and more
resistless. I observe that when people wish to take wasps' nests—if
they try to capture the creatures on the wing, they are liable to be
attacked by half the hive; whereas, if they apply fire to them ere they
leave their homes, they will master them without scathe themselves. On
this principle I think it best to bring about the battle within the hive
itself, or, short of that, as close to Lacedaemon as possible." (5)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) Or, "if not actually at Lacedaemon, then at least as near as
possible to the hornet's nest."
</pre>
<p>
The arguments of the speaker were deemed sound, and a resolution was
passed in that sense; but before it could be carried out there were
various arrangements to be made. There was the question of headship. Then,
again, what was the proper depth of line to be given to the different army
corps? for if any particular state or states gave too great a depth to
their battle line they would enable the enemy to turn their flank. Whilst
they were debating these points, the Lacedaemonians had incorporated the
men of Tegea and the men of Mantinea, and were ready to debouch into the
bimarine region. (6) And as the two armies advanced almost at the same
time, the Corinthians and the rest reached the Nemea, (7) and the
Lacedaemonians and their allies occupied Sicyon. The Lacedaemonians
entered by Epieiceia, and at first were severely handled by the
light-armed troops of the enemy, who discharged stones and arrows from the
vantage-ground on their right; but as they dropped down upon the Gulf of
Corinth they advanced steadily onwards through the flat country, felling
timber and burning the fair land. Their rivals, on their side, after a
certain forward movement, (8) paused and encamped, placing the ravine in
front of them; but still the Lacedaemonians advanced, and it was only when
they were within ten furlongs (9) of the hostile position that they
followed suit and encamped, and then they remained quiet.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) I.e. "the shores of the Corinthian Gulf." Or, "upon the strand or
coast road or coast land of Achaia" (aliter {ten aigialon}(?) the
Strand of the Corinthian Gulf, the old name of this part of
Achaia).
(7) Or, "the district of Nemea."
(8) {epelthontes}, but see Grote ("H. G." ix. 425 note), who prefers
{apelthontes} = retreated and encamped.
(9) Lit. "ten stades." For the numbers below, see Grote, "H. G." ix.
422, note 1.
</pre>
<p>
And here I may state the numbers on either side. The Lacedaemonian
heavy-armed infantry levies amounted to six thousand men. Of Eleians,
Triphylians, Acroreians, and Lasionians, there must have been nearly three
thousand, with fifteen hundred Sicyonians, while Epidaurus, Troezen,
Hermione, and Halieis (10) contributed at least another three thousand. To
these heavy infantry troops must be added six hundred Lacedaemonian
cavalry, a body of Cretan archers about three hundred strong, besides
another force of slingers, at least four hundred in all, consisting of
Marganians, Letrinians, and Amphidolians. The men of Phlius were not
represented. Their plea was they were keeping "holy truce." That was the
total of the forces on the Lacedaemonian side. There was collected on the
enemy's side six thousand Athenian heavy infantry, with about, as was
stated, seven thousand Argives, and in the absence of the men of
Orchomenus something like five thousand Boeotians. There were besides
three thousand Corinthians, and again from the whole of Euboea at least
three thousand. These formed the heavy infantry. Of cavalry the Boeotians,
again in the absence of the Orchomenians, furnished eight hundred, the
Athenians (11) six hundred, the Chalcidians of Euboea one hundred, the
Opuntian Locrians (12) fifty. Their light troops, including those of the
Corinthians, were more numerous, as the Ozolian Locrians, the Melians, and
Arcarnanians (13) helped to swell their numbers.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Halieis, a seafaring people (Strabo, viii. 373) and town on the
coast of Hermionis; Herod. vii. 137; Thuc. i. 105, ii. 56, iv. 45;
Diod. xi. 78; "Hell." VI. ii. 3.
(11) For a treaty between Athens and Eretria, B.C. 395, see Hicks, 66;
and below, "Hell." IV. iii. 15; Hicks, 68, 69; Diod. xiv. 82.
(12) See above, "Hell." III. v. 3.
(13) See below, "Hell." IV. vi. 1; ib. vii. 1; VI. v. 23.
</pre>
<p>
Such was the strength of the two armies. The Boeotians, as long as they
occupied the left wing, showed no anxiety to join battle, but after a
rearrangement which gave them the right, placing the Athenians opposite
the Lacedaemonians, and themselves opposite the Achaeans, at once, we are
told, (14) the victims proved favourable, and the order was passed along
the lines to prepare for immediate action. The Boeotians, in the first
place, abandoning the rule of sixteen deep, chose to give their division
the fullest possible depth, and, moreover, kept veering more and more to
their right, with the intention of overlapping their opponent's flank. The
consequence was that the Athenians, to avoid being absolutely severed,
were forced to follow suit, and edged towards the right, though they
recognised the risk they ran of having their flank turned. For a while the
Lacedaemonians had no idea of the advance of the enemy, owing to the rough
nature of the ground, (15) but the notes of the paean at length announced
to them the fact, and without an instant's delay the answering order
"prepare for battle" ran along the different sections of their army. As
soon as their troops were drawn up, according to the tactical disposition
of the various generals of foreign brigades, the order was passed to
"follow the lead," and then the Lacedaemonians on their side also began
edging to their right, and eventually stretched out their wing so far that
only six out of the ten regimental divisions of the Athenians confronted
the Lacedaemonians, the other four finding themselves face to face with
the men of Tegea. And now when they were less than a furlong (16) apart,
the Lacedaemonians sacrificed in customary fashion a kid to the huntress
goddess, (17) and advanced upon their opponents, wheeling round their
overlapping columns to outflank his left. As the two armies closed, the
allies of Lacedaemon were as a rule fairly borne down by their opponents.
The men of Pellene alone, steadily confronting the Thespiaeans, held their
ground, and the dead of either side strewed the position. (18) As to the
Lacedaemonians themselves: crushing that portion of the Athenian troops
which lay immediately in front of them, and at the same time encircling
them with their overlapping right, they slew man after man of them; and,
absolutely unscathed themselves, their unbroken columns continued their
march, and so passed behind the four remaining divisions (19) of the
Athenians before these latter had returned from their own victorious
pursuit. Whereby the four divisions in question also emerged from battle
intact, except for the casualties inflicted by the Tegeans in the first
clash of the engagement. The troops next encountered by the Lacedaemonians
were the Argives retiring. These they fell foul of, and the senior
polemarch was just on the point of closing with them "breast to breast"
when some one, it is said, shouted, "Let their front ranks pass." This was
done, and as the Argives raced past, their enemies thrust at their
unprotected (20) sides and killed many of them. The Corinthians were
caught in the same way as they retired, and when their turn had passed,
once more the Lacedaemonians lit upon a portion of the Theban division
retiring from the pursuit, and strewed the field with their dead. The end
of it all was that the defeated troops in the first instance made for
safety to the walls of their city, but the Corinthians within closed the
gates, whereupon the troops took up quarters once again in their old
encampment. The Lacedaemonians on their side withdrew to the point at
which they first closed with the enemy, and there set up a trophy of
victory. So the battle ended.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) Or, "then they lost no time in discovering that the victims
proved favourable."
(15) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 428; cf. Lys. "pro Mant." 20.
(16) Lit. "a stade."
(17) Lit. "our Lady of the Chase." See "Pol. Lac." xiii. 8.
(18) Lit. "men on either side kept dropping at their post."
(19) Lit. "tribes."
(20) I.e. "right."
</pre>
<p>
III
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile Agesilaus was rapidly hastening with his reinforcements from
Asia. He had reached Amphipolis when Dercylidas brought the news of this
fresh victory of the Lacedaemonians; their own loss had been eight men,
that of the enemy considerable. It was his business at the same time to
explain that not a few of the allies had fallen also. Agesilaus asked,
"Would it not be opportune, Dercylidas, if the cities that have furnished
us with contingents could hear of this victory as soon as possible?" And
Dercylidas replied: "The news at any rate is likely to put them in better
heart." Then said the king: "As you were an eye-witness there could hardly
be a better bearer of the news than yourself." To this proposal Dercylidas
lent a willing ear—to travel abroad (1) was his special delight—and
he replied, "Yes, under your orders." "Then you have my orders," the king
said. "And you may further inform the states from myself that we have not
forgotten our promise; if all goes well over here we shall be with them
again ere long." So Dercylidas set off on his travels, in the first
instance to the Hellespont; (2) while Agesilaus crossed Macedonia, and
arrived in Thessaly. And now the men of Larissa, Crannon, Scotussa, and
Pharsalus, who were allies of the Boeotians—and in fact all the
Thessalians except the exiles for the time being—hung on his heels
(3) and did him damage.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See "Pol. Lac." xiv. 4.
(2) See below, "Hell." IV. viii. 3.
(3) See "Ages." ii. 2; Grote, "H. G." ix. 420, note 2.
</pre>
<p>
For some while he marched his troops in a hollow square, (4) posting half
his cavalry in front and half on his rear; but finding that the
Thessalians checked his passage by repeated charges from behind, he
strengthened his rearguard by sending round the cavalry from his van, with
the exception of his own personal escort. (5) The two armies stood
confronted in battle order; but the Thessalians, not liking the notion of
a cavalry engagement with heavy infantry, turned, and step by step
retreated, while the others followed them with considerable caution.
Agesilaus, perceiving the error under which both alike laboured, now sent
his own personal guard of stalwart troopers with orders that both they and
the rest of the horsemen should charge at full gallop, (6) and not give
the enemy the chance to recoil. The Thessalians were taken aback by this
unexpected onslaught, and half of them never thought of wheeling about,
whilst those who did essay to do so presented the flanks of their horses
to the charge, (7) and were made prisoners. Still Polymarchus of
Pharsalus, the general in command of their cavalry, rallied his men for an
instant, and fell, sword in hand, with his immediate followers. This was
the signal for a flight so precipitate on the part of the Thessalians,
that their dead and dying lined the road, and prisoners were taken; nor
was any halt made until they reached Mount Narthacius. Here, then, midway
between Pras and Narthacius, Agesilaus set up a trophy, halting for the
moment, in unfeigned satisfaction at the exploit. It was from antagonists
who prided themselves on their cavalry beyond everything that he had
wrested victory, with a body of cavalry of his own mustering. Next day he
crossed the mountains of Achaea Phthiotis, and for the future continued
his march through friendly territory until he reached the confines of
Boeotia.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) See Rustow and Kochly, S. 187 foll.
(5) See Thuc. v. 72; Herod. vi. 56, viii. 124.
(6) Lit. "and bids them pass the order to the others and themselves to
charge," etc.
(7) See "Horsemanship," vii. 16; Polyb. iv. 8.
</pre>
<p>
Here, at the entrance of that territory, the sun (in partial eclipse) (8)
seemed to appear in a crescent shape, and the news reached him of the
defeat of the Lacedaemonians in a naval engagement, and the death of the
admiral Peisander. Details of the disaster were not wanting. The
engagement of the hostile fleets took place off Cnidus. Pharnabazus, the
Persian admiral, was present with the Phoenician fleet, and in front of
him were ranged the ships of the Hellenic squadron under Conon. Peisander
had ventured to draw out his squadron to meet the combined fleets, though
the numerical inferiority of his fleet to that of the Hellenic navy under
Conon was conspicuous, and he had the mortification of seeing the allies
who formed his left wing take to flight immediately. He himself came to
close quarters with the enemy, and was driven on shore, on board his
trireme, under pressure of the hostile rams. The rest, as many as were
driven to shore, deserted their ships and sought safety as best they could
in the territory of Cnidus. The admiral alone stuck to his ship, and fell
sword in hand.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) B.C. 394, August 14.
</pre>
<p>
It was impossible for Agesilaus not to feel depressed by those tidings at
first; on further reflection, however, it seemed to him that the moral
quality of more than half his troops well entitled them to share in the
sunshine of success, but in the day of trouble, when things looked black,
he was not bound to take them into his confidence. Accordingly he turned
round and gave out that he had received news that Peisander was dead, but
that he had fallen in the arms of victory in a sea-fight; and suiting his
action to the word, he proceeded to offer sacrifice in return for good
tidings, (9) distributing portions of the victims to a large number of
recipients. So it befell that in the first skirmish with the enemy the
troops of Agesilaus gained the upper hand, in consequence of the report
that the Lacedaemonians had won a victory by sea.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) "Splendide mendax." For the ethics of the matter, see "Mem." IV.
ii. 17; "Cyrop." I. vi. 31.
</pre>
<p>
To confront Agesilaus stood an army composed of the Boeotians, Athenians,
Argives, Corinthians, Aenianians, Euboeans, and both divisions of the
Locrians. Agesilaus on his side had with him a division (10) of
Lacedaemonians, which had crossed from Corinth, also half the division
from Orchomenus; besides which there were the neodamodes (11) from
Lacedaemon, on service with him already; and in addition to these the
foreign contingent under Herippidas; (12) and again the quota furnished by
the Hellenic cities in Asia, with others from the cities in Europe which
he had brought over during his progress; and lastly, there were additional
levies from the spot—Orchomenian and Phocian heavy infantry. In
light-armed troops, it must be admitted, the numbers told heavily in
favour of Agesilaus, but the cavalry (13) on both sides were fairly
balanced.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Lit. "a mora"; for the numbers, see "Ages." ii. 6; Plut. "Ages."
17; Grote, "H. G." ix. 433.
(11) I.e. "enfranchised helots."
(12) See "Ages." ii. 10, 11; and above, "Hell." III. iv. 20.
(13) See Hicks, op. cit. 68.
</pre>
<p>
Such were the forces of either party. I will describe the battle itself,
if only on account of certain features which distinguish it from the
battles of our time. The two armies met on the plain of Coronea—the
troops of Agesilaus advancing from the Cephisus, the Thebans and their
allies from the slopes of Helicon. Agesilaus commanded his own right in
person, with the men of Orchomenus on his extreme left. The Thebans formed
their own right, while the Argives held their left. As they drew together,
for a while deep silence reigned on either side; but when they were not
more than a furlong (14) apart, with the loud hurrah (15) the Thebans,
quickening to a run, rushed furiously (16) to close quarters; and now
there was barely a hundred yards (17) breadth between the two armies, when
Herippidas with his foreign brigade, and with them the Ionians, Aeolians,
and Hellespontines, darted out from the Spartans' battle-lines to greet
their onset. One and all of the above played their part in the first rush
forward; in another instant they were (18) within spear-thrust of the
enemy, and had routed the section immediately before them. As to the
Argives, they actually declined to receive the attack of Agesilaus, and
betook themselves in flight to Helicon. At this moment some of the foreign
division were already in the act of crowning Agesilaus with the wreath of
victory, when some one brought him word that the Thebans had cut through
the Orchomenians and were in among the baggage train. At this the Spartan
general immediately turned his army right about and advanced against them.
The Thebans, on their side, catching sight of their allies withdrawn in
flight to the base of the Helicon, and anxious to get across to their own
friends, formed in close order and tramped forward stoutly.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) Lit. "a stade."
(15) Lit. "Alalah."
(16) Like a tornado.
(17) Lit. "about three plethra."
(18) Or, "All these made up the attacking columns... and coming
within... routed..."
</pre>
<p>
At this point no one will dispute the valour of Agesilaus, but he
certainly did not choose the safest course. It was open to him to make way
for the enemy to pass, which done, he might have hung upon his heels and
mastered his rear. This, however, he refused to do, preferring to crash
full front against the Thebans. Thereupon, with close interlock of shield
wedged in with shield, they shoved, they fought, they dealt death, (19)
they breathed out life, till at last a portion of the Thebans broke their
way through towards Helicon, but paid for that departure by the loss of
many lives. And now the victory of Agesilaus was fairly won, and he
himself, wounded, had been carried back to the main line, when a party of
horse came galloping up to tell him that something like eighty of the
enemy, under arms, were sheltering under the temple, and they asked what
they ought to do. Agesilaus, though he was covered with wounds, did not,
for all that, forget his duty to God. He gave orders to let them retire
unscathed, and would not suffer any injury to be done to them. And now,
seeing it was already late, they took their suppers and retired to rest.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) Or, "they slew, they were slain." In illustration of this famous
passage, twice again worked up in "Ages." ii. 12, and "Cyrop."
VII. i. 38, commented on by Longinus, {peri upsous}, 19, and
copied by Dio Cassius, 47, 45, I venture to quote a passage from
Mr. Rudyard Kipling, "With the Main Guard," p. 57, Mulvaney
loquitur: "The Tyrone was pushin' an' pushin' in, an' our men was
sweerin' at thim, an' Crook was workin' away in front av us all,
his sword-arm swingin' like a pump-handle an' his revolver
spittin' like a cat. But the strange thing av ut was the quiet
that lay upon. 'Twas like a fight in a dhrame—excipt for thim
that wus dead."
</pre>
<p>
But with the morning Gylis the polemarch received orders to draw up the
troops in battle order, and to set up a trophy, every man crowned with a
wreath in honour of the god, and all the pipers piping. Thus they busied
themselves in the Spartan camp. On their side the Thebans sent heralds
asking to bury their dead, under a truce; and in this wise a truce was
made. Agesilaus withdrew to Delphi, where on arrival he offered to the god
a tithe of the produce of his spoils—no less than a hundred talents.
(20) Gylis the polemarch meanwhile withdrew into Phocis at the head of his
troops, and from that district made a hostile advance into Locris. Here
nearly a whole day was spent by the men in freely helping themselves to
goods and chattels out of the villages and pillaging the corn; (21) but as
it drew towards evening the troops began to retire, with the
Lacedaemonians in the rear. The Locrians hung upon their heels with a
heavy pelt of stones and javelins. Thereupon the Lacedaemonians turned
short round and gave chase, laying some of their assailants low. Then the
Locrians ceased clinging to their rear, but continued their volleys from
the vantage-ground above. The Lacedaemonians again made efforts to pursue
their persistent foes even up the slope. At last darkness descended on
them, and as they retired man after man dropped, succumbing to the sheer
difficulty of the ground; some in their inability to see what lay in
front, or else shot down by the enemy's missiles. It was then that Gylis
the polemarch met his end, as also Pelles, who was on his personal staff,
and the whole of the Spartans present without exception—eighteen or
thereabouts—perished, either crushed by stones or succumbing to
other wounds. Indeed, except for timely aid brought from the camp where
the men were supping, the chances are that not a man would have escaped to
tell the tale.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) = 25,000 pounds nearly.
(21) Or, "not to speak of provisions."
</pre>
<p>
IV
</p>
<p>
This incident ended the campaign. The army as a whole was disbanded, the
contingents retiring to their several cities, and Agesilaus home across
the Gulf by sea.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 393. Subsequently (1) the war between the two parties recommenced.
The Athenians, Boeotians, Argives, and the other allies made Corinth the
base of their operations; the Lacedaemonians and their allies held Sicyon
as theirs. As to the Corinthians, they had to face the fact that, owing to
their proximity to the seat of war, it was their territory which was
ravaged and their people who perished, while the rest of the allies abode
in peace and reaped the fruits of their lands in due season. Hence the
majority of them, including the better class, desired peace, and gathering
into knots they indoctrinated one another with these views.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) B.C. 393. See Grote, ix. p. 455, note 2 foll.; "Hell." IV. viii.
7.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 392. (2) On the other hand, it could hardly escape the notice of the
allied powers, the Argives, Athenians, and Boeotians, as also those of the
Corinthians themselves who had received a share of the king's moneys, or
for whatever reason were most directly interested in the war, that if they
did not promptly put the peace party out of the way, ten chances to one
the old laconising policy would again hold the field. It seemed there was
nothing for it but the remedy of the knife. There was a refinement of
wickedness in the plan adopted. With most people the life even of a
legally condemned criminal is held sacred during a solemn season, but
these men deliberately selected the last day of the Eucleia, (3) when they
might reckon on capturing more victims in the crowded market-place, for
their murderous purposes. Their agents were supplied with the names of
those to be gotten rid of, the signal was given, and then, drawing their
daggers, they fell to work. Here a man was struck down standing in the
centre of a group of talkers, and there another seated; a third while
peacably enjoying himself at the play; a fourth actually whilst
officiating as a judge at some dramatic contest. (4) When what was taking
place became known, there was a general flight on the part of the better
classes. Some fled to the images of the gods in the market-place, others
to the altars; and here these unhallowed miscreants, ringleaders and
followers alike, utterly regardless of duty and law, fell to butchering
their victims even within the sacred precincts of the gods; so that even
some of those against whom no hand was lifted—honest, law-abiding
folk—were filled with sore amazement at sight of such impiety. In
this way many of the elder citizens, as mustering more thickly in the
market-place, were done to death. The younger men, acting on a suspicion
conceived by one of their number, Pasimelus, as to what was going to take
place, kept quiet in the Kraneion; (5) but hearing screams and shouting
and being joined anon by some who had escaped from the affair, they took
the hint, and, running up along the slope of the Acrocorinthus, succeeded
in repelling an attack of the Argives and the rest. While they were still
deliberating what they ought to do, down fell a capital from its column—without
assignable cause, whether of earthquake or wind. Also, when they
sacrificed, the aspect of the victims was such that the soothsayers said
it was better to descend from that position.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Others assign the incidents of this whole chapter iv. to B.C. 393.
(3) The festival of Artemis Eucleia.
(4) See Diod. xiv. 86.
(5) See Paus. II. ii. 4.
</pre>
<p>
So they retired, in the first instance prepared to go into exile beyond
the territory of Corinth. It was only upon the persuasion of their friends
and the earnest entreaties of their mothers and sisters who came out to
them, supported by the solemn assurance of the men in power themselves,
who swore to guarantee them against evil consequences, that some of them
finally consented to return home. Presented to their eyes was the
spectacle of a tyranny in full exercise, and to their minds the
consciousness of the obliteration of their city, seeing that boundaries
were plucked up and the land of their fathers had come to be re-entitled
by the name of Argos instead of Corinth; and furthermore, compulsion was
put upon them to share in the constitution in vogue at Argos, for which
they had little appetite, while in their own city they wielded less power
than the resident aliens. So that a party sprang up among them whose creed
was, that life was not worth living on such terms: their endeavour must be
to make their fatherland once more the Corinth of old days—to
restore freedom to their city, purified from the murderer and his
pollution and fairly rooted in good order and legality. (6) It was a
design worth the venture: if they succeeded they would become the saviours
of their country; if not—why, in the effort to grasp the fairest
flower of happiness, they would but overreach, and find instead a glorious
termination to existence.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) {eunomia}. See "Pol. Ath." i. 8; Arist. "Pol." iv. 8, 6; iii. 9,
8; v. 7, 4.
</pre>
<p>
It was in furtherance of this design that two men—Pasimelus and
Alcimenes—undertook to creep through a watercourse and effect a
meeting with Praxitas the polemarch of the Lacedaemonians, who was on
garrison duty with his own division in Sicyon. They told him they could
give him ingress at a point in the long walls leading to Lechaeum.
Praxitas, knowing from previous experience that the two men might be
relied upon, believed their statement; and having arranged for the further
detention in Sicyon of the division which was on the point of departure,
he busied himself with plans for the enterprise. When the two men, partly
by chance and partly by contrivance, came to be on guard at the gate where
the tophy now stands, without further ado Praxitas presented himself with
his division, taking with him also the men of Sicyon and the whole of the
Corinthian exiles. (7) Having reached the gate, he had a qualm of
misgiving, and hesitated to step inside until he had first sent in a man
on whom he could rely to take a look at things within. The two Corinthians
introduced him, and made so simple and straightforward a representation
(8) that the visitor was convinced, and reported everything as free of
pitfalls as the two had asserted. Then the polemarch entered, but owing to
the wide space between the double walls, as soon as they came to form in
line within, the intruders were impressed by the paucity of their numbers.
They therefore erected a stockade, and dug as good a trench as they could
in front of them, pending the arrival of reinforcements from the allies.
In their rear, moreover, lay the guard of the Boeotians in the harbour.
Thus they passed the whole day which followed the night of ingress without
striking a blow.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Or, "showed him the place in so straightforward a manner."
</pre>
<p>
On the next day, however, the Argive troops arrived in all haste, hurrying
to the rescue, and found the enemy duly drawn up. The Lacedaemonians were
on their own right, the men of Sicyon next, and leaning against the
eastern wall the Corinthian exiles, one hundred and fifty strong. (9)
Their opponents marshalled their lines face to face in correspondence:
Iphicrates with his mercenaries abutting on the eastern wall; next to them
the Argives, whilst the Corinthians of the city held their left. In the
pride inspired by numbers they began advancing at once. They overpowered
the Sicyonians, and tearing asunder the stockade, pursued them to the sea
and here slew numbers of them. At that instant Pasimachus, the cavalry
general, at the head of a handful of troopers, seeing the Sicyonians sore
presed, made fast the horses of his troops to the trees, and relieving the
Sicyonians of their heavy infantry shields, advanced with his volunteers
against the Argives. The latter, seeing the Sigmas on the shields and
taking them to be "Sicyonians," had not the slightest fear. Whereupon, as
the story goes, Pasimachus, exclaiming in his broad Doric, "By the twin
gods! these Sigmas will cheat you, you Argives," came to close quarters,
and in that battle of a handful against a host, was slain himself with all
his followers. In another quarter of the field, however, the Corinthian
exiles had got the better of their opponents and worked their way up, so
that they were now touching the city circumvallation walls.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) See Grote, ix. p. 333 foll.
</pre>
<p>
The Lacedaemonians, on their side, perceiving the discomfiture of the
Sicyonians, sprang out with timely aid, keeping the palisade-work on their
left. But the Argives, discovering that the Lacedaemonians were behind
them, wheeled round and came racing back, pouring out of the palisade at
full speed. Their extreme right, with unprotected flanks exposed, fell
victims to the Lacedaemonians; the rest, hugging the wall, made good their
retreat in dense masses towards the city. Here they encountered the
Corinthian exiles, and discovering that they had fallen upon foes, swerved
aside in the reverse direction. In this predicament some mounted by the
ladders of the city wall, and, leaping down from its summit, were
destroyed; (10) others yielded up their lives, thrust through, as they
jostled at the foot of the steps; others again were literally trampled
under one another's feet and suffocated.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Or, "plunged from its summit into perdition." See Thuc. ii. 4.
</pre>
<p>
The Lacedaemonians had no difficulty in the choice of victims; for at that
instant a work was assigned to them to do, (11) such as they could hardly
have hoped or prayed for. To find delivered into their hands a mob of
helpless enemies, in an ecstasy of terror, presenting their unarmed sides
in such sort that none turned to defend himself, but each victim rather
seemed to contribute what he could towards his own destruction—if
that was not divine interposition, I know now what to call it. Miracle or
not, in that little space so many fell, and the corpses lay piled so
thick, that eyes familiar with the stacking of corn or wood or piles of
stones were called upon to gaze at layers of human bodies. Nor did the
guard of the Boeotians in the port itself (12) escape death; some were
slain upon the ramparts, others on the roofs of the dock-houses, which
they had scaled for refuge. Nothing remained but for the Corinthians and
Argives to carry away their dead under cover of a truce; whilst the allies
of Lacedaemon poured in their reinforcements. When these were collected,
Praxitas decided in the first place to raze enough of the walls to allow a
free broadway for an army on march. This done, he put himself at the head
of his troops and advanced on the road to Megara, taking by assault, first
Sidus and next Crommyon. Leaving garrisons in these two fortresses, he
retraced his steps, and finally fortifying Epieiceia as a garrison outpost
to protect the territory of the allies, he at once disbanded his troops
and himself withdrew to Lacedaemon.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) Or, "Heaven assigned to them a work..." Lit. "The God..."
(12) I.e. "of Lechaeum."
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 392-391. (13) After this the great armaments of both belligerents had
ceased to exist. The states merely furnished garrisons—the one set
at Corinth, the other set at Sicyon—and were content to guard the
walls. Though even so, a vigorous war was carried on by dint of the
mercenary troops with which both sides were furnished.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) So Grote and Curtius; al. B.C. 393.
</pre>
<p>
A signal incident in the period was the invasion of Phlius by Iphicrates.
He laid an ambuscade, and with a small body of troops adopting a system of
guerilla war, took occasion of an unguarded sally of the citizens of
Phlius to inflict such losses on them, that though they had never
previously received the Lacedaemonians within their walls, they received
them now. They had hitherto feared to do so lest it might lead to the
restoration of the banished members of their community, who gave out that
they owed their exile to their Lacedaemonian sympathies; (14) but they
were now in such abject fear of the Corinthian party that they sent to
fetch the Lacedaemonians, and delivered the city and citadel to their safe
keeping. These latter, however, well disposed to the exiles of Phlius, did
not, at the time they held the city, so much as breathe the thought of
bringing back the exiles; on the contrary, as soon as the city seemed to
have recovered its confidence, they took their departure, leaving city and
laws precisely as they had found them on their entry.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) Lit. "laconism."
</pre>
<p>
To return to Iphicrates and his men: they frequently extended their
incursions even into Arcadia in many directions, (15) following their
usual guerilla tactics, but also making assaults on fortified posts. The
heavy infantry of the Arcadians positively refused to face them in the
field, so profound was the terror in which they held these light troops.
In compensation, the light troops themselves entertained a wholesome dread
of the Lacedaemonians, and did not venture to approach even within
javelin-range of their heavy infantry. They had been taught a lesson when,
within that distance, some of the younger hoplites had made a dash at
them, catching and putting some of them to the sword. But however profound
the contempt of the Lacedaemonians for these light troops, their contempt
for their own allies was deeper. (On one occasion (16) a reinforcement of
Mantineans had sallied from the walls between Corinth and Lechaeum to
engage the peltasts, and had no sooner come under attack than they
swerved, losing some of their men as they made good their retreat. The
Lacedaemonians were unkind enough to poke fun at these unfortunates. "Our
allies," they said, "stand in as much awe of these peltasts as children of
the bogies and hobgoblins of their nurses." For themselves, starting from
Lechaeum, they found no difficulty in marching right round the city of
Corinth with a single Lacedaemonian division and the Corinthian exiles.)
(17)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) See Thuc. ii. 4.
(16) See Grote, ix. 472 note. Lechaeum was not taken by the
Lacedaemonians until the Corinthian long walls had been rebuilt by
the Athenians. Possibly the incidents in this section (S. 17)
occurred after the capture of Lechaeum. The historian introduces
them parenthetically, as it were, in illustration of his main
topic—the success of the peltasts.
(17) Or, adopting Schneider's conjecture, {estratopedeuonto}, add "and
encamping."
</pre>
<p>
The Athenians, on their side, who felt the power of the Lacedaemonians to
be dangerously close, now that the walls of Corinth had been laid open,
and even apprehended a direct attack upon themselves, determined to
rebuild the portion of the wall severed by Praxitas. Accordingly they set
out with their whole force, including a suite of stonelayers, masons, and
carpenters, and within a few days erected a quite splendid wall on the
side facing Sicyon towards the west, (18) and then proceeded with more
leisure to the completion of the eastern portion.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) See Thuc. vi. 98.
</pre>
<p>
To turn once more to the other side: the Lacedaemonians, indignant at the
notion that the Argives should be gathering the produce of their lands in
peace at home, as if war were a pastime, marched against them. Agesilaus
commanded the expedition, and after ravaging their territory from one end
to the other, crossed their frontier at Tenea (19) and swooped down upon
Corinth, taking the walls which had been lately rebuilt by the Athenians.
He was supported on the sea side by his brother Teleutias (20) with a
naval force of about twelve triremes, and the mother of both was able to
congratulate herself on the joint success of both her sons; one having
captured the enemy's walls by land and the other his ships and naval
arsenal by sea, on the same day. These achievements sufficed Agesilaus for
the present; he disbanded the army of the allies and led the state troops
home.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) Reading {Tenean}, Koppen's emendation for {tegean}. In the
parallel passage ("Ages." ii. 17) the text has {kata ta stena}.
See Grote, "H. G." ix. 471.
(20) See below, IV. viii. 11.
</pre>
<p>
V
</p>
<p>
B.C. 390. (1) Subsequently the Lacedaemonians made a second expedition
against Corinth. They heard from the exiles that the citizens contrived to
preserve all their cattle in Peiraeum; indeed, large numbers derived their
subsistence from the place. Agesilaus was again in command of the
expedition. In the first instance he advanced upon the Isthmus. It was the
month of the Isthmian games, (2) and here he found the Argives engaged in
conducting the sacrifice to Poseidon, as if Corinth were Argos. So when
they perceived the approach of Agesilaus, the Argives and their friends
left the offerings as they lay, including the preparations for the
breakfast, and retired with undisguised alarm into the city by the
Cenchrean road. (3) Agesilaus, though he observed the movement, refrained
from giving chase, but taking up his quarters in the temple, there
proceeded to offer victims to the god himself, and waited until the
Corinthian exiles had celebrated the sacrifice to Poseidon, along with the
games. But no sooner had Agesilaus turned his back and retired, than the
Argives returned and celebrated the Isthmian games afresh; so that in this
particular year there were cases in which the same competitors were twice
defeated in this or that contest, or conversely, the same man was
proclaimed victor twice over.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Al. B.C. 392. The historian omits the overtures for peace, B.C.
391 (or 391-390) referred to in Andoc. "De Pace." See Jebb, "Att.
Or." i. 83, 108; Grote, "H. G." ix. 474; Curtius, "H. G." Eng. tr.
iv. 261.
(2) Grote and Curtius believe these to be the Isthmian games of 390
B.C., not of 392 B.C., as Sauppe and others suppose. See Peter,
"Chron. Table," p. 89, note 183; Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 468, note on
VIII. 9, 1.
(3) Lit. "road to Cenchreae."
</pre>
<p>
On the fourth day Agesilaus led his troops against Peiraeum, but finding
it strongly defended, he made a sudden retrograde march after the morning
meal in the direction of the capital, as though he calculated on the
betrayal of the city. The Corinthians, in apprehension of some such
possible catastrophe, sent to summon Iphicrates with the larger portion of
his light infantry. These passed by duly in the night, not unobserved,
however, by Agesilaus, who at once turned round at break of day and
advanced on Piraeum. He himself kept to the low ground by the hot springs,
(4) sending a division to scale the top of the pass. That night he
encamped at the hot springs, while the division bivouacked in the open, in
possession of the pass. Here Agesilaus distinguished himself by an
invention as seasonable as it was simple. Among those who carried
provisions for the division not one had thought of bringing fire. The
altitude was considerable; there had been a fall of rain and hail towards
evening and the temperature was low; besides which, the scaling party were
clad in thin garments suited to the summer season. There they sat
shivering in the dark, with scarcely heart to attack their suppers, when
Agesilaus sent up to them as many as ten porters carrying fire in earthen
pots. One found his way up one way, one another, and presently there were
many bonfires blazing—magnificently enough, since there was plenty
of wood to hand; so that all fell to oiling themselves and many supped
over again. The same night the sky was lit up by the blaze of the temple
of Poseidon—set on fire no one knows how.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) Near mod. Lutraki.
</pre>
<p>
When the men in Piraeum perceived that the pass was occupied, they at once
abandoned all thought of self-defence and fled for refuge to the Heraion
(5)—men and women, slaves and free-born, with the greater part of
their flocks and herds. Agesilaus, with the main body, meanwhile pursued
his march by the sea-shore, and the division, simultaneously descending
from the heights, captured the fortified position of Oenoe, appropriating
its contents. Indeed, all the troops on that day reaped a rich harvest in
the supplies they brought in from various farmsteads. Presently those who
had escaped into the Heraion came out, offering to leave it to Agesilaus
to decide what he would do with them. He decided to deliver up to the
exiles all those concerned with the late butchery, and that all else
should be sold. And so from the Heraion streamed out a long line of
prisoners, whilst from other sides embassies arrived in numbers; and
amongst these a deputation from the Boeotians, anxious to learn what they
should do to obtain peace. These latter Agesilaus, with a certain
loftiness of manner, affected not even to see, although Pharax, (6) their
proxenus, stood by their side to introduce them. Seated in a circular
edifice on the margin of the lake, (7) he surveyed the host of captives
and valuables as they were brought out. Beside the prisoners, to guard
them, stepped the Lacedaemonian warriors from the camp, carrying their
spears—and themselves plucked all gaze their way, so readily will
success and the transient fortune of the moment rivet attention. But even
while Agesilaus was still thus seated, wearing a look betokening
satisfaction at some great achievement, a horseman came galloping up; the
flanks of his charger streamed with sweat. To the many inquiries what news
he brought, the rider responded never a word; but being now close beside
Agesilaus, he leaped from his horse, and running up to him with lowering
visage narrated the disaster of the Spartan division (8) at Lechaeum. At
these tidings the king sprang instantly from his seat, clutching his
spear, and bade his herald summon to a meeting the generals, captains of
fifties, and commanders of foreign brigades. (9) When these had rapidly
assembled he bade them, seeing that the morning meal had not yet been
tasted, to swallow hastily what they could, and with all possible speed to
overtake him. But for himself, he, with the officers of the royal staff,
(10) set off at once without breakfast. His bodyguard, with their heavy
arms, accompanied him with all speed—himself in advance, the
officers following behind. In this fashion he had already passed beyond
the warm springs, and was well within the plateau of Lechaeum, when three
horsemen rode up with further news: the dead bodies had been picked up. On
receipt of these tidings he commanded the troops to order arms, and having
rested them a little space, led them back again to the Heraion. The next
day he spent in disposing of the captured property. (11)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) Or, "Heraeum," i.e. sanctuary of Hera, on a promontory so called.
See Leake, "Morea," iii. 317.
(6) See "Hell." III. ii. 12, if the same.
(7) Or, "on the round pavilion by the lake" (mod. Vuliasmeni).
(8) Technically "mora."
(9) Lit. the polemarchs, penteconters, and xenagoi.
(10) See "Pol. Lac." xiii. 1.
(11) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 480, in reference to "Ages." vii. 6.
</pre>
<p>
The ambassadors of the Boeotians were then summoned, and, being asked to
explain the object of their coming, made no further mention of the word
"peace," but replied that, if there was nothing to hinder it, they wished
to have a pass to their own soldiers within the capital. The king answered
with a smile: "I know your desire is not so much to see your soldiers as
to feast your eyes on the good fortune of your friends, and to measure its
magnitude. Wait then, I will conduct you myself; with me you will be
better able to discover the true value of what has taken place." And he
was as good as his word. Next day he sacrificed, and led his army up to
the gates of Corinth. The trophy he respected, but not one tree did he
leave standing—chopping and burning, as proof positive that no one
dared to face him in the field. And having so done, he encamped about
Lechaeum; and as to the Theban ambassadors, in lieu of letting them pass
into the city, he sent them off by sea across to Creusis.
</p>
<p>
But in proportion to the unwontedness of such a calamity befalling
Lacedaemonians, a widespread mourning fell upon the whole Laconian army,
those alone excepted whose sons or fathers or brothers had died at their
post. The bearing of these resembled that of conquerors, (12) as with
bright faces they moved freely to and fro, glorying in their domestic
sorrow. Now the tragic fate which befell the division was on this wise: It
was the unvaried custom of the men of Amyclae to return home at the
Hyacinthia, (13) to join in the sacred paean, a custom not to be
interrupted by active service or absence from home or for any other
reason. So, too, on this occasion, Agesilaus had left behind all the
Amyclaeans serving in any part of his army at Lechaeum. At the right
moment the general in command of the garrison at that place had posted the
garrison troops of the allies to guard the walls during his absence, and
put himself at the head of his division of heavy infantry with that of the
cavalry, (14) and led the Amyclaeans past the walls of Corinth. Arrived at
a point within three miles or so (15) of Sicyon, the polemarch turned back
himself in the direction of Lechaeum with his heavy infantry regiment, six
hundred strong, giving orders to the cavalry commandant to escort the
Amyclaeans with his division as far as they required, and then to turn and
overtake him. It cannot be said that the Lacedaemonians were ignorant of
the large number of light troops and heavy infantry inside Corinth, but
owing to their former successes they arrogantly presumed that no one would
attack them. Within the capital of the Corinthians, however, their scant
numbers—a thin line of heavy infantry unsupported by light infantry
or cavalry—had been noted; and Callias, the son of Hipponicus, (16)
who was in command of the Athenian hoplites, and Iphicrates at the head of
his peltasts, saw no risk in attacking with the light brigade. Since if
the enemy continued his march by the high road, he would be cut up by
showers of javelins on his exposed right flank; or if he were tempted to
take the offensive, they with their peltasts, the nimblest of all light
troops, would easily slip out of the grasp of his hoplites.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 488.
(13) Observed on three days of the month Hecatombaeus (= July). See
Muller's "Dorians," ii. 360. For Amyclae, see Leake, "Morea," i.
ch. iv. p. 145 foll.; Baedeker's "Greece," p. 279.
(14) See below, "Hell." VI. iv. 12; and "Pol. Lac." xi. 4, xiii. 4.
(15) Lit. "twenty or thirty stades."
(16) See Cobet, "Prosop. Xen." p. 67 foll.
</pre>
<p>
With this clearly-conceived idea they led out their troops; and while
Callias drew up his heavy infantry in line at no great distance from the
city, Iphicrates and his peltasts made a dash at the returning division.
</p>
<p>
The Lacedaemonians were presently within range of the javelins. (17) Here
a man was wounded, and there another dropped, not to rise again. Each time
orders were given to the attendant shield-bearers (18) to pick up the men
and bear them into Lechaeum; and these indeed were the only members of the
mora who were, strictly speaking, saved. Then the polemarch ordered the
ten-years-service men (19) to charge and drive off their assailants.
Charge, however, as they might, they took nothing by their pains—not
a man could they come at within javelin range. Being heavy infantry
opposed to light troops, before they could get to close quarters the
enemy's word of command sounded "Retire!" whilst as soon as their own
ranks fell back, scattered as they were in consequence of a charge where
each man's individual speed had told, Iphicrates and his men turned right
about and renewed the javelin attack, while others, running alongside,
harassed their exposed flank. At the very first charge the assailants had
shot down nine or ten, and, encouraged by this success, pressed on with
increasing audacity. These attacks told so severely that the polemarch a
second time gave the order (and this time for the fifteen-years-service
men) to charge. The order was promptly obeyed, but on retiring they lost
more men than on the first occasion, and it was not until the pick and
flower of the division had succumbed that they were joined by their
returning cavalry, in whose company they once again attempted a charge.
The light infantry gave way, but the attack of the cavalry was feebly
enforced. Instead of pressing home the charge until at least they had
sabred some of the enemy, they kept their horses abreast of their infantry
skirmishers, (20) charging and wheeling side by side.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 467, note on the improvements of
Iphicrates.
(18) Grote, "H. G." ix. 484; cf. "Hell." IV. viii. 39; "Anab." IV. ii.
20; Herod. ix. 10-29.
(19) Youngest rank and file, between eighteen and twenty-eight years
of age, who formed the first line. The Spartan was liable to
service at the age of eighteen. From twenty-eight to thirty-three
he would belong to the fifteen-years-service division (the second
line); and so on. See below, IV. vi. 10.
(20) See Thuc. iv. 125.
</pre>
<p>
Again and again the monotonous tale of doing and suffering repeated
itself, except that as their own ranks grew thinner and their courage
ebbed, the courage of their assailants grew bolder and their numbers
increased. In desperation they massed compactly upon the narrow slope of a
hillock, distant a couple of furlongs (21) or so from the sea, and a
couple of miles (22) perhaps from Lechaeum. Their friends in Lechaeum,
perceiving them, embarked in boats and sailed round until they were
immediately under the hillock. And now, in the very slough of despair,
being so sorely troubled as man after man dropped dead, and unable to
strike a blow, to crown their distress they saw the enemy's heavy infantry
advancing. Then they took to flight; some of them threw themselves into
the sea; others—a mere handful—escaped with the cavalry into
Lechaeum. The death-roll, including those who fell in the second fight and
the final flight, must have numbered two hundred and fifty slain, or
thereabouts. (23) Such is the tale of the destruction of the Lacedaemonian
mora.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(21) Lit. "two stades."
(22) Lit. "sixteen or seventeen stades."
(23) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 486.
</pre>
<p>
Subsequently, with the mutilated fragment of the division, Agesilaus
turned his back upon Lechaeum, leaving another division behind to garrison
that port. On his passage homewards, as he wound his way through the
various cities, he made a point of arriving at each as late in the day as
possible, renewing his march as early as possible next morning. Leaving
Orchomenus at the first streak of dawn, he passed Mantinea still under
cover of darkness. The spectacle of the Mantineans rejoicing at their
misfortune would have been too severe an ordeal for his soldiers.
</p>
<p>
But Iphicrates had not yet reached the summit of his good fortune. Success
followed upon success. Lacedaemonian garrisons had been placed in Sidus
and Crommyon by Praxitas when he took these fortresses, and again in
Oenoe, when Peiraeum was taken quite lately by Agesilaus. One and all of
these now fell into the hands of Iphicrates. Lechaeum still held out,
garrisoned as it was by the Lacedaemonians and their allies; while the
Corinthian exiles, unable since (24) the disaster of the mora any longer
to pass freely by land from Sicyon, had the sea passage still open to
them, and using Lechaeum as their base, (25) kept up a game of mutual
annoyance with the party in the capital.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(24) Lit. "owing to."
(25) The illustrative incidents narrated in chapter iv. 17 may belong
to this period.
</pre>
<p>
VI
</p>
<p>
B.C. 390-389. (1) At a later date the Achaeans, being in possession of
Calydon, a town from old times belonging to Aetolia, and having further
incorporated the Calydonians as citizens, (2) were under the necessity of
garrisoning their new possession. The reason was, that the Arcarnanians
were threatening the place with an army, and were aided by contingents
from Athens and Boeotia, who were anxious to help their allies. (3) Under
the strain of this combined attack the Achaeans despatched ambassadors to
Lacedaemon, who on arrival complained of the unfair conduct of Lacedaemon
towards themselves. "We, sirs," they said, "are ever ready to serve in
your armies, in obedience to whatever orders you choose to issue; we
follow you whithersoever you think fit to lead; but when it comes to our
being beleaguered by the Acarnanians, with their allies the Athenians and
Boeotians, you show not the slightest concern. Understand, then, that if
things go on thus we cannot hold out; but either we must give up all part
in the war in Peloponnesus and cross over in full force to engage the
Arcarnanians, or we must make peace with them on whatever terms we can."
This language was a tacit threat that if they failed to obtain the
assistance they felt entitled to from Lacedaemon they would quit the
alliance.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) According to others (who suppose that the Isthmia and the events
recorded in chapter v. 1-19 above belong to B.C. 392), we have now
reached B.C. 391.
(2) Or, "having conferred a city organisation on the Calydonians."
(3) See Thuc. ii. 68.
</pre>
<p>
The ephors and the assembly concluded that there was no alternative but to
assist the Achaeans in their campaign against the Acarnanians. Accordingly
they sent out Agesilaus with two divisions and the proper complement of
allies. The Achaeans none the less marched out in full force themselves.
No sooner had Agesilaus crossed the gulf than there was a general flight
of the population from the country districts into the towns, whilst the
flocks and herds were driven into remote districts that they might not be
captured by the troops. Being now arrived on the frontier of the enemy's
territory, Agesilaus sent to the general assembly of the Acarnanians at
Stratus, (4) warning them that unless they chose to give up their alliance
with the Boeotians and Athenians, and to take instead themselves and their
allies, he would ravage their territory through its length and breadth,
and not spare a single thing. When they turned a deaf ear to this summons,
the other proceeded to do what he threatened, systematically laying the
district waste, felling the timber and cutting down the fruit-trees, while
slowly moving on at the rate of ten or twelve furlongs a day. The
Acarnanians, owing to the snail-like progress of the enemy, were lulled
into a sense of security. They even began bringing down their cattle from
their alps, and devoted themselves to the tillage of far the greater
portion of their fields. But Agesilaus only waited till their rash
confidence reached its climax; then on the fifteenth or sixteenth day
after he had first entered the country he sacrificed at early dawn, and
before evening had traversed eighteen miles (5) or so of country to the
lake (6) round which were collected nearly all the flocks and herds of the
Acarnanians, and so captured a vast quantity of cattle, horses, and
grazing stock of all kinds, besides numerous slaves.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) "The Akarnanians had, in early times, occupied the hill of Olpai
as a place for judicial proceedings common to the whole nation"
(see Thuc. iii. 105). "But in Thucydides' own time Stratos had
attained its position as the greatest city of Akarnania, and
probably the Federal Assemblies were already held there" (Thuc.
ii. 80). "In the days of Agesilaos we find Stratos still more
distinctly marked as the place of Federal meeting."—Freeman,
"Hist. Fed. Gov." ch. iv. p. 148 foll., "On the constitution of
the League."
(5) Lit. "one hundred and sixty stades."
(6) See Thuc. ii. 80; vi. 106.
</pre>
<p>
Having secured this prize, he stayed on the spot the whole of the
following day, and devoted himself to disposing of the captured property
by public sale. While he was thus engaged, a large body of Arcarnanian
light infantry appeared, and availing themselves of the position in which
Agesilaus was encamped against the mountain side, assailed him with
volleys of sling-stones and rocks from the razor-edge of the mountain,
without suffering any scathe themselves. By this means they succeeded in
dislodging and forcing his troops down into the level plain, and that too
at an hour when the whole camp was engaged in preparations for the evening
meal. As night drew on, the Acarnanians retired; sentinels were posted,
and the troops slept in peace.
</p>
<p>
Next day Agesilaus led off his army. The exit from the plain and
meadow-land round the lake was a narrow aperture through a close
encircling range of hills. In occupation of this mountain barrier the
Acarnanians, from the vantage-ground above, poured down a continuous pelt
of stones and other missiles, or, creeping down to the fringes, dogged and
annoyed them so much that the army was no longer able to proceed. If the
heavy infantry or cavalry made sallies from the main line they did no harm
to their assailants, for the Acarnanians had only to retire and they had
quickly gained their strongholds. It was too severe a task, Agesilaus
thought, to force his way through the narrow pass so sorely beset. He made
up his mind, therefore, to charge that portion of the enemy who dogged his
left, though these were pretty numerous. The range of hills on this side
was more accessible to heavy infantry and horse alike. During the interval
needed for the inspection of victims, the Acarnanians kept plying them
with javelins and bullets, and, coming into close proximity, wounded man
after man. But presently came the word of command, "Advance!" and the
fifteen-years-service men of the heavy infantry (7) ran forward,
accompanied by the cavalry, at a round pace, the general himself steadily
following with the rest of the column. Those of the Acarnanians who had
crept down the mountain side at that instant in the midst of their
sharpshooting turned and fled, and as they climbed the steep, man after
man was slain. When, however, the top of the pass was reached, there stood
the hoplites of the Acarnanians drawn up in battle line, and supported by
the mass of their light infantry. There they steadily waited, keeping up a
continuous discharge of missiles the while, or launching their long
spears; whereby they dealt wounds to the cavalry troopers and death in
some cases to the horses. But when they were all but within the clutches
of the advancing heavy infantry (8) of the Lacedaemonians their firmness
forsook them; they swerved and fled, and there died of them on that day
about three hundred. So ended the affair.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) I.e. "the first two ranks." See above, IV. v. 14.
(8) See "Ages." ii. 20, for an extraordinary discrepancy.
</pre>
<p>
Agesilaus set up a trophy of victory, and afterwards making a tour of the
country, he visited it with fire and sword. (9) Occasionally, in obedience
to pressure put upon him by the Achaeans, he would assault some city, but
did not capture a single one. And now, as the season of autumn rapidly
approached, he prepared to leave the country; whereupon the Achaeans, who
looked upon his exploits as abortive, seeing that not a single city,
willingly or unwillingly, had as yet been detached from their opponents,
begged him, as the smallest service he could render them, at any rate to
stay long enough in the country to prevent the Acarnanians from sowing
their corn. He answered that the course they suggested ran counter to
expediency. "You forget," he said, "that I mean to invade your enemies
again next summer; and therefore the larger their sowing now, the stronger
will be their appetite for peace hereafter." With this retort he withdrew
overland through Aetolia, and by roads, moreover, which no army, small or
great, could possibly have traversed without the consent of the
inhabitants. The Aetolians, however, were only too glad to yield the
Spartan king a free passage, cherishing hopes as they did that he would
aid them to recover Naupactus. On reaching Rhium (10) he crossed the gulf
at that point and returned homewards, the more direct passage from Calydon
to Peloponnesus being effectually barred by an Athenian squadron stationed
at Oeniadae.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) Or lit. "burning and felling."
(10) Or Antirrhium (as more commonly called).
</pre>
<p>
VII
</p>
<p>
B.C. 389-388. (1) On the expiration of winter, and in fulfilment of his
promise to the Achaeans, Agesilaus called out the ban once more with early
spring to invade the Acarnanians. The latter were apprised of his
intention, and, being persuaded that owing to the midland situation of
their cities they would just as truly be blockaded by an enemy who chose
to destroy their corn as they would be if besieged with entrenchments in
regular form, they sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon, and made peace with the
Achaeans and alliance with the Lacedaemonians. Thus closes this page of
history concerning the affairs of Arcarnania.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) According to others, B.C. 390.
</pre>
<p>
To turn to the next. There was a feeling on the part of the Lacedaemonians
(2) that no expedition against Athens or Boeotia would be safe so long as
a state so important and so close to their own frontier as Argos remained
in open hostility behind them. Accordingly they called out the ban against
Argos. Now when Agesipolis learnt that the duty of leadership devolved on
him, and, moreover, that the sacrifices before crossing the frontier were
favourable, he went to Olympia and consulted the will of the god. "Would
it be lawful to him," he inquired, "not to accept the holy truce, on the
ground that the Argives made the season for it (3) depend not on a fixed
date, but on the prospect of a Lacedaemonian invasion?" The god indicated
to the inquirer that he might lawfully repudiate any holy truce which was
fraudulently antedated. (4) Not content with this, the young king, on
leaving Olympia, went at once to Delphi, and at that shrine put the same
question to Apollo: "Were his views in accordance with his Father's as
touching the holy truce?"—to which the son of Zeus made answer:
"Yea, altogether in accordance." (5)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Or, "It was agreed by the Lacedaemonians."
(3) I.e. "the season of the Carneia."
(4) Or, "wrongfully put forward." See below, V. i. 29; iii. 28; Paus.
III. v. 8; Jebb. "Att. Or." i. p. 131; Grote, "H. G." ix. 494
foll.; Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 315; note to Thuc. V. liv. 3.
(5) Grote; cf. Aristot. "Rhet." ii. 33.
</pre>
<p>
Then without further hesitation, picking up his army at Phlius (where,
during his absence to visit the temples, the troops had been collecting),
he advanced by Nemea into the enemy's territory. The Argives, on their
side, perceiving that they would be unable to hinder his advance, in
accordance with their custom sent a couple of heralds, garlanded, and
presented their usual plea of a holy truce. Agesipolis answered them
curtly that the gods were not satisfied with the justice of their plea,
and, refusing to accept the truce, pushed forward, causing thereby great
perplexity and consternation throughout the rural districts and the
capital itself.
</p>
<p>
But while he was getting his evening meal that first evening in the Argive
territory—just at the moment when the after-dinner libation had been
poured out—the god sent an earthquake; and with one consent the
Lacedaemonians, beginning with the officers of the royal quarters, sang
the sacred hymn of Poseidon. The soldiers, in general, expected to
retreat, arguing that, on the occurrence of an earthquake once before,
Agis had retired from Elis. But Agesipolis held another view: if the god
had sent his earthquake at the moment when he was meditating invasion, he
should have understood that the god forbade his entrance; but now, when
the invasion was a thing effected, he must needs take it as a signal of
his approval. (6) Accordingly next morning he sacrificed to Poseidon, and
advanced a short distance further into the country.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) Or, "interpret the signal as a summons to advance."
</pre>
<p>
The late expedition of Agesilaus into Argos (7) was still fresh in men's
minds, and Agesipolis was eager to ascertain from the soldiers how close
his predecessor had advanced to the fortification walls; or again, how far
he had gone in ravaging the open country—not unlike a competitor in
the pentathlon, (8) eager to cap the performance of his rival in each
event. On one occasion it was only the discharge of missiles from the
towers which forced him to recross the trenches round the walls; on
another, profiting by the absence of the majority of the Argives in
Laconian territory, he came so close to the gates that their officers
actually shut out their own Boeotian cavalry on the point of entering, in
terror lest the Lacedaemonians might pour into the town in company, and
these Boeotian troopers were forced to cling, like bats to a wall, under
each coign of vantage beneath the battlements. Had it not been for the
accidental absence of the Cretans, (9) who had gone off on a raid to
Nauplia, without a doubt numbers of men and horses would have been shot
down. At a later date, while encamping in the neighbourhood of the
Enclosures, (10) a thunder-bolt fell into his camp. One or two men were
struck, while others died from the effect of the concussion on their
brains. At a still later period he was anxious to fortify some sort of
garrison outpost in the pass of Celusa, (11) but upon offering sacrifice
the victims proved lobeless, (12) and he was constrained to lead back and
disband his army—not without serious injury inflicted on the
Argives, as the result of an invasion which had taken them wholly by
surprise.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) See above, "Hell." IV. iv. 19.
(8) The pentathlon of Olympia and the other great games consisted of
five contests, in the following order—(1) leaping, (2) discus-
throwing, (3) javelin-throwing, (4) running, (5) wrestling. Cf.
Simonides, {alma podokeien diskon akonta palen}, where, "metri
gratia," the order is inverted. The competitors were drawn in
pairs. The odd man who drew a bye in any particular round or heat
was called the "ephedros." The successful athletes of the pairs,
that is, those who had won any three events out of five, would
then again be drawn against each other, and so on until only two
were left, between whom the final heat took place. See, for an
exhaustive discussion of the subject, Prof. Percy Gardner, "The
Pentathlon of the Greeks" ("Journal of Hellenic Studies," vol. i.
9, p. 210 foll. pl. viii.), from whom this note is taken.
(9) See Thuc. vii. 57.
(10) {peri tas eirktas}—what these were no one knows, possibly a
stone quarry used as a prison. Cf. "Cyrop." III. i. 19; "Mem." II.
i. 5; see Grote, "H. G." ix. 497; Paus. III. v.. 8.
(11) Or Celossa. See Strabo, viii. 382.
(12) I.e. "hopeless." See above, III. iv. 15.
</pre>
<p>
VIII
</p>
<p>
394 B.C. Such were the land operations in the war. Meanwhile another
series of events was being enacted on the sea and within the seaboard
cities; and these I will now narrate in detail. But I shall confine my pen
to the more memorable incidents, and others of less account I shall pass
over.
</p>
<p>
In the first place, then, Pharnabazus and Conon, after defeating the
Lacedaemonians in the naval engagement of Cnidus, commenced a tour of
inspection round the islands and the maritime states, expelling from them,
as they visited them, one after another the Spartan governors. (1)
Everywhere they gave consolatory assurances to the citizens that they had
no intention of establishing fortress citadels within their walls, or in
any way interfering with their self-government. (2) Such words fell
soothingly upon the ears of those to whom they were addressed; the
proposals were courteously accepted; all were eager to present Pharnabazus
with gifts of friendship and hospitality. The satrap, indeed, was only
applying the instructions of his master Conon on these matters—who
had taught him that if he acted thus all the states would be friendly to
him, whereas, if he showed any intention to enslave them, the smallest of
them would, as Conon insisted, be capable of causing a world of trouble,
and the chances were, if apprehensions were once excited, he would find
himself face to face with a coalition of united Hellas. To these
admonitions Pharnabazus lent a willing ear.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Lit. "the Laconian harmosts."
(2) See Hicks, 70, "Honours to Konon," Inscript. found at Erythrae in
Ionia. Cf. Diod. xiv. 84.
</pre>
<p>
Accordingly, when disembarking at Ephesus, he presented Conon with a fleet
of forty sail, (3) and having further instructed him to meet him at
Sestos, (4) set off himself by land along the coast to visit his own
provinces. For here it should be mentioned that his old enemy Dercylidas
happened to be in Abydos at the time of the sea-fight; (5) nor had he at a
later date suffered eclipse with the other governors, (6) but on the
contrary, had kept tight hold of Abydos and still preserved it in
attachment to Lacedaemon. The course he had adopted was to summon a
meeting of the Abydenians, when he made them a speech as follows: "Sirs,
to-day it is possible for you, who have before been friends to my city, to
appear as benefactors of the Lacedaemonians. For a man to prove faithful
to his friends in the heyday of their good fortune is no great marvel; but
to prove steadfast when his friends are in misfortune—that is a
service monumental for all time. But do not mistake me. It does not follow
that, because we have been defeated in a great sea-fight, we are therefore
annihilated. (7) Certainly not. Even in old days, you will admit, when
Athens was mistress of the sea, our state was not powerless to benefit
friends or chastise enemies. Moreover, in proportion as the rest of the
cities have joined hands with fortune to turn their backs upon us, so much
the more certainly will the grandeur of your fidelity shine forth. Or, is
any one haunted by the fear that we may find ourselves blockaded by land
and sea?—let him consider that at present there is no Hellenic navy
whatever on the seas, and if the barbarian attempts to clutch the empire
of the sea, Hellas will not sit by and suffer it; so that, if only in
self-defence, she must inevitably take your side."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) See Diod. xiv. 83.
(4) See above, "Hell." II. i. 27 foll.
(5) See above, "Hell." IV. iii. 3.
(6) Lit. "harmosts."
(7) Or, "we are beaten, ergo, it is all over with us."
</pre>
<p>
To this the Abydenians lent no deaf ears, but rather responded with
willingness approaching enthusiasm—extending the hand of fellowship
to the ex-governors, some of whom were already flocking to Abydos as a
harbour of refuge, whilst others they sent to summon from a distance.
</p>
<p>
So when a number of efficient and serviceable men had been collected,
Dercylidas ventured to cross over to Sestos—lying, as it does, not
more than a mile (8) distant, directly facing Abydos. There he not only
set about collecting those who held lands in the Chersonese through
Lacedaemonian influence, but extended his welcome also to the governors
(9) who had been driven out of European states. (10) He insisted that, if
they came to think of it, not even was their case desperate, reminding
them that even in Asia, which originally belonged to the Persian monarch,
places were to be found—such as the little state of Temnos, or
Aegae, and others, capable of administering their affairs, unsubjected to
the king of Persia. "But," he added, "if you want a strong impregnable
position, I cannot conceive what better you can find than Sestos. Why, it
would need a combined naval and military force to invest that port." By
these and such like arguments he rescued them from the lethargy of
despair.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Lit. "eight stades."
(9) Lit. "harmosts."
(10) See Demos. "de Cor." 96.
</pre>
<p>
Now when Pharnabazus found Abydos and Sestos so conditioned, he gave them
to understand that unless they chose to eject the Lacedaemonians, he would
bring war to bear upon them; and when they refused to obey, having first
assigned to Conon as his business to keep the sea closed against them, he
proceeded in person to ravage the territory of the men of Abydos.
Presently, finding himself no nearer the fulfilment of his object—which
was their reduction—he set off home himself and left it to Conon the
while so to conciliate the Hellespontine states that as large a naval
power as possible might be mustered against the coming spring. In his
wrath against the Lacedaemonians, in return for the treatment he had
received from them, his paramount object was to invade their territory and
exact what vengeance he could.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 393. The winter was thus fully taken up with preparations; but with
the approach of spring, Pharnabazus and Conon, with a large fleet fully
manned, and a foreign mercenary brigade to boot, threaded their way
through the islands to Melos. (11) This island was to serve as a base of
operations against Lacedaemon. And in the first instance he sailed down to
Pherae (12) and ravaged that district, after which he made successive
descents at various other points on the seaboard, and did what injury he
could. But in apprehension of the harbourless character of the coast,
coupled with the enemy's facility of reinforcement and his own scarcity of
supplies, he very soon turned back and sailed away, until finally he came
to moorings in the harbour of Phoenicus in Cythera. The occupants of the
city of the Cytherians, in terror of being taken by storm, evacuated the
walls. To dismiss these under a flag of truce across to Laconia was his
first step; his second was to repair the fortress in question and to leave
a garrison in the island under an Athenian governor—Nicophemus.
After this he set sail to the Isthmus of Corinth, where he delivered an
exhortation to the allies begging them to prosecute the war vigorously,
and to show themselves faithful to the Great King; and so, having left
them all the moneys he had with him, set off on his voyage home.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) See Lys. xix. "de bon. Arist." 19 foll.; and Hicks, 71, "Honours
to Dionysios I. and his court"; Grote, "H. G." ix. 453.
(12) Mod. Kalamata.
</pre>
<p>
But Conon had a proposal to make:—If Pharnabazus would allow him to
keep the fleet, he would undertake, in the first place, to support it free
of expense from the islands; besides which, he would sail to his own
country and help his fellow-citizens the Athenians to rebuild their long
walls and the fortifications round Piraeus. No heavier blow, he insisted,
could well be inflicted on Lacedaemon. "In this way, I can assure you," he
added, "you will win the eternal gratitude of the Athenians and wreak
consummate vengeance on the Lacedaemonians, since at one stroke you will
render null and void that on which they have bestowed their utmost
labour." These arguments so far weighed with Pharnabazus that he
despatched Conon to Athens with alacrity, and further supplied him with
funds for the restoration of the walls. Thus it was that Conon, on his
arrival at Athens, was able to rebuild a large portion of the walls—partly
by lending his own crews, and partly by giving pay to carpenters and
stone-masons, and meeting all the necessary expenses. There were other
portions of the walls which the Athenians and Boeotians and other states
raised as a joint voluntary undertaking.
</p>
<p>
Nor must it be forgotten that the Corinthians, with the funds left them by
Pharnabazus, manned a fleet—the command of which they entrusted to
their admiral Agathinus—and so were undisputed masters of the sea
within the gulf round Achaia and Lechaeum.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 393-391. The Lacedaemonians, in opposition, fitted out a fleet under
the command of Podanemus. That officer, in an attack of no great moment,
lost his life, and Pollis, (13) his second in command, was presently in
his turn obliged to retire, being wounded, whereupon Herippidas took
command of the vessels. On the other hand, Proaenus the Corinthian, who
had relieved Agathinus, evacuated Rhium, and the Lacedaemonians recovered
that post. Subsequently Teleutias succeeded to Herippidas's fleet, and it
was then the turn of that admiral to dominate the gulf. (14)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) See "Hell." I. i. 23.
(14) According to Grote ("H. G." ix. 471, note 2), this section
summarises the Lacedaemonian maritime operations in the Corinthian
Gulf from the late autumn of 393 B.C. till the appointment of
Teleutias in the spring or early summer of 391 B.C., the year of
the expedition of Agesilaus recounted above, "Hell." IV. iv. 19.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 392. The Lacedaemonians were well informed of the proceedings of
Conon. They knew that he was not only restoring the fortifications of
Athens by help of the king's gold, but maintaining a fleet at his expense
besides, and conciliating the islands and seaboard cities towards Athens.
If, therefore, they could indoctrinate Tiribazus—who was a general
of the king—with their sentiments, they believed they could not fail
either to draw him aside to their own interests, or, at any rate, to put a
stop to his feeding Conon's navy. With this intention they sent Antalcidas
to Tiribazus: (15) his orders were to carry out this policy and, if
possible, to arrange a peace between Lacedaemon and the king. The
Athenians, getting wind of this, sent a counter-embassy, consisting of
Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Callimedon, with Conon himself. They
at the same time invited the attendance of ambassadors from the allies,
and there were also present representatives of the Boeotians, of Corinth,
and of Argos. When they had arrived at their destination, Antalcidas
explained to Tiribazus the object of his visit: he wished, if possible, to
cement a peace between the state he represented and the king—a
peace, moreover, exactly suited to the aspirations of the king himself; in
other words, the Lacedaemonians gave up all claim to the Hellenic cities
in Asia as against the king, while for their own part they were content
that all the islands and other cities should be independent. "Such being
our unbiased wishes," he continued, "for what earthly reason should (the
Hellenes or) the king go to war with us? or why should he expend his
money? The king is guaranteed against attack on the part of Hellas, since
the Athenians are powerless apart from our hegemony, and we are powerless
so long as the separate states are independent." The proposals of
Antalcidas sounded very pleasantly in the ears of Tiribazus, but to the
opponents of Sparta they were the merest talk. The Athenians were
apprehensive of an agreement which provided for the independence of the
cities in the islands, whereby they might be deprived of Lemnos, Imbros,
and Scyros. The Thebans, again, were afraid of being compelled to let the
Boeotian states go free. The Argives did not see how such treaty contracts
and covenants were compatible with the realisation of their own great
object—the absorption of Corinth by Argos. And so it came to pass
that this peace (16) proved abortive, and the representatives departed
each to his own home.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) See Plut. "Ages." xxiii. (Clough, iv. p. 27); and for the date
B.C. 392 (al. B.C. 393) see Grote, "H. G." ix. 498.
(16) See Andoc. "de Pace"; Jebb, "Attic Or." i. 83, 128 foll. Prof.
Jebb assigns this speech to B.C. 390 rather than B.C. 391. See
also Grote, "H. G." ix. 499; Diod. xiv. 110.
</pre>
<p>
Tiribazus, on his side, thought it hardly consistent with his own safety
to adopt the cause of the Lacedaemonians without the concurrence of the
king—a scruple which did not prevent him from privately presenting
Antalcidas with a sum of money, in hopes that when the Athenians and their
allies discovered that the Lacedaemonians had the wherewithal to furnish a
fleet, they might perhaps be more disposed to desire peace. Further,
accepting the statements of the Lacedaemonians as true, he took on himself
to secure the person of Conon, as guilty of wrongdoing towards the king,
and shut him up. (17) That done, he set off up country to the king to
recount the proposals of Lacedaemon, with his own subsequent capture of
Conon as a mischievous man, and to ask for further guidance on all these
matters.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) See Diod. xiv. 85; and Corn. Nep. 5.
</pre>
<p>
On the arrival of Tiribazus at the palace, the king sent down Struthas to
take charge of the seaboard district. The latter, however, was a strong
partisan of Athens and her allies, since he found it impossible to forget
the long list of evils which the king's country had suffered at the hands
of Agesilaus; so that the Lacedaemonians, contrasting the hostile
disposition of the new satrap towards themselves with his friendliness to
the Athenians, sent Thibron to deal with him by force of arms.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 391. (18) That general crossed over and established his base of
operations in Ephesus and the towns in the plain of the Maeander—Priene,
Leucophrys, and Achilleum—and proceeded to harry the king's
territory, sparing neither live nor dead chattels. But as time went on,
Struthas, who could not but note the disorderly, and indeed recklessly
scornful manner in which the Lacedaemonian brought up his supports on each
occasion, despatched a body of cavalry into the plain. Their orders were
to gallop down and scour the plain, making a clean sweep (19) of all they
could lay their hands on. Thibron, as it befell, had just finished
breakfast, and was returning to the mess with Thersander the flute-player.
The latter was not only a good flute-player, but, as affecting
Lacedaemonian manners, laid claim to personal prowess. Struthas, then,
seeing the disorderly advance of the supports and the paucity of the
vanguard, appeared suddenly at the head of a large body of cavalry, all in
orderly array. Thibron and Thersander were the first to be cut down, and
when these had fallen the rest of the troops were easily turned. A mere
chase ensued, in which man after man was felled to earth, though a remnant
contrived to escape into the friendly cities; still larger numbers owed
their safety to their late discovery of the business on hand. Nor, indeed,
was this the first time the Spartan commander had rushed to the field,
without even issuing a general order. So ends the history of these events.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) Al. B.C. 392, al. B.C. 390.
(19) See "Hell." VII. i. 40; "Cyrop." I. iv. 17; III. iii. 23; "Anab."
VI. iii. 3.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 390. (20) We pass on to the arrival at Lacedaemon of a party of
Rhodian exiles expelled by the popular party. They insisted that it was
not equitable to allow the Athenians to subjugate Rhodes and thus build up
so vast a power. The Lacedaemonians were alive to the fact that the fate
of Rhodes depended on which party in the state prevailed: if the democracy
were to dominate, the whole island must fall into the hands of Athens; if
the wealthier classes, (21) into their own. Accordingly they fitted out
for them a fleet of eight vessels, and put Ecdicus in command of it as
admiral.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) Grote, "H. G." ix. 504; al. B.C. 391.
(21) Or, "the Lacedaemonians were not slow to perceive that the whole
island of Rhodes was destined to fall either into the hands of
Athens or of themselves, according as the democracy or the
wealthier classes respectively dominated."
</pre>
<p>
At the same time they despatched another officer on board these vessels
named Diphridas, on a separate mission. His orders were to cross over into
Asia and to secure the states which had received Thibron. He was also to
pick up the survivors of Thibron's army, and with these troops, aided by a
second army which he would collect from any other quarter open to him, he
was to prosecute the war against Struthas. Diphridas followed out his
instructions, and amongst other achievements was fortunate enough to
capture Tigranes, (22) the son-in-law of Struthas, with his wife, on their
road to Sardis. The sum paid for their ransom was so large that he at once
had the wherewithal to pay his mercenaries. Diphridas was no less
attractive than his predecessor Thibron; but he was of a more orderly
temperament, steadier, and incomparably more enterprising as a general;
the secret of this superiority being that he was a man over whom the
pleasures of the body exercised no sway. He became readily absorbed in the
business before him—whatever he had to do he did it with a will.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) See "Anab." VII. viii. 9 for a similar exploit.
</pre>
<p>
Ecdicus having reached Cnidus, there learned that the democracy in Rhones
were entirely masters of the situation. They were dominant by land and
sea; indeed they possessed a fleet twice the size of his own. He was
therefore content to keep quiet in Cnidus until the Lacedaemonians,
perceiving that his force was too small to allow him to benefit their
friends, determined to relieve him. With this view they ordered Teleutias
to take the twelve ships which formed his squadron (at present in the gulf
adjoining Achaia and Lechaeum), (23) and to feel his way round to Ecdicus:
that officer he was to send home. For himself, he was to undertake
personally to protect the interests of all who cared to be their friends,
whilst injuring the enemy by every possible means.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) See above, IV. viii. 11.
</pre>
<p>
So then Teleutias, having reached Samos, where he added some vessels to
his fleet, set sail to Cnidus. At this point Ecdicus returned home, and
Teleutias, continuing his voyage, reached Rhodes, at the head now of
seven-and-twenty vessels. It was during this portion of the voyage that he
fell in with Philocrates, the son of Ephialtes, who was sailing from
Athens to Cyprus with ten triremes, in aid of their ally Evagoras. (24)
The whole flotilla fell into the Spartan's hands—a curious instance,
it may be added, of cross purposes on the part of both belligerents. Here
were the Athenians, supposed to be on friendly terms with the king,
engaged in sending an allied force to support Evagoras, who was at open
war with him; and here again was Teleutias, the representative of a people
at war with Persia, engaged in crippling a fleet which had been despatched
on a mission hostile to their adversary. Teleutias put back into Cnidus to
dispose of his captives, and so eventually reached Rhodes, where his
arrival brought timely aid to the party in favour of Lacedaemon.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(24) See Diod. xiv. 98; Hicks, 72; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. p. 397;
Isoc. "Evag." 54-57; Paus. I. iii. 1; Lys. "de bon. Ar." 20; Dem.
p. 161.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 389. (25) And now the Athenians, fully impressed with the belief that
their rivals were laying the basis of a new naval supremacy, despatched
Thrasybulus the Steirian to check them, with a fleet of forty sail. That
officer set sail, but abstained from bringing aid to Rhodes, and for good
reasons. In Rhodes the Lacedaemonian party had hold of the fortress, and
would be out of reach of his attack, especially as Teleutias was close at
hand to aid them with his fleet. On the other hand, his own friends ran no
danger of succumbing to the enemy, as they held the cities and were
numerically much stronger, and they had established their superiority in
the field. Consequently he made for the Hellespont, where, in the absence
of any rival power, he hoped to achieve some stroke of good fortune for
his city. Thus, in the first place, having detected the rivalries existing
between Medocus, (26) the king of the Odrysians, and Seuthes, (27) the
rival ruler of the seaboard, he reconciled them to each other, and made
them friends and allies of Athens; in the belief that if he secured their
friendship the Hellenic cities on the Thracian coast would show greater
proclivity to Athens. Such being the happy state of affairs not only in
Europe but as regards the states in Asia also, thanks to the friendly
attitude of the king to his fellow-citizens, he sailed into Byzantium and
sold the tithe-duty levied on vessels arriving from the Euxine. By another
stroke he converted the oligarchy of Byzantium into a democracy. The
result of this was that the Byzantine demos (28) were no longer sorry to
see as vast a concourse of Athenians in their city as possible. Having so
done, and having further won the friendship of the men of Calchedon, he
set sail south of the Hellespont. Arrived at Lesbos, he found all the
cities devoted to Lacedaemon with the exception of Mytilene. He was
therefore loth to attack any of the former until he had organised a force
within the latter. This force consisted of four hundred hoplites,
furnished from his own vessels, and a corps of exiles from the different
cities who had sought shelter in Mytilene; to which he added a stout
contingent, the pick of the Mytileneian citizens themselves. He stirred
the ardour of the several contingents by suitable appeals: representing to
the men of Mytilene that by their capture of the cities they would at once
become the chiefs and patrons of Lesbos; to the exiles he made it appear
that if they would but unite to attack each several city in turn, they
might all reckon on their particular restoration; while he needed only to
remind his own warriors that the acquisition of Lesbos meant not only the
attachment of a friendly city, but the discovery of a mine of wealth. The
exhortations ended and the contingents organised, he advanced against
Methymna.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(25) Grote, "H. G." ix. 507.
(26) Al. Amedocus.
(27) For Seuthes, see above, "Hell." III. ii. 2, if the same.
(28) For the varying fortunes of the democrats at Byzantium in 408
B.C. and 405 B.C., see above, ("Hell." I. iii. 18; II. ii. 2); for
the present moment, 390-389 B.C., see Demosth. "c. Lept." 475; for
the admission of Byzantium into the new naval confederacy in 378
B.C., see Hicks, 68; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 19; and for B.C. 363,
Isocr. "Phil." 53; Diod. xv. 79; and for its commercial
prosperity, Polyb. iv. 38-47.
</pre>
<p>
Therimachus, who chanced to be the Lacedaemonian governor at the time, on
hearing of the meditated attack of Thrasybulus, had taken a body of
marines from his vessels, and, aided by the citizens of Methymna
themselves, along with all the Mytileneian exiles to be found in that
place, advanced to meet the enemy on their borders. A battle was fought
and Therimachus was slain, a fate shared by several of the exiles of his
party.
</p>
<p>
As a result (29) of his victory the Athenian general succeeded in winning
the adhesion of some of the states; or, where adhesion was refused, he
could at least raise supplies for his soldiers by freebooting expeditions,
and so hastened to reach his goal, which was the island of Rhodes. His
chief concern was to support as powerful an army as possible in those
parts, and with this object he proceeded to levy money aids, visiting
various cities, until he finally reached Aspendus, and came to moorings in
the river Eurymedon. The money was safely collected from the Aspendians,
and the work completed, when, taking occasion of some depredations (30) of
the soldiers on the farmsteads, the people of the place in a fit of
irritation burst into the general's quarters at night and butchered him in
his tent.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(29) According to some critics, B.C. 389 is only now reached.
(30) See Diod. xiv. 94.
</pre>
<p>
So perished Thrasybulus, (31) a good and great man by all admission. In
room of him the Athenians chose Agyrrhius, (32) who was despatched to take
command of the fleet. And now the Lacedaemonians—alive to the fact
that the sale of the Euxine tithe-dues had been negotiated in Byzantium by
Athens; aware also that as long as the Athenians kept hold on Calchedon
the loyalty of the other Hellespontine cities was secured to them (at any
rate while Pharnabazus remained their friend)—felt that the state of
affairs demanded their serious attention. They attached no blame indeed to
Dercylidas. Anaxibius, however, through the friendship of the ephors,
contrived to get himself appointed as governor, on a mission to Abydos.
With the requisite funds and ships, he promised to exert such hostile
pressure upon Athens that at least her prospects in the Hellespont would
cease to be so sunny. His friends the ephors granted him in return for
these promises three ships of war and funds to support a thousand
mercenaries, and so they despatched him on his mission. Reaching Abydos,
he set about improving his naval and military position. First he collected
a foreign brigade, by help of which he drew off some of the Aeolid cities
from Pharnabazus. Next he set on foot a series of retaliatory expeditions
against the states which attacked Abydos, marching upon them and ravaging
their territories; and lastly, manning three vessels besides those which
he already held in the harbour of Abydos, he intercepted and brought into
port all the merchant ships of Athens or of her allies which he could lay
hands on.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(31) "Thus perished the citizen to whom, more than any one else,
Athens owed not only her renovated democracy, but its wise,
generous, and harmonious working, after renovation."—Grote, "H.
G." ix. 509.
(32) For this statesman, see Demosth. "c. Timocr." 742; Andoc. "de
Myst." 133; Aristot. "Ath. Pol." 41, and Mr. Kenyon's notes ad
loc.; Aristoph. "Eccles." 102, and the Schol. ad loc.; Diod. xiv.
99; Curtius, "H. G." Eng tr. iv. 280.
</pre>
<p>
Getting wind of these proceedings, the Athenians, fearing lest the fair
foundation laid for them by Thrasybulus in the Hellespont should be
ruined, sent out Iphicrates with eight vessels and twelve hundred
peltasts. The majority of them (33) consisted of troops which he had
commanded at Corinth. In explanation it may be stated that the Argives,
when once they had appropriated Corinth and incorporated it with Argos,
gave out they had no further need of Iphicrates and his troops; the real
fact being that he had put to death some of the partisans of Argos. (34)
And so it was he turned his back on Corinth and found himself at home in
Athens at the present crisis.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(33) Or, "The mass of them."
(34) See Grote, "H. G." ix. p. 491 note. The "Argolising" or philo-
Argeian party, as opposed to the philo-Laconian party. See above,
"Hell." IV. iv. 6.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 389-388. When Iphicrates first reached the Chersonese he and
Anaxibius carried on war against each other by the despatch of guerilla or
piratic bands across the straits. But as time wore on, information reached
him of the departure of Anaxibius to Antandrus, accompanied by his
mercenaries and his own bodyguard of Laconians and two hundred Abydenian
hoplites. Hearing further that Anaxibius had won the friendly adhesion of
Antandrus, Iphicrates conjectured that after establishing a garrison in
that place he would make the best of his way back, if only to bring the
Abydenians home again. He therefore crossed in the night, selecting a
desert point on the Abydene coast, from which he scaled the hills above
the town and planted himself in ambuscade within their folds. The triremes
which brought him across had orders at break of day to coast up northwards
along the Chersonese, which would suggest the notion that he was only out
on one of his customary voyages to collect money. The sequel more than
fulfilled his expectations. Anaxibius began his return march, and if
report speaks truly, he did so notwithstanding that the victims were
against his marching that day; contemptuously disregarding the warning,
and satisfied that his march lay all along through a friendly country and
was directed to a friendly city. Besides which, those whom he met assured
him that Iphicrates was off on a voyage to Proconnesus: hence the unusual
absence of precaution on the march. On his side Iphicrates saw the chance,
but, so long as the troops of Anaxibius lingered on the level bottoms,
refused to spring from his lair, waiting for the moment when the Abydenian
division in the van was safely landed in the plain of Cremaste, at the
point where the gold mines stand; the main column following on the
downward slope, and Anaxibius with his Laconians just beginning the
descent. At that instant Iphicrates set his ambuscade in motion, and
dashed against the Spartan at full speed. The latter quickly discerned
that there was no hope of escape as he scanned the long straggling line of
his attenuated column. The troops in advance, he was persuaded, would
never be able to come back to his aid up the face of that acclivity;
besides which, he observed the utter bewilderment of the whole body at
sight of the ambuscade. He therefore turned to those next him, and spoke
as follows: "Sirs, it is good for me to die on this spot, where honour
bids me; but for you, sirs, yonder your path lies, haste and save
yourselves (35) before the enemy can close with us." As the words died on
his lips he took from the hands of his attendant shield-bearer his heavy
shield, and there, at his post, unflinchingly fought and fell; not quite
alone, for by his side faithfully lingered a favourite youth, and of the
Lacedaemonian governors who had rallied to Abydos from their several
cities yet other twelve fought and fell beside the pair. The rest fled,
dropping down one by one as the army pursued them to the walls of the
city. The death-roll amounted to something like fifty hoplites of the
Abydenians, and of the rest two hundred. After this exploit Iphicrates
returned to the Chersonese. (36)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(35) Or, "sauve qui peut."
(36) See Hicks, 76; and below, "Hell." V. i. 31.
</pre>
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<h2>
BOOK V
</h2>
<p>
I
</p>
<p>
B.C. 388. Such was the state of affairs in the Hellespont, so far at least
as Athens and Sparta are concerned. Eteonicus was once more in Aegina; and
notwithstanding that the Aeginetans and Athenians had up to this time held
commercial intercourse, yet now that the war was plainly to be fought out
on the sea, that officer, with the concurrence of the ephorate, gave
permission to any one who liked to plunder Attica. (1) The Athenians
retaliated by despatching a body of hoplites under their general
Pamphilus, who constructed a fort against the Aeginetans, (2) and
proceeded to blockade them by land and sea with ten warships. Teleutias,
however, while threading his way among the islands in question of
contributions, had chanced to reach a point where he received information
of the turn in affairs with regard to the construction of the fortress,
whereupon he came to the rescue of the beleaguered Aeginetans, and so far
succeeded that he drove off the enemy's blockading squadron. But Pamphilus
kept a firm hold on the offensive fortress, and was not to be dislodged.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Or, "determined to let slip the hounds of war;" or, more
prosaically, "issued letters of marque." See Grote, "H. G." ix.
517.
(2) I.e. in Aegina as an {epiteikhisma}.
</pre>
<p>
After this the new admiral Hierax arrived from Lacedaemon. The naval force
was transferred into his successor's hands, and under the happiest
auspices Teleutias set sail for home. As he descended to the seashore to
start on his homeward voyage there was not one among his soldiers who had
not a warm shake of the hand for their old admiral. Here one presented him
with a crown, and there another with a victor's wreath; and those who
arrived too late, still, as the ship weighed anchor, threw garlands into
the sea and wafted him many a blessing with prayerful lips. I am well
aware that in the above incident I have no memorable story of munificence,
peril, or invention to narrate, but in all sincerity I protest that a man
may find food for reflection in the inquiry what Teleutias had done to
create such a disposition in his subordinates. Here we are brought face to
face with a true man's work more worthy of account than multitudes of
riches or adventure. (3)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 518: "The ideal of government as it
presented itself to Xenophon was the paternal despotism or
something like it," {to ethelonton arkhein}. Cf. "Cyrop." passim,
"Heiro," and his various other compositions.
</pre>
<p>
The new admiral Hierax, taking with him the larger portion of the fleet,
set sail once more for Rhodes. He left behind him twelve vessels in Aegina
under his vice-admiral Gorgopas, who was now installed as governor of that
island. In consequence of this chance the Athenian troops inside the
fortres were more blockaded than the Aeginetans themselves, so much so
that a vote was passed by the Athenian assembly, in obedience to which a
large fleet was manned, and the garrison, after four months' sojourn in
Aegina, were brought back. But this was no sooner done than they began to
be harassed by Gorgopas and the privateers again. To operate against these
they fitted out thirteen vessels, choosing Eunomus as admiral in command.
Hierax was still in Rhodes when the Lacedaemonians sent out a new admiral,
Antalcidas; they believed that they could not find a better mode of
gratifying Tiribazus. Accordingly Antalcidas, after visiting Aegina in
order to pick up the vessels under Gorgopas, set sail for Ephesus. At this
point he sent back Gorgopas with his twelve ships to Aegina, and appointed
his vice-admiral Nicolochus to command the remainder of the fleet.
</p>
<p>
Nicolochus was to relieve Abydos, and thither set sail; but in the course
of the voyage turned aside to Tenedos, where he ravaged the territory,
and, with the money so secured, sailed on to Abydos. The Athenian generals
(4) on their side, collecting from Samothrace, Thasos, and the fortresses
in that quarter, hastened to the relief of Tenedos; but, finding that
Nicolochus had continued his voyage to Abydos, they selected the
Chersonese as their base, and proceeded to blockade him and his fleet of
five-and-twenty vessels with the two-and-thirty vessels under their joint
command.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) And among the rest Iphicrates and Diotimus. See below, S. 25;
above, IV. viii. 39.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile Gorgopas, returning from Ephesus, fell in with the Athenian
admiral Eunomus, and, shunning an encounter at the moment, sought shelter
in Aegina, which he reached a little before sunset; and at once
disembarking his men, set them down to their evening meal; whilst Eunomus
on his side, after hanging back for a little while, sailed away. Night
fell, and the Athenian, showing the customary signal light to prevent his
squadron straggling, led the way in the darkness. Gorgopas instantly got
his men on board again, and, taking the lantern for his guide, followed
the Athenians, craftily lagging behind a little space, so as not to show
himself or raise any suspicion of his presence. In place of the usual cry
the boatswains timed the rowers by a clink of stones, and silently the
oars slid, feathering through the waves (5); and just when the squadron of
Eunomus was touching the coast, off Cape Zoster (6) in Attica, the Spartan
sounded the bugle-note for the charge. Some of Eunomus's vessels were in
the act of discharging their crews, others were still getting to their
moorings, whilst others were as yet only bearing down to land. The
engagement was fought by the light of the moon, and Gorgopas captured four
triremes, which he tied astern, and so set sail with his prizes in tow
towards Aegina. The rest of the Athenian squadron made their escape into
the harbour of Piraeus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) Lit. "the boatswains employing a clink of stones and a sliding
motion of the oars."
(6) I.e. "Cape Girdle," mod. Cape Karvura. See Tozer, "Geog. of
Greece," pp. 78, 372.
</pre>
<p>
It was after these events that Chabrias (7) commenced his voyage to
Cyprus, bringing relief to Evagoras. His force consisted at first of eight
hundred light troops and ten triremes, but was further increased by other
vessels from Athens and a body of heavy infantry. Thus reinforced, the
admiral chose a night and landed in Aegina; and secreted himself in
ambuscade with his light troops in hollow ground some way beyond the
temple of Heracles. At break of day, as prearranged, the Athenian hoplites
made their appearance under command of Demaenetus, and began mounting up
between two and three miles (8) beyond the Kerakleion at Tripurgia, as it
is called. The news soon reached Gorgopas, who sallied out to the rescue
with the Aeginetans and the marines of his vessels, being further
accompanied by eight Spartans who happened to be with him. Not content
with these he issued orders inviting any of the ships' crews, who were
free men, to join the relief party. A large number of these sailors
responded. They armed themselves as best they could, and the advance
commenced. When the vanguard were well past the ambuscade, Chabrias and
his men sprang up from their hiding-place, and poured a volley of javelins
and stones upon the enemy. At the same moment the hoplites, who had
disembarked, (9) were advancing, so that the Spartan vanguard, in the
absence of anything like collective action, were speedily cut down, and
among them fell Gorgopas with the Lacedaemonians. At their fall the rest
of course turned and fled. One hundred and fifty Aeginetans were numbered
among the slain, while the loss incurred by the foreigners, metics, and
sailors who had joined the relief party, reached a total of two hundred.
After this the Athenians sailed the sea as freely as in the times of
actual peace. Nor would anything induce the sailors to row a single stroke
for Eteonicus—even under pressure—since he had no pay to give.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) According to Diod. xiv. 92, Chabrias had been for some time in
Corinth. See also above, IV. viii. 24.
(8) Lit. "about sixteen stades."
(9) Or, reading {oi anabebekotes}, "who had scaled the height." See
Hartman, "Anal. Xen." p. 364.
</pre>
<p>
Subsequently the Lacedaemonians despatched Teleutias once again to take
command of the squadron, and when the sailors saw it was he who had come,
they were overjoyed. He summoned a meeting and addressed them thus:
"Soldiers, I am back again, but I bring with me no money. Yet if God be
willing, and your zeal flag not, I will endeavour to supply you with
provisions without stint. Be well assured, as often as I find myself in
command of you, I have but one prayer—that your lives may be spared
no less than mine; and as for the necessaries of existence, perhaps it
would astonish you if I said I would rather you should have them than I.
Yet by the gods I swear I would welcome two days' starvation in order to
spare you one. Was not my door open in old days to every comer? Open again
it shall stand now; and so it shall be; where your own board overflows,
you shall look in and mark the luxury of your general; but if at other
times you see him bearing up against cold and heat and sleepless nights,
you must apply the lesson to yourselves and study to endure those evils. I
do not bid you do aught of this for self-mortification's sake, but that
you may derive some after-blessing from it. Soldiers, let Lacedaemon, our
own mother-city, be to you an example. Her good fortune is reputed to
stand high. That you know; and you know too, that she purchased her glory
and her greatness not by faint-heartedness, but by choosing to suffer pain
and incur dangers in the day of need. 'Like city,' I say, 'like citizens.'
You, too, as I can bear you witness, have been in times past brave; but
to-day must we strive to be better than ourselves. So shall we share our
pains without repining, and when fortune smiles, mingle our joys; for
indeed the sweetest thing of all surely is to flatter no man, Hellene or
Barbarian, for the sake of hire; we will suffice to ourselves, and from a
source to which honour pre-eminently invites us; since, I need not remind
you, abundance won from the enemy in war furnishes forth not bodily
nutrition only, but a feast of glory the wide world over."
</p>
<p>
So he spoke, and with one voice they all shouted to him to issue what
orders he thought fit; they would not fail him in willing service. The
general's sacrifice was just concluded, and he answered: "Good, then, my
men; go now, as doubtless you were minded, and take your evening meal, and
next provide yourselves, please, with one day's food. After that repair to
your ships without delay, for we have a voyage on hand, whither God wills,
and must arrive in time." So then, when the men returned, he embarked them
on their ships, and sailed under cover of night for the great harbour of
Piraeus: at one time he gave the rowers rest, passing the order to take a
snatch of sleep; at another he pushed forward towards his goal with rise
and fall of oars. If any one supposes that there was a touch of madness in
such an expedition—with but twelve triremes to attack an enemy
possessed of a large fleet—he should consider the calculations of
Teleutias. He was under the firm persuasion that the Athenians were more
careless than ever about their navy in the harbour since the death of
Gorgopas; and in case of finding warships riding at anchor—even so,
there was less danger, he conjectured, in attacking twenty ships in the
port of Athens than ten elsewhere; for, whereas, anywhere outside the
harbour the sailors would certainly be quartered on board, at Athens it
was easy to divine that the captains and officers would be sleeping at
their homes, and the crews located here and there in different quarters.
</p>
<p>
This minded he set sail, and when he was five or six furlongs (10) distant
from the harbour he lay on his oars and rested. But with the first streak
of dawn he led the way, the rest following. The admiral's orders to the
crews were explicit. They were on no account to sink any merchant vessel;
they were equally to avoid damaging (11) their own vessels, but if at any
point they espied a warship at her moorings they must try and cripple her.
The trading vessels, provided they had got their cargoes on board, they
must seize and tow out of the harbour; those of larger tonnage they were
to board wherever they could and capture the crews. Some of his men
actually jumped on to the Deigma quay, (12) where they seized hold of
various traders and pilots and deposited them bodily on board ship. So the
Spartan admiral carried out his programme.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Lit. "five or six stades."
(11) See Hartman, "Anal. Xen." pp. 365, 366.
(12) See Grote ("H. G." ix. 523): cf. Thuc. ii. 94, the attempt of
Brasidas on the port of Megara. For the wealth of Piraeus, Grote
"H. G." ix. 351. See below, "Pol. Ath." i. 17; "Rev." iii. 13.
</pre>
<p>
As to the Athenians, meanwhile, some of them who got wind of what was
happening rushed from indoors outside to see what the commotion meant,
others from the streets home to get their arms, and others again were off
to the city with the news. The whole of Athens rallied to the rescue at
that instant, heavy infantry and cavalry alike, the apprehension being
that Piraeus was taken. But the Spartan sent off the captured vessels to
Aegina, telling off three or four of his triremes to convoy them thither;
with the rest he followed along the coast of Attica, and emerging in
seemingly innocent fashion from the harbour, captured a number of fishing
smacks, and passage boats laden with passengers crossing to Piraeus from
the islands; and finally, on reaching Sunium he captured some merchantmen
laden with corn or other merchandise. After these performances he sailed
back to Aegina, where he sold his prizes, and with the proceeds was able
to provide his troops with a month's pay, and for the future was free to
cruise about and make what reprisals chance cast in his way. By such a
procedure he was able to support a full quota of mariners on board his
squadron, and procured to himself the prompt and enthusiastic service of
his troops.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 388-387. Antalcidas had now returned from the Persian court with
Tiribazus. The negotiations had been successful. He had secured the
alliance of the Persian king and his military co-operation in case the
Athenians and their allies refused to abide by the peace which the king
dictated. But learning that his second in command, Nicolochus, was being
blockaded with his fleet by Iphicrates and Diotimus (13) in Abydos, he set
off at once by land for that city. Being come thither he took the fleet
one night and put out to sea, having first spread a story that he had
invitations from a party in Calchedon; but as a matter of fact he came to
anchorage in Percote and there kept quiet. Meanwhile the Athenian forces
under Demaenetus and Dionysius and Leontichus and Phanias had got wind of
his movement, and were in hot pursuit towards Proconnesus. As soon as they
were well past, the Spartan veered round and returned to Abydos, trusting
to information brought him of the approach of Polyxenus with the Syracusan
(14) and Italian squadron of twenty ships, which he wished to pick up and
incorporate with his own.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) See above; Lysias, "de bon. Arist." (Jebb, "Att. Or." i. p. 327).
(14) See below, VI. ii. 4 foll; Hicks, 71, 84, 88.
</pre>
<p>
A little later the Athenian Thrasybulus (15) (of Collytus) was making his
way up with eight ships from Thrace, his object being to effect a junction
with the main Athenian squadron. The scouts signalled the approach of
eight triremes, whereupon Antalcidas, embarking his marines on board
twelve of the fastest sailers of his fleet, ordered them to make up their
full complements, where defective, from the remaining vessels; and so lay
to, skulking in his lair with all possible secrecy. As soon as the enemy's
vessels came sailing past he gave chase; and they catching sight of him
took to flight. With his swiftest sailors he speedily overhauled their
laggards, and ordering his vanguard to let these alone, he followed hard
on those ahead. But when the foremost had fallen into his clutches, the
enemy's hinder vessels, seeing their leaders taken one by one, out of
sheer despondency fell an easy prey to the slower sailers of the foe, so
that not one of the eight vessels escaped.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) His name occurs on the famous stele of the new Athenian
confederacy, B.C. 378. See Hicks, 81; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 17;
Demos. "de. Cor." p. 301; Arist. "Rhet." ii. 23; Demos. "c.
Timocr." 742.
</pre>
<p>
Presently the Syracusan squadron of twenty vessels joined him, and again
another squadron from Ionia, or rather so much of that district as lay
under the control of Tiribazus. The full quota of the contingent was
further made up from the territory of Ariobarzanes (which whom Antalcidas
kept up a friendship of long standing), in the absence of Pharnabazus, who
by this date had already been summoned up country on the occasion of his
marriage with the king's daughter. With this fleet, which, from whatever
sources derived, amounted to more than eighty sail, Antalcidas ruled the
seas, and was in a position not only to cut off the passage of vessels
bound to Athens from the Euxine, but to convoy them into the harbours of
Sparta's allies.
</p>
<p>
The Athenians could not but watch with alarm the growth of the enemy's
fleet, and began to fear a repetition of their former discomfiture. To be
trampled under foot by the hostile power seemed indeed no remote
possibility, now that the Lacedaemonians had procured an ally in the
person of the Persian monarch, and they were in little less than a state
of siege themselves, pestered as they were by privateers from Aegina. On
all these grounds the Athenians became passionately desirous of peace.
(16) The Lacedaemonians were equally out of humour with the war for
various reasons—what with their garrison duties, one mora at
Lechaeum and another at Orchomenus, and the necessity of keeping watch and
ward on the states, if loyal not to lose them, if disaffected to prevent
their revolt; not to mention that reciprocity of annoyance (17) of which
Corinth was the centre. So again the Argives had a strong appetite for
peace; they knew that the ban had been called out against them, and, it
was plain, that no fictitious alteration of the calendar would any longer
stand them in good stead. Hence, when Tiribazus issued a summons calling
on all who were willing to listen to the terms of peace sent down by the
king (18) to present themselves, the invitation was promptly accepted. At
the opening of the conclave (19) Tiribazus pointed to the king's seal
attached to the document, and proceeded to read the contents, which ran as
follows:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(16) See, at this point, Grote on the financial condition of Athens
and the "Theorikon," "H. G." ix. 525.
(17) Or, "that give-and-take of hard knocks."
(18) See Hicks, 76.
(19) At Sardis, doubtless.
</pre>
<p>
"The king, Artaxerxes, deems it just that the cities in Asia, with the
islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus, should belong to himself; the rest of
the Hellenic cities he thinks it just to leave independent, both small and
great, with the exception of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, which three are
to belong to Athens as of yore. Should any of the parties concerned not
accept this peace, I, Artaxerxes, will war against him or them with those
who share my views. This will I do by land and by sea, with ships and with
money."
</p>
<p>
After listening to the above declaration the ambassadors from the several
states proceeded to report the same to their respective governments. One
and all of these took the oaths (20) to ratify and confirm the terms
unreservedly, with the exception of the Thebans, who claimed to take the
oaths in behalf of all Boeotians. This claim Agesilaus repudiated: unless
they chose to take the oaths in precise conformity with the words of the
king's edict, which insisted on "the future autonomy of each state, small
or great," he would not admit them. To this the Theban ambassadors made no
other reply, except that the instructions they had received were
different. "Pray go, then," Agesilaus retorted, "and ask the question; and
you may inform your countrymen that if they will not comply, they will be
excluded from the treaty." The Theban ambassadors departed, but Agesilaus,
out of hatred to the Thebans, took active measures at once. Having got the
consent of the ephors he forthwith offered sacrifice. The offerings for
crossing the frontier were propitious, and he pushed on to Tegea. From
Tegea he despatched some of the knights right and left to visit the
perioeci and hasten their mobilisation, and at the same time sent
commanders of foreign brigades to the allied cities on a similar errand.
But before he had started from Tegea the answer from Thebes arrived; the
point was yielded, they would suffer the states to be independent. Under
these circumstances the Lacedaemonians returned home, and the Thebans were
forced to accept the truce unconditionally, and to recognise the autonomy
of the Boeotian cities. (21) But now the Corinthians were by no means
disposed to part with the garrison of the Argives. Accordingly Agesilaus
had a word of warning for both. To the former he said, "if they did not
forthwith dismiss the Argives," and to the latter, "if they did not
instantly quit Corinth," he would march an army into their territories.
The terror of both was so great that the Argives marched out of Corinth,
and Corinth was once again left to herself; (22) whereupon the "butchers"
(23) and their accomplices in the deed of blood determined to retire from
Corinth, and the rest of the citizens welcomed back their late exiles
voluntarily.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) At Sparta, doubtless.
(21) See Freeman, op. cit. pp. 168, 169.
(22) See "Ages." ii. 21; Grote, "H. G." ix. 537.
(23) {oi sphageis}, a party catchword (in reference to the incidents
narrated above, "Hell." IV. iv. 2). See below, {ton bareon
demagogon}, "Hell." V. ii. 7; {oi kedomenoi tes Peloponnesou},
"Hell." VII. v. 1; above, {oi sphageis}, "Hell." III. ii. 27, of
the philo-Laconian oligarchs in Elis. See Dem. "c. Lept." 473.
</pre>
<p>
Now that the transactions were complete, and the states were bound by
their oaths to abide by the peace sent down to them by the king, the
immediate result was a general disarmament, military and naval forces
being alike disbanded; and so it was that the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians, with their allies, found themselves in the enjoyment of peace
for the first time since the period of hostilities subsequent to the
demolition of the walls of Athens. From a condition which, during the war,
can only be described as a sort of even balance with their antagonists,
the Lacedaemonians now emerged; and reached a pinnacle of glory consequent
upon the Peace of Antalcidas, (24) so called. As guarantors of the peace
presented by Hellas to the king, and as administrators personally of the
autonomy of the states, they had added Corinth to their alliance; they had
obtained the independence of the states of Boeotia at the expense of
Thebes, (25) which meant the gratification of an old ambition; and lastly,
by calling out the ban in case the Argives refused to evacuate Corinth,
they had put a stop to the appropriation of that city by the Argives.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(24) Or, more correctly, the peace "under," or "at the date of," {ep
'Antalkidou}. See Grote, "H. G." x. 1, note 1.
(25) Or, "they had made the states of Boeotia independent of Thebes."
See Grote, "H. G." x. 44.
</pre>
<p>
II
</p>
<p>
B.C. 386. Indeed the late events had so entirely shaped themselves in
conformity with the wishes of the Lacedaemonians, that they determined to
go a step farther and chastise those of their allies who either had borne
hard on them during the war, or otherwise had shown themselves less
favourable to Lacedaemon than to her enemies. (1) Chastisement was not
all; they must lay down such secure foundations for the future as should
render the like disloyalty impossible again. (2) As the first step towards
this policy they sent a dictatorial message to the Mantinaeans, and bade
them raze their fortifications, on the sole ground that they could not
otherwise trust them not to side with their enemies. Many things in their
conduct, they alleged, from time to time, had not escaped their notice:
their frequent despatches of corn to the Argives while at war with
Lacedaemon; at other times their refusal to furnish contingents during a
campaign, on the pretext of some holy truce or other; (3) or if they did
reluctantly take the field—the miserable inefficiency of their
service. "But, more than that," they added, "we note the jealousy with
which you eye any good fortune which may betide our state; the extravagant
pleasure (4) you exhibit at the sudden descent of some disaster."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See Hartman, "An. Xen." p. 367 foll.; Busolt, "Die Lak." p. 129
foll.
(2) Or, "they determined to chastise... and reduce to such order
that disloyalty should be impossible."
(3) See above, "Hell." IV. ii. 16.
(4) Ib. IV. v. 18.
</pre>
<p>
This very year, moreover, it was commonly said, (5) saw the expiration, as
far as the Mantineans were concerned, of the thirty years' truce,
consequent upon the battle of Mantinea. On their refusal, therefore, to
raze their fortification walls the ban was called out against them.
Agesilaus begged the state to absolve him from the conduct of this war on
the plea that the city of Mantinea had done frequent service to his father
(6) in his Messenian wars. Accordingly Agesipolis led the expedition—in
spite of the cordial relations of his father Pausanias (7) with the
leaders of the popular party in Mantinea.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) As to this point, see Curtius, "H. G." V. v. (iv. 305 note, Eng.
trans.) There appears to be some confusion. According to Thuc. v.
81, "When the Argives deserted the alliance (with Mantinea,
Athens, and Elis, making a new treaty of alliance with Lacedaemon
for fifty years) the Mantineans held out for a time, but without
the Argives they were helpless, and so they came to terms with the
Lacedaemonians, and gave up their claims to supremacy over the
cities in Arcadia, which had been subject to them.... These
changes were effected at the close of winter (418 B.C.) towards
the approach of spring (417 B.C.), and so ended the fourteenth
year of the war." Jowett. According to Diod. xv. 5, the
Lacedaemonians attacked Mantinea within two years after the Peace
of Antalcidas, apparently in 386 B.C. According to Thuc. v. 82,
and "C. I. A. 50, in B.C. 417 Argos had reverted to her alliance
with Athens, and an attempt to connect the city with the sea by
long walls was made, certain other states in Peloponnese being
privy to the project" (Thuc. v. 83)—an attempt frustrated by
Lacedaemon early in B.C. 416. Is it possible that a treaty of
alliance between Mantinea and Lacedaemon for thirty years was
formally signed in B.C. 416?
(6) I.e. Archidamus.
(7) See above, "Hell." III. v. 25.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 385. The first move of the invader was to subject the enemy's
territory to devastation; but failing by such means to induce them to raze
their walls, he proceeded to draw lines of circumvallation round the city,
keeping half his troops under arms to screen the entrenching parties
whilst the other half pushed on the work with the spade. As soon as the
trench was completed, he experienced no further difficulty in building a
wall round the city. Aware, however, of the existence of a huge supply of
corn inside the town, the result of the bountiful harvest of the preceding
year, and averse to the notion of wearing out the city of Lacedaemon and
her allies by tedious campaigning, he hit upon the expedient of damming up
the river which flowed through the town.
</p>
<p>
It was a stream of no inconsiderable size. (8) By erecting a barrier at
its exit from the town he caused the water to rise above the basements of
the private dwellings and the foundations of the fortification walls.
Then, as the lower layers of bricks became saturated and refused their
support to the rows above, the wall began to crack and soon to totter to
its fall. The citizens for some time tried to prop it with pieces of
timber, and used other devices to avert the imminent ruin of their tower;
but finding themselves overmatched by the water, and in dread lest the
fall at some point or other of the circular wall (9) might deliver them
captive to the spear of the enemy, they signified their consent to raze
their walls. But the Lacedaemonians now steadily refused any form of
truce, except on the further condition that the Mantineans would suffer
themselves to be broken up and distributed into villages. They, looking
the necessity in the face, consented to do even that. The sympathisers
with Argos among them, and the leaders of their democracy, thought their
fate was sealed. Then the father treated with the son, Pausanias with
Agesipolis, on their behalf, and obtained immunity for them—sixty in
number—on condition that they should quit the city. The
Lacedaemonian troops stood lining the road on both sides, beginning from
the gates, and watched the outgoers; and with their spears in their hands,
in spite of bitter hatred, kept aloof from them with less difficulty than
the Mantineans of the better classes themselves—a weighty testimony
to the power of Spartan discipline, be it said. In conclusion, the wall
was razed, and Mantinea split up into four parts, (10) assuming once again
its primitive condition as regards inhabitants. The first feeling was one
of annoyance at the necessity of pulling down their present houses and
erecting others, yet when the owners (11) found themselves located so much
nearer their estates round about the villages, in the full enjoyment of
aristocracy, and rid for ever of "those troublesome demagogues," they were
delighted with the turn which affairs had taken. It became the custom for
Sparta to send them, not one commander of contingents, (12) but four, one
for each village; and the zeal displayed, now that the quotas for military
service were furnished from the several village centres, was far greater
than it had been under the democratic system. So the transactions in
connection with Mantinea were brought to a conclusion, and thereby one
lesson of wisdom was taught mankind—not to conduct a river through a
fortress town.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) I.e. the Ophis. See Leake, "Morea," III. xxiv. p. 71; Pausan.
"Arcad." 8; Grote, "H. G." x. 48, note 2.
(9) Or, "in the circuit of the wall."
(10) See Diod. xv. 5; Strab. viii. 337; Ephor. fr. 138, ed. Did.; and
Grote, "H. G." x. 51.
(11) Or, "holders of properties." The historian is referring not to
the population at large, I think, but to the rich landowners, i.e.
the {Beltistoi}, and is not so partial as Grote supposes ("H. G."
x. 51 foll.)
(12) Technically {zenagoi}, Lacedaemonian officers who commanded the
contingents of the several allies. See above, "Hell." III. v. 7;
Thuc. ii. 76; and Arnold's note ad loc.; also C. R. Kennedy, "ap.
Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities," s.v.; Muller, "Dorians,"
ii. 250, Eng. tr.; Busolt, "Die Lak." p. 125.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 384-383. To pass on. The party in exile from Phlius, seeing the
severe scrutiny to which the behaviour of the allies of Lacedaemon during
the late war was being subjected, felt that their opportunity had come.
They repaired to Lacedaemon, and laid great emphasis on the fact that, so
long as they had been in power themselves at home, "their city used to
welcome Lacedaemonians within her walls, and her citizens flocked to the
campaign under their leadership; but no sooner had they been driven into
exile than a change had come. The men of Phlius now flatly refused to
follow Lacedaemon anywhere; the Lacedaemonians, alone of all men living,
must not be admitted within their gates." After listening to their story,
the ephors agreed that the matter demanded attention. Then they sent to
the state of Phlius a message to this effect; the Phliasian exiles were
friends of Lacedaemon; nor did it appear that they owed their exile to any
misdoing. Under the circumstances, Lacedaemon claimed their recall from
banishment, not by force, but as a concession voluntarily granted. When
the matter was thus stated, the Phliasians were not without alarm that an
army might march upon Phlius, and a party inside the town might admit the
enemy within the walls; for within the walls of Phlius were to be found
many who, either as blood relations or for other reasons, were partisans
of the exiles, and as so often happens, at any rate in the majority of
states, there was a revolutionary party who, in their ardour to reform,
would welcome gladly their restoration. Owing to fears of this character,
a formal decree was passed: to welcome home the exiles, and to restore to
them all undisputed property, the purchasers of the same being indemnified
from the treasury of the state; and in the event of any ambiguity or
question arising between the parties, the same to be determined before a
court of justice. Such was the position of affairs in connection with the
Phliasian exiles at the date in question.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 383. (13) And now from yet another quarter ambassadors arrived at
Lacedaemon: that is to say, from Acanthus and Apollonia, the two largest
and most important states of the Olynthian confederacy. The ephorate,
after learning from them the object of their visit, presented them to the
assembly and the allies, in presence of whom Cleigenes of Acanthus made a
speech to this effect:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Al. B.C. 382.
</pre>
<p>
"Men of Lacedaemon and of the allied states," he said, "are you aware of a
silent but portentous growth within the bosom of Hellas? (14) Few here
need to be told that for size and importance Olynthus now stands at the
head of the Thracian cities. But are you aware that the citizens of
Olynthus had already brought over several states by the bribe of joint
citizenship and common laws; that they have forcibly annexed some of the
larger states; and that, so encouraged, they have taken in hand further to
free the cities of Macedonia from Amyntas the king of the Macedonians;
that, as soon as their immediate neighbours had shown compliance, they at
once proceeded to attack larger and more distant communities; so much so,
that when we started to come hither, we left them masters not only of many
other places, but of Pella itself, the capital of Macedonia. Amyntas, (15)
we saw plainly, must ere long withdraw from his cities, and was in fact
already all but in name an outcast from Macedonia.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) Or, "are you aware of a new power growing up in Hellas?"
(15) For Amyntas's reign, see Diod. xiv. 89, 92; xv. 19; Isocr.
"Panegyr." 126, "Archid." 46.
</pre>
<p>
"The Olynthians have actually sent to ourselves and to the men of
Apollonia a joint embassy, warning us of their intention to attack us if
we refuse to present ourselves at Olynthus with a military contingent.
Now, for our parts, men of Lacedaemon, we desire nothing better than to
abide by our ancestral laws and institutions, to be free and independent
citizens; but if aid from without is going to fail us, we too must follow
the rest and coalesce with the Olynthians. Why, even now they muster no
less than eight hundred (16) heavy infantry and a considerably larger body
of light infantry, while their cavalry, when we have joined them, will
exceed one thousand men. At the date of our departure we left embassies
from Athens and Boeotia in Olynthus, and we were told that the Olynthians
themselves had passed a formal resolution to return the compliment. They
were to send an embassy on their side to the aforesaid states to treat of
an alliance. And yet, if the power of the Athenians and the Thebans is to
be further increased by such an accession of strength, look to it," the
speaker added, "whether hereafter you will find things so easy to manage
in that quarter.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(16) See Grote, "H. G." x. 72; Thirlwall, "H. G." v. 12 (ch. xxxvii).
</pre>
<p>
"They hold Potidaea, the key to the isthmus of Pallene, and therefore, you
can well believe, they can command the states within that peninsula. If
you want any further proof of the abject terror of those states, you have
it in the fact that notwithstanding the bitter hatred which they bear to
Olynthus, not one of them has dared to send ambassadors along with us to
apprise you of these matters.
</p>
<p>
"Reflect, how you can reconcile your anxiety to prevent the unification of
Boeotia with your neglect to hinder the solidifying of a far larger power—a
power destined, moreover, to become formidable not on land only, but by
sea? For what is to stop it, when the soil itself supplies timber for
shipbuilding, (17) and there are rich revenues derived from numerous
harbours and commercial centres?—it cannot but be that abundance of
food and abundance of population will go hand in hand. Nor have we yet
reached the limits of Olynthian expansion; there are their neighbours to
be thought of—the kingless or independent Thracians. These are
already to-day the devoted servants of Olynthus, and when it comes to
their being actually under her, that means at once another vast accession
of strength to her. With the Thracians in her train, the gold mines of
Pangaeus would stretch out to her the hand of welcome.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) See Hicks, 74, for a treaty between Amyntas and the Chalcidians,
B.C. 390-389: "The article of the treaty between Amyntas III.,
father of Philip, and the Chalcidians, about timber, etc., reminds
us that South Macedonia, the Chalcidic peninsula, and Amphipolis
were the chief sources whence Athens derived timber for her
dockyards." Thuc. iv. 108; Diod. xx. 46; Boeckh, "P. E. A." p.
250; and for a treaty between Athens and Amyntas, B.C. 382, see
Hicks, 77; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 397, 423.
</pre>
<p>
"In making these assertions, we are but uttering remarks ten thousand
times repeated in the democracy of Olynthus. And as to their confident
spirit, who shall attempt to describe it? It is God, for aught I know,
who, with the growth of a new capacity, gives increase also to the proud
thoughts and vast designs of humanity. For ourselves, men of Lacedaemon
and of the allied states, our task is completed. We have played our parts
in announcing to you how things stand there. To you it is left to
determine whether what we have described is worthy of your concern. One
only thing further you ought to recognise: the power we have spoken of as
great is not as yet invincible, for those states which are involuntary
participants in the citizenship of Olynthus will, in prospect of any rival
power appearing in the field, speedily fall away. On the contrary, let
them be once closely knit and welded together by the privileges of
intermarriage and reciprocal rights of holding property in land—which
have already become enactments; let them discover that it is a gain to
them to follow in the wake of conquerors (just as the Arcadians, (18) for
instance, find it profitable to march in your ranks, whereby they save
their own property and pillage their neighbours'); let these things come
to pass, and perhaps you may find the knot no longer so easy to unloose."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) For the point of the comparison, see Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov."
ch. iv. "Real nature of the Olynthian scheme," pp. 190 foll., and
note 2, p. 197; also Grote, "H. G." x. 67 foll., 278 foll.
</pre>
<p>
At the conclusion of this address, the Lacedaemonians requested the allies
to speak, bidding them give their joint advice as to the best course to be
pursued in the interests of Peloponnese and the allies. Thereupon many
members, and especially those who wished to gratify the Lacedaemonians,
agreed in counselling active measures; and it was resolved that the states
should severally send contingents to form a total of ten thousand men.
Proposals were also made to allow any state, so wishing, to give money
instead of men, at the rate of three Aeginetan obols (19) a day per man;
or where the contingent consisted of cavalry, the pay given for one
horseman was to be the equivalent to that of four hoplites; while, in the
event of any defaulting in service, the Lacedaemonians should be allowed
to mulct the said state of a stater per man per diem. These resolutions
were passed, and the deputies from Acanthus rose again. They argued that,
though excellent, these resolutions were not of a nature to be rapidly
carried into effect. Would it not be better, they asked, pending the
mobilisation of the troops, to despatch an officer at once in command of a
force from Lacedaemon and the other states, not too large to start
immediately. The effect would be instantaneous, for the states which had
not yet given in their adhesion to Olynthus would be brought to a
standstill, and those already forcibly enrolled would be shaken in their
alliance. These further resolutions being also passed, the Lacedaemonians
despatched Eudamidas, accompanied by a body of neodamodes, with perioeci
and Sciritae, (20) to the number of two thousand odd. Eudamidas lost no
time in setting out, having obtained leave from the ephors for his brother
Phoebidas to follow later with the remainder of the troops assigned to
him. Pushing on himself to the Thracian territory, he set about
despatching garrisons to various cities at their request. He also secured
the voluntary adhesion of Potidaea, although already a member of the
Olynthian alliance; and this town now served as his base of operations for
carrying on war on a scale adapted to his somewhat limited armament.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) I.e. "rather more than sixpence a day for a hoplite, and two
shillings for a horseman." "The Aeginetan stater weighed about 196
grains, rather more than two of our shillings, and was divided
into two drachms of 98 grains, each of which contained six obols
of about 16 grains each." See Percy Gardner, "Types of Greek
Coins," "Hist. Int." p. 8; Jowett, note to Thuc. III. lxx. 4, vol.
i. pp. 201, 202.
(20) Or, "new citizens, provincials, and Sciritae."
</pre>
<p>
Phoebidas, when the remaining portion of his brother's forces was duly
mustered, put himself at their head and commenced his march. On reaching
Thebes the troops encamped outside the city, round the gymnasium. Faction
was rife within the city. The two polemarchs in office, Ismenias and
Leontiades, were diametrically opposed, (21) being the respective heads of
antagonistic political clubs. Hence it was that, while Ismenias, ever
inspired by hatred to the Lacedaemonians, would not come anywhere near the
Spartan general, Leontiades, on the other hand, was assiduous in courting
him; and when a sufficient intimacy was established between them, he made
a proposal as follows: "You have it in your power," he said, addressing
Phoebidas, "this very day to confer supreme benefit on your country.
Follow me with your hoplites, and I will introduce you into the citadel.
That done, you may rest assured Thebes will be completely under the thumb
of Lacedaemon and of us, your friends. At present, as you see, there is a
proclamation forbidding any Theban to take service with you against
Olynthus, but we will change all that. You have only to act with us as we
suggest, and we shall at once be able to furnish you with large supplies
of infantry and cavalry, so that you will join your brother with a
magnificent reinforcement, and pending his proposed reduction of Olynthus,
you will have accomplished the reduction of a far larger state than that—to
wit, this city of Thebes."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(21) See Grote, "H. G." vol. x. p. 80: "We have little or no
information respecting the government of Thebes," etc. The "locus
classicus" seems to be Plut. "de Genio Socratis." See Freeman, op.
cit. ch. iv. S. 2, "Of the Boeotian League," pp. 154-184; and, in
reference to the seizure of the Kadmeia, p. 170.
</pre>
<p>
The imagination of Phoebidas was kindled as he listened to the tempting
proposal. To do a brilliant deed was far dearer to him than life; (22) on
the other hand, he had no reasoning capacity, and would seem to have been
deficient altogether in sound sense. The consent of the Spartan secured,
Leontiades bade him set his troops in motion, as if everything were ready
for his departure. "And anon, when the hour is come," added the Theban, "I
will be with you, and show you the way myself."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) Or, "Renown was his mistress." See Grote, "H. G." x. 84.
</pre>
<p>
The senate was seated in the arcade or stoa in the market-place, since the
Cadmeia was in possession of the women who were celebrating the
Thesmophoria. (23) It was noon of a hot summer's day; scarcely a soul was
stirring in the streets. This was the moment for Leontiades. He mounted on
horseback and galloped off to overtake Phoebidas. He turned him back, and
led him without further delay into the acropolis. Having posted Phoebidas
and his soldiers inside, he handed him the key of the gates, and warning
him not to suffer any one to enter into the citadel without a pass from
himself, he straightway betook himself to the senate. Arrived there, he
delivered himself thus: "Sirs, the Lacedaemonians are in possession of the
citadel; but that is no cause for despondency, since, as they assure us,
they have no hostile intention, except, indeed, towards any one who has an
appetite for war. For myself, and acting in obedience to the law, which
empowers the polemarch to apprehend all persons suspected of capital
crimes, I hereby seize the person of Ismenias as an arch-fomenter of war.
I call upon you, sirs, who are captains of companies, and you who are
ranked with them, to do your duty. Arise and secure the prisoner, and lead
him away to the place appointed."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) An ancient festival held by women in honour of Demeter and
Persephone ({to Thesmophoro}), who gave the first impulse to civil
society, lawful marriage, etc. See Herod. ii. 171; Diod. v. 5.
</pre>
<p>
Those who were privy to the affair, it will be understood, presented
themselves, and the orders were promptly carried out. Of those not in the
secret, but opposed to the party of Leontiades, some sought refuge at once
outside the city in terror for their lives; whilst the rest, albeit they
retired to their houses at first, yet when they found that Ismenias was
imprisoned in the Cadmeia, and further delay seemed dangerous, retreated
to Athens. These were the men who shared the views of Androcleidas and
Ismenias, and they must have numbered about three hundred.
</p>
<p>
Now that the transactions were concluded, another polemarch was chosen in
place of Ismenias, and Leontiades at once set out to Lacedaemon. There he
found the ephors and the mass of the community highly incensed against
Phoebidas, "who had failed to execute the orders assigned to him by the
state." Against this general indignation, however, Agesilaus protested.
(24) If mischief had been wrought to Lacedaemon by this deed, it was just
that the doer of it should be punished; but, if good, it was a
time-honoured custom to allow full scope for impromptu acts of this
character. "The sole point you have to look to," he urged, "is whether
what has been done is good or evil." After this, however, Leontiades
presented himself to the assembly (25) and addressed the members as
follows: "Sirs, Lacedaemonians, the hostile attitude of Thebes towards
you, before the occurrence of late events, was a topic constantly on your
lips, since time upon time your eyes were called upon to witness her
friendly bearing to your foes in contrast with her hatred of your friends.
Can it be denied that Thebes refused to take part with you in the campaign
against your direst enemy, the democracy in Piraeus; and balanced that
lukewarmness by on onslaught on the Phocians, whose sole crime was
cordiality to yourselves? (26) Nor is that all. In full knowledge that you
were likely to be engaged in war with Olynthus, she proceeded at once to
make an alliance with that city. So that up to the last moment you were in
constant expectation of hearing that the whole of Boeotia was laid at the
feet of Thebes. With the late incidents all is changed. You need fear
Thebes no longer. One brief despatch (27) in cipher will suffice to
procure a dutiful subservience to your every wish in that quarter,
provided only you will take as kindly an interest in us as we in you."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(24) See "Ages." vii.
(25) "Select Committee." See "Hell." II. iv. 38; and below, VI. iii.
3.
(26) See above, "Hell." III. v. 4.
(27) Lit. "scytale."
</pre>
<p>
This appeal told upon the meeting, and the Lacedaemonians (28) resolved
formally, now that the citadel had been taken, to keep it, and to put
Ismenias on his trial. In consequence of this resolution a body of
commissioners (29) was despatched, three Lacedaemonians and one for each
of the allied states, great and small alike. The court of inquiry thus
constituted, the sittings commenced, and an indictment was preferred
against Ismenias. He was accused of playing into the hands of the
barbarian; of seeking amity with the Persians to the detriment of Hellas;
of accepting sums of money as bribes from the king; and, finally, of
being, along with Androcleidas, the prime cause of the whole intestine
trouble to which Hellas was a prey. Each of these charges was met by the
defendant, but to no purpose, since he failed to disabuse the court of
their conviction that the grandeur of his designs was only equalled by
their wickedness. (30) The verdict was given against him, and he was put
to death. The party of Leontiades thus possessed the city; and went beyond
the injunctions given them in the eager performance of their services.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(28) See Grote, "H. G." vol. x. p. 85; Diod. xv. 20; Plut. "Pelop."
vi.; ib. "de Genio Socratis," V. vii. 6 A; Cor. Nep. "Pelop." 1.
(29) Lit. "Dicasts."
(30) Or, "that he was a magnificent malefactor." See Grote, "H. G."
vol. ix. p. 420, "the great wicked man" (Clarendon's epithets for
Cromwell); Plato, "Meno." 90 B; "Republic," 336 A, "a rich and
mighty man." See also Plut. "Ages." xxxii. 2, Agesilaus's
exclamation at sight of Epaminondas, {o tou megalopragmonos
anthropou}.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 382. As a result of these transactions the Lacedaemonians pressed on
the combined campaign against Olynthus with still greater enthusiasm. They
not only set out Teleutias as governor, but by their united efforts
furnished him with an aggregate army of ten thousand men. (31) They also
sent despatches to the allied states, calling upon them to support
Teleutias in accordance with the resolution of the allies. All the states
were ready to display devotion to Teleutias, and to do him service, since
he was a man who never forgot a service rendered him. Nor was Thebes an
exception; for was not the governor a brother of Agesilaus? Thebes,
therefore, was enthusiastic in sending her contribution of heavy infantry
and cavalry. The Spartan conducted his march slowly and surely, taking the
utmost pains to avoid injuring his friends, and to collect as large a
force as possible. He also sent a message in advance to Amyntas, begging
him, if he were truly desirous of recovering his empire, to raise a body
of mercenaries, and to distribute sums of money among the neighbouring
kings with a view to their alliance. Nor was that all. He sent also to
Derdas, the ruler of Elimia, pointing out to him that the Olynthians,
having laid at their feet the great power of Macedonia, would certainly
not suffer his lesser power to escape unless they were stayed up by force
in arms in their career of insolence. Proceeding thus, by the time he had
reached the territory of the allied powers he was at the head of a very
considerable army. At Potidaea he halted to make the necessary disposition
of his troops, and thence advanced into the territory of the enemy. As he
approached the hostile city, he abstained from felling and firing alike,
being persuaded that to do so was only to create difficulties in his own
path, whether advancing or retreating; it would be time enough, when he
retired from Olynthus, to fell the trees and lay them as a barrier in the
path of any assailant in the rear.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(31) Lit. "sent out along with him the combined force of ten thousand
men," in ref to S. 20 above.
</pre>
<p>
Being now within a mile or so (32) of the city he came to a halt. The left
division was under his personal command, for it suited him to advance in a
line opposite the gate from which the enemy sallied; the other division of
the allies stretched away to the right. The cavalry were thus distributed:
the Laconians, Thebans, and all the Macedonians present were posted on the
right. With his own division he kept Derdas and his troopers, four hundred
strong. This he did partly out of genuine admiration for this body of
horse, and partly as a mark of courtesy to Derdas, which should make him
not regret his coming.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(32) Lit. "ten stades."
</pre>
<p>
Presently the enemy issued forth and formed in line opposite, under cover
of their walls. Then their cavalry formed in close order and commenced the
attack. Dashing down upon the Laconians and Boeotians they dismounted
Polycharmus, the Lacedaemonian cavalry general, inflicting a hundred
wounds on him as he lay on the ground, and cut down others, and finally
put to flight the cavalry on the right wing. The flight of these troopers
infected the infantry in close proximity to them, who in turn swerved; and
it looked as if the whole army was about to be worsted, when Derdas at the
head of his cavalry dashed straight at the gates of Olynthus, Teleutias
supporting him with the troops of his division. The Olynthian cavalry,
seeing how matters were going, and in dread of finding the gates closed
upon them, wheeled round and retired with alacrity. Thus it was that
Derdas had his chance to cut down man after man as their cavalry ran the
gauntlet past him. In the same way, too, the infantry of the Olynthians
retreated within their city, though, owing to the closeness of the walls
in their case, their loss was trifling. Teleutias claimed the victory, and
a trophy was duly erected, after which he turned his back on Olynthus and
devoted himself to felling the fruit-trees. This was the campaign of the
summer. He now dismissed both the Macedonians and the cavalry force of
Derdas. Incursions, however, on the part of the Olynthians themselves
against the states allied to Lacedaemon were frequent; lands were
pillaged, and people put to the sword.
</p>
<p>
III
</p>
<p>
B.C. 381. With the first symptoms of approaching spring the Olynthian
cavalry, six hundred strong, had swooped into the territory of Apollonia—about
the middle of the day—and dispersing over the district, were
employed in pillaging; but as luck would have it, Derdas had arrived that
day with his troopers, and was breakfasting in Apollonia. He noted the
enemy's incursion, but kept quiet, biding his time; his horses were ready
saddled, and his troopers armed cap-a-pied. As the Olynthians came
galloping up contemptuously, not only into the suburbs, but to the very
gates of the city, he seized his opportunity, and with his compact and
well-ordered squadron dashed out; whereupon the invaders took to flight.
Having once turned them, Derdas gave them no respite, pursuing and
slaughtering them for ten miles or more, (1) until he had driven them for
shelter within the very ramparts of Olynthus. Report said that Derdas slew
something like eighty men in this affair. After this the Olynthians were
more disposed to keep to their walls, contenting themselves with tilling
the merest corner of their territory.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Lit. "ninety stades."
</pre>
<p>
Time advanced, and Teleutias was in conduct of another expedition against
the city of Olynthus. His object was to destroy any timber (2) still left
standing, or fields still cultivated in the hostile territory. This
brought out the Olynthian cavalry, who, stealthily advancing, crossed the
river which washes the walls of the town, and again continued their silent
march right up to the adversary's camp. At sight of an audacity which
nettled him, Teleutias at once ordered Tlemonidas, the officer commanding
his light infantry division, to charge the assailants at the run. On their
side the men of Olynthus, seeing the rapid approach of the light infantry,
wheeled and quietly retired until they had recrossed the river, drawing
the enemy on, who followed with conspicuous hardihood. Arrogating to
themselves the position of pursuers towards fugitives, they did not
hesitate to cross the river which stood between them and their prey. Then
the Olynthian cavalry, choosing a favourable moment, when those who had
crossed seemed easy to deal with, wheeled and attacked them, putting
Tlemonidas himself to the sword with more than a hundred others of his
company. Teleutias, when he saw what was happening, snatched up his arms
in a fit of anger and began leading his hoplites swiftly forward, ordering
at the same time his peltasts and cavalry to give chase and not to
slacken. Their fate was the fate of many before and since, who, in the
ardour of pursuit, have come too close to the enemy's walls and found it
hard to get back again. Under a hail of missiles from the walls they were
forced to retire in disorder and with the necessity of guarding themselves
against the missiles. At this juncture the Olynthians sent out their
cavalry at full gallop, backed by supports of light infantry; and finally
their heavy infantry reserves poured out and fell upon the enemy's lines,
now in thorough confusion. Here Teleutias fell fighting, and when that
happened, without further pause the troops immediately about him swerved.
Not one soul longer cared to make a stand, but the flight became general,
some fleeing towards Spartolus, others in the direction of Acanthus, a
third set seeking refuge within the walls of Apollonia, and the majority
within those of Potidaea. As the tide of fugitives broke into several
streams, so also the pursuers divided the work between them; this way and
that they poured, dealing death wholesale. So perished the pith and kernel
of the armament.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) I.e. fruit-trees.
</pre>
<p>
Such calamities are not indeed without a moral. The lesson they are meant
to teach mankind, I think, is plain. If in a general sense one ought not
to punish any one, even one's own slave, in anger—since the master
in his wrath may easily incur worse evil himself than he inflicts—so,
in the case of antagonists in war, to attack an enemy under the influence
of passion rather than of judgment is an absolute error. For wrath is but
a blind impulse devoid of foresight, whereas to the penetrating eye of
reason a blow parried may be better than a wound inflicted. (3)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) See, for the same sentiment, "Horsemanship," vi. 13. See also
Plut. "Pel." and "Marc." (Clough, ii. p. 278).
</pre>
<p>
When the news of what had happened reached Lacedaemon it was agreed, after
due deliberation, that a force should be sent, and of no trifling
description, if only to quench the victors' pride, and to prevent their
own achievements from becoming null and void. In this determination they
sent out King Agesipolis, as general, attended, like Agesilaus (4) on his
Asiatic campaign, by thirty Spartans. (5) Volunteers flocked to his
standard. They were partly the pick and flower of the provincials, (6)
partly foreigners of the class called Trophimoi, (7) or lastly, bastard
sons of Spartans, comely and beautiful of limb, and well versed in the
lore of Spartan chivalry. The ranks of this invading force were further
swelled by volunteers from the allied states, the Thessalians notably
contributing a corps of cavalry. All were animated by the desire of
becoming known to Agesipolis, so that even Amyntas and Derdas in zeal of
service outdid themselves. With this promise of success Agesipolis marched
forward against Olynthus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) See above, "Hell." III. iv. 2.
(5) Lit. "Spartiates." The new army was sent out B.C. 380, according
to Grote.
(6) Lit. "beautiful and brave of the Perioeci."
(7) Xenophon's own sons educated at Sparta would belong to this class.
See Grote, "H. G." x. 91.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile the state of Phlius, complimented by Agesipolis on the amount of
the funds contributed by them to his expedition and the celerity with
which the money had been raised, and in full belief that while one king
was in the field they were secure against the hostile attack of the other
(since it was hardly to be expected that both kings should be absent from
Sparta at one moment), boldly desisted from doing justice by her lately
reinstated citizens. On the one hand, these exiles claimed that points in
dispute should be determined before an impartial court of justice; the
citizens, on the other, insisted on the claimants submitting the cases for
trial in the city itself. And when the latter demurred to that solution,
asking "What sort of trial that would be where the offenders were also the
judges?" they appealed to deaf ears. Consequently the restored party
appealed at Sparta, to prefer a complaint against their city. They were
accompanied by other members of the community, who stated that many of the
Phliasians themselves besides the appellants recognised the injustice of
their treatment. The state of Phlius was indignant at this manouvre, and
retaliated by imposing a fine on all who had betaken themselves to
Lacedaemon without a mandate from the state. Those who incurred the fine
hesitated to return home; they preferred to stay where they were and
enforce their views: "It is quite plain now who were the perpetrators of
all the violence—the very people who originally drove us into exile,
and shut their gates upon Lacedaemon; the confiscators of our property one
day, the ruthless opponents of its restoration the next. Who else but they
have now brought it about that we should be fined for appearing at
Lacedaemon? and for what purpose but to deter any one else for the future
from venturing to expose the proceedings at Phlius?" Thus far the
appellants. And in good sooth the conduct of the men of Phlius did seem to
savour of insolence; so much so that the ephors called out the ban against
them.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 380. Nor was Agesilaus otherwise than well satisfied with this
decision, not only on the ground of old relations of friendly hospitality
between his father Archidamus and the party of Podanemus, who were
numbered among the restored exiles at this time, but because personally he
was bound by similar ties himself towards the adherents of Procles, son of
Hipponicus. The border sacrifices proving favourable, the march commenced
at once. As he advanced, embassy after embassy met him, and would fain by
presents of money avert invasion. But the king answered that the purpose
of his march was not to commit wrongdoing, but to protect the victims of
injustice. Then the petitioners offered to do anything, only they begged
him to forgo invasion. Again he replied—How could he trust to their
words when they had lied to him already? He must have the warrant of acts,
not promises. And being asked, "What act (would satisfy him)?" he answered
once more, saying, "The same which you performed aforetime, and suffered
no wrong at our hands"—in other words, the surrender of the
acropolis. (8) But to this they could not bring themselves. Whereupon he
invaded the territory of Phlius, and promptly drawing lines of
circumvallation, commenced the siege. Many of the Lacedaemonians objected,
for the sake of a mere handful of wretched people, so to embroil
themselves with a state of over five thousand men. (9) For, indeed, to
leave no doubt on this score, the men of Phlius met regularly in assembly
in full view of those outside. But Agesilaus was not to be beaten by this
move. Whenever any of the townsmen came out, drawn by friendship or
kinship with the exiles, in every case the king's instructions were to
place the public messes (10) at the service of the visitors, and, if they
were willing to go through the course of gymnastic training, to give them
enough to procure necessaries. All members of these classes were, by the
general's strict injunctions, further to be provided with arms, and loans
were to be raised for the purpose without delay. Presently the
superintendents of this branch of the service were able to turn out a
detachment of over a thousand men, in the prime of bodily perfection, well
disciplined and splendidly armed, so that in the end the Lacedaemonians
affirmed: "Fellow-soldiers of this stamp are too good to lose." Such were
the concerns of Agesilaus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) See above, IV. iv. 15.
(9) See Grote, "H. G." x. 45, note 4; and below, V. iv. 13.
(10) See "Pol. Lac." v.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile Agesipolis on leaving Macedonia advanced straight upon Olynthus
and took up a strategical position in front of the town. Finding that no
one came out to oppose him, he occupied himself for the present with
pillaging any remnant of the district still intact, and with marching into
the territory allied with the enemy, where he destroyed the corn. The town
of Torone he attacked and took by storm. But while he was so engaged, in
the height of mid-summer he was attacked by a burning fever. In this
condition his mind reverted to a scene once visited, the temple of
Dionysus at Aphytis, and a longing for its cool and sparkling waters and
embowered shades (11) seized him. To this spot accordingly he was carried,
still living, but only to breathe his last outside the sacred shrine,
within a week of the day on which he sickened. His body was laid in honey
and conveyed home to Sparta, where he obtained royal sepulchre.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) Lit. "shady tabernacles."
</pre>
<p>
When the news reached Agesilaus he displayed none of the satisfaction
which might possibly have been expected at the removal of an antagonist.
On the contrary, he wept and pined for the companionship so severed, it
being the fashion at Sparta for the kings when at home to mess together
and to share the same quarters. Moreover, Agesipolis was admirably suited
to Agesilaus, sharing with the merriment of youth in tales of the chase
and horsemanship and boyish loves; (12) while, to crown all, the touch of
reverence due from younger to elder was not wanting in their common life.
In place of Agesipolis, the Lacedaemonians despatched Polybiades as
governor to Olynthus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) See "Ages." viii. 2.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 379. Agesilaus had already exceeded the time during which the
supplies of food in Phlius were expected to last. The difference, in fact,
between self-command and mere appetite is so great that the men of Phlius
had only to pass a resolution to cut down the food expenditure by one
half, and by doing so were able to prolong the siege for twice the
calculated period. But if the contrast between self-restraint and appetite
is so great, no less startling is that between boldness and
faint-heartedness. A Phliasian named Delphion, a real hero, it would seem,
took to himself three hundred Phliasians, and not only succeeded in
preventing the peace-party from carrying out their wishes, but was equal
to the task of incarcerating and keeping safely under lock and key those
whom he mistrusted. Nor did his ability end there. He succeeded in forcing
the mob of citizens to perform garrison duty, and by vigorous patrolling
kept them constant to the work. Over and over again, accompanied by his
personal attendants, he would dash out of the walls and drive in the
enemy's outposts, first at one point and then at another of the
beleaguering circle. But the time eventually came when, search as they
might by every means, these picked defenders (13) could find no further
store of food within the walls, and they were forced to send to Agesilaus,
requesting a truce for an embassy to visit Sparta, adding that they were
resolved to leave it to the discretion of the authorities at Lacedaemon to
do with their city what they liked. Agesilaus granted a pass to the
embassy, but, at the same time, he was so angry at their setting his
personal authority aside, that he sent to his friends at home and arranged
that the fate of Phlius should be left to his discretion. Meanwhile he
proceeded to tighten the cordon of investment, so as to render it
impossible that a single soul inside the city should escape. In spite of
this, however, Delphion, with one comrade, a branded dare-devil, who had
shown great dexterity in relieving the besieging parties of their arms,
escaped by night. Presently the deputation returned with the answer from
Lacedaemon that the state simply left it entirely to the discretion of
Agesilaus to decide the fate of Phlius as seemed to him best. Then
Agesilaus announced his verdict. A board of one hundred—fifty taken
from the restored exiles, fifty from those within the city—were in
the first place to make inquisition as to who deserved to live and who to
die, after which they were to lay down laws as the basis of a new
constitution. Pending the carrying out of these transactions, he left a
detachment of troops to garrison the place for six months, with pay for
that period. After this he dismissed the allied forces, and led the state
(14) division home. Thus the transactions concerning Phlius were brought
to a conclusion, having occupied altogether one year and eight months.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) See below, "Hell." VII. i. 19.
(14) {to politokon}, the citizen army. See above, IV. iv. 19; "Pol.
Lac." xi.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile Polybiades had reduced the citizens of Olynthus to the last
stage of misery through famine. Unable to supply themselves with corn from
their own land, or to import it by sea, they were forced to send an
embassy to Lacedaemon to sue for peace. The plenipotentiaries on their
arrival accepted articles of agreement by which they bound themselves to
have the same friends and the same foes as Lacedaemon, to follow her lead,
and to be enrolled among her allies; and so, having taken an oath to abide
by these terms, they returned home.
</p>
<p>
On every side the affairs of Lacedaemon had signally prospered: Thebes and
the rest of the Boeotian states lay absolutely at her feet; Corinth had
become her most faithful ally; Argos, unable longer to avail herself of
the subterfuge of a movable calendar, was humbled to the dust; Athens was
isolated; and, lastly, those of her own allies who displayed a hostile
feeling towards her had been punished; so that, to all outward appearance,
the foundations of her empire were at length absolutely well and firmly
laid.
</p>
<p>
IV
</p>
<p>
Abundant examples might be found, alike in Hellenic and in foreign
history, to prove that the Divine powers mark what is done amiss, winking
neither at impiety nor at the commission of unhallowed acts; but at
present I confine myself to the facts before me. (1) The Lacedaemonians,
who had pledged themselves by oath to leave the states independent, had
laid violent hands on the acropolis of Thebes, and were eventually
punished by the victims of that iniquity single-handed—the
Lacedaemonians, be it noted, who had never before been mastered by living
man; and not they alone, but those citizens of Thebes who introduced them
to their acropolis, and who wished to enslave their city to Lacedaemon,
that they might play the tyrant themselves—how fared it with them? A
bare score of the fugitives were sufficient to destroy their government.
How this happened I will now narrate in detail.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Or, "it is of my own subject that I must now speak." For the
"peripety," or sudden reversal of circumstances, on which the plot
of the "Hellenica" hinges, see Grote, "H. G." x. 100-108. Cf.
Soph. "Oed. Tyr." 450; "Antig." 1066; Thuc. v. 116; "Hellenica
Essays," "Xenophon," p. 382 foll. This passage is perhaps the key
to the historian's position.
</pre>
<p>
There was a man named Phyllidas—he was secretary to Archias, that
is, to the polemarchs. (2) Beyond his official duties, he had rendered his
chief other services, and all apparently in an exemplary fashion. A visit
to Athens in pursuance of some business brought this man into contact with
a former acquaintance of his, Melon, one of the exiles who had fled for
safety to Athens. Melon had various questions to ask touching the sort of
tyranny practised by Archias in the exercise of the polemarchy, and by
Philip. He soon discovered that affairs at home were still more detestable
to Phyllidas than to himself. It only remained to exchange pledges, and to
arrange the details of what was to be done. After a certain interval
Melon, accompanied by six of the trustiest comrades he could find among
his fellow-exiles, set off for Thebes. They were armed with nothing but
daggers, and first of all crept into the neighbourhood under cover of
night. The whole of the next day they lay concealed in a desert place, and
drew near to the city gates in the guise of labourers returning home with
the latest comers from the fields. Having got safely within the city, they
spent the whole of that night at the house of a man named Charon, and
again the next day in the same fashion. Phyllidas meanwhile was busily
taken up with the concerns of the polemarchs, who were to celebrate a
feast of Aphrodite on going out of office. Amongst other things, the
secretary was to take this opportunity of fulfilling an old undertaking,
which was the introduction of certain women to the polemarchs. They were
to be the most majestic and the most beautiful to be found in Thebes. The
polemarchs, on their side (and the character of the men is sufficiently
marked), were looking forward to the pleasures of the night with joyful
anticipation. Supper was over, and thanks to the zeal with which the
master of the ceremonies responded to their mood, they were speedily
intoxicated. To their oft-repeated orders to introduce their mistresses,
he went out and fetched Melon and the rest, three of them dressed up as
ladies and the rest as their attendant maidens. Having brought them into
the treasury of the polemarchs' residence, (3) he returned himself and
announced to Archias and his friends that the women would not present
themselves as long as any of the attendants remained in the room;
whereupon they promptly bade all withdraw, and Phyllidas, furnishing the
servants with a stoup of wine, sent them off to the house of one of them.
And now at last he introduced the mistresses, and led them to their seats
beside their respective lords. It was preconcerted that as soon as they
were seated they were to throw aside their veils and strike home. That is
one version of the death of the polemarchs. (4) According to another,
Melon and his friends came in as revellers, and so despatched their
victims.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Lit. "to Archias and his (polemarchs)"; but the Greek phrase does
not, as the English would, imply that there were actually more
than two polemarchs, viz. Archias and Philippus. Hypates and
Leontiades belonged to the faction, but were neither of them
polemarchs.
(3) Lit. "Polemarcheion."
(4) Or, "and so, according to the prevalent version of the matter, the
polemarchs were slain. But some say that..."
</pre>
<p>
That over, Phyllidas, with three of the band, set off to the house of
Leontiades. Arrived there, he knocked on the door, and sent in word that
he had a message from the polemarchs. Leontiades, as chance befell, was
still reclining in privacy after dinner, and his wife was seated beside
him working wools. The fidelity of Phyllidas was well known to him, and he
gave orders to admit him at once. They entered, slew Leontiades, and with
threats silenced his wife. As they went out they ordered the door to be
shut, threatening that if they found it open they would kill every one in
the house. And now that this deed was done, Phyllidas, with two of the
band, presented himself at the prison, telling the gaoler he had brought a
man from the polemarchs to be locked up. The gaoler opened the door, and
was at once despatched, and the prisoners were released. These they
speedily supplied with arms taken from the armoury in the stoa, and then
led them to the Ampheion, (5) and bade them take up a position there,
after which they at once made a proclamation calling on all Thebans to
come out, horse and foot, seeing that the tyrants were dead. The citizens,
indeed, as long as it was night, not knowing whom or what to trust, kept
quiet, but when day dawned and revealed what had occurred, the summons was
responded to with alacrity, heavy infantry and cavalry under arms alike
sallying forth. Horsemen were also despatched by the now restored exiles
to the two Athenian generals on the frontier; and they, being aware of the
object of the message (promptly responded). (6)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) See plan of Thebes, "Dict. Geog."; Arrian, "Anab." i. 8; Aesch.
"Sept. c. Theb." 528.
(6) Supply {epeboethoun}. There is a lacuna in the MSS. at this point.
</pre>
<p>
On the other hand, the Lacedaemonian governor in the citadel, as soon as
that night's proclamation reached his ears, was not slow to send to
Plataeae (7) and Thespiae for reinforcements. The approach of the
Plataeans was perceived by the Theban cavalry, who met them and killed a
score of them and more, and after that achievement returned to the city,
to find the Athenians from the frontier already arrived. Then they
assaulted the acropolis. The troops within recognised the paucity of their
own numbers, whilst the zeal of their opponents (one and all advancing to
the attack) was plainly visible, and loud were the proclamations,
promising rewards to those who should be first to scale the walls. All
this so worked upon their fears that they agreed to evacuate the place if
the citizens would allow them a safe-conduct to retire with their arms. To
this request the others gladly yielded, and they made a truce. Oaths were
taken on the terms aforesaid, and the citizens dismissed their
adversaries. For all that, as the garrison retired, those of them who were
recognised as personal foes were seized and put to death. Some were
rescued through the good offices of the Athenian reinforcements from the
frontier, who smuggled them across and saved them. The Thebans were not
content with putting the men to death; if any of them had children, these
also were sacrificed to their vengeance.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) This city had been refounded in B.C. 386 (Isocr. "Plat." 20, 21).
See Freeman, op. cit. ch. iv. p. 170: "Its restoration implied not
only a loss of Theban supremacy, but the actual loss of that
portion of the existing Theban territory which had formerly formed
the Plataian district."
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 378. When the news of these proceedings reached Sparta the first
thing the Lacedaemonians did was to put to death the governor, who had
abandoned the Cadmeia instead of awaiting reinforcements, and the next was
to call out the ban against Thebes. Agesilaus had little taste to head the
expedition; he pointed out that he had seen more than forty years'
service, (8) and that the exemption from foreign duty applicable to others
at that age was applicable on the same principle to the king. Such were
the ostensible grounds on which he excused himself from the present
expedition, but his real objections lay deeper. He felt certain that if he
led the expedition his fellow-citizens would say: "Agesilaus caused all
this trouble to the state in order to aid and abet tyrants." Therefore he
preferred to leave his countrymen to settle the matter themselves as they
liked. Accordingly the ephors, instructed by the Theban exiles who had
escaped the late massacres, despatched Cleombrotus. He had not commanded
before, and it was the depth of winter.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) And was therefore more than fifty-eight years old at this date.
See "Ages." i. 6.
</pre>
<p>
Now while Chabrias, with a body of Athenian peltasts, kept watch and ward
over the road through Eleutherae, Cleombrotus made his way up by the
direct route to Plataeae. His column of light infantry, pushing forward in
advance, fell upon the men who had been released from the Theban prison,
guarding the summit, to the number of about one hundred and fifty. These,
with the exception of one or two who escaped, were cut down by the
peltasts, and Cleombrotus descended in person upon Plataeae, which was
still friendly to Sparta. Presently he reached Thespiae, and that was the
base for an advance upon Cynoscephalae, where he encamped on Theban
territory. Here he halted sixteen days, and then again fell back upon
Thespiae. At this latter place he now left Sphodrias as governor, with a
third portion of each of the contingents of the allies, handing over to
him all the moneys he had brought with him from home, with directions to
supplement his force with a contingent of mercenaries.
</p>
<p>
While Sphodrias was so employed, Cleombrotus himself commenced his
homeward march, following the road through Creusis at the head of his own
moiety of the troops, who indeed were in considerable perplexity to
discover whether they were at war with the Thebans or at peace, seeing
that the general had led his army into Theban territory, had inflicted the
minimum of mischief, and again retired. No sooner, however, was his back
turned than a violent wind storm assailed him in his rear, which some
construed as an omen clearly significant of what was about to take place.
Many a blow this assailant dealt them, and as the general and his army,
crossing from Creusis, scaled that face of the mountain (9) which
stretches seaward, the blast hurled headlong from the precipices a string
of asses, baggage and all: countless arms were wrested from the bearers'
grasp and whirled into the sea; finally, numbers of the men, unable to
march with their arms, deposited them at different points of the pass,
first filling the hollow of their shields with stones. For the moment,
then, they halted at Aegosthena, on Megarian soil, and supped as best they
could. Next day they returned and recovered their arms. After this
adventure the contingents lost no time in returning to their several
homes, as Cleombrotus disbanded them.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) I.e. "Cithaeron."
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile at Athens and Thebes alike fear reigned. To the Athenians the
strength of the Lacedaemonians was unmistakable: the war was plainly no
longer confined to Corinth; on the contrary, the Lacedaemonians had
ventured to skirt Athenian territory and to invade Thebes. They were so
worked upon by their alarm that the two generals who had been privy to the
insurrection of Melon against Leontiades and his party had to suffer: the
one was formally tried and put to death; the other, refusing to abide his
trial, was banished.
</p>
<p>
The apprehensions of the Thebans were of a different sort: their fear was
rather lest they should find themselves in single-handed war with
Lacedaemon. To prevent this they hit upon the following expedient. They
worked upon Sphodrias, (10) the Spartan governor left in Thespiae, by
offering him, as at least was suspected, a substantial sum, in return for
which he was to make an incursion into Attica; their great object being to
involve Athens and Lacedaemon in hostilities. Sphodrias lent a willing
ear, and, pretending that he could easily capture Piraeus in its present
gateless condition, gave his troops an early evening meal and marched out
of Thespiae, saying that he would reach Piraeus before daybreak. As a
matter of fact day overtook him at Thria, nor did he take any pains even
to draw a veil over his intentions; on the contrary, being forced to turn
aside, he amused himself by recklessly lifting cattle and sacking houses.
Meanwhile some who chanced upon him in the night had fled to the city and
brought news to the men of Athens that a large body of troops was
approaching. It needs no saying with what speed the cavalry and heavy
infantry armed themselves and stood on guard to protect the city. As
chance befell, there were some Lacedaemonian ambassadors in Athens at the
moment, at the house of Callias their proxenos; their names were
Etymocles, Aristolochus, and Ocyllus. Immediately on receipt of the news
the Athenians seized these three and imprisoned them, as not improbably
concerned in the plot. Utterly taken aback by the affair themselves, the
ambassadors pleaded that, had they been aware of an attempt to seize
Piraeus, they would hardly have been so foolish as to put themselves into
the power of the Athenians, or have selected the house of their proxenos
for protection, where they were so easily to be found. It would, they
further urged, soon be plain to the Athenians themselves that the state of
Lacedaemon was quite as little cognisant of these proceedings as they.
"You will hear before long"—such was their confident prediction—"that
Sphodrias has paid for his behaviour by his life." On this wise the
ambassadors were acquitted of all concern in the matter and dismissed.
Sphodrias himself was recalled and indicted by the ephors on the capital
charge, and, in spite of his refusal to face the trial, he was acquitted.
This miscarriage of justice, as it seemed to many, who described it as
unprecedented in Lacedaemon, has an explanation.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) See Plut. "Pel." xiv. (Clough, ii. p. 214).
</pre>
<p>
Sphodrias had a son named Cleonymus. He was just at the age when youth
emerges from boyhood, very handsome and of high repute among his fellows.
To this youth Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, was passionately attached.
Now the friends of Cleombrotus, as comrades of Sphodrias, were disposed to
acquit him; but they feared Agesilaus and his friends, not to mention the
intermediate party, for the enormity of his proceeding was clear. So when
Sphodrias addressed his son Cleonymus: "You have it in your power, my son,
to save your father, if you will, by begging Archidamus to dispose
Agesilaus favourably to me at my trial." Thus instructed, the youth did
not shrink from visiting Archidamus, and implored him for his sake to save
his father. Now when Archidamus saw how Cleonymus wept, he too was melted
to tears as he stood beside him, but to his petition he made answer thus:
"Nay, Cleonymus, it is the bare truth I tell you, I cannot so much as look
my father in the face; (11) if I wished anything transacted for me in the
city I would beg assistance from the whole world sooner than from my
father. Still, since it is you who bid me, rest assured I will do my best
to bring this about for you as you desire." He then left the common hall
(12) and retired home to rest, but with dawn he arose and kept watch that
his father might not go out without his knowledge. Presently, when he saw
him ready to go forth, first some citizen was present, and then another
and another; and in each case he stepped aside, while they held his father
in conversation. By and by a stranger would come, and then another; and so
it went on until he even found himself making way for a string of
petitioning attendants. At last, when his father had turned his back on
the Eurotas, and was entering his house again, he was fain to turn his
back also and be gone without so much as accosting him. The next day he
fared no better: all happened as on the previous day. Now Agesilaus,
although he had his suspicions why his son went to and fro in this way,
asked no questions, but left him to take his own course. Archidamus, on
his side, was longing, as was natural, to see his friend Cleonymus; but
how he was to visit him, without having held the desired conversation with
his father, he knew not. The friends of Sphodrias, observing that he who
was once so frequent a visitor had ceased coming, were in agony; he must
surely have been deterred by the reproaches of his father. At last,
however, Archidamus dared to go to his father, and said, "Father,
Cleonymus bids me ask you to save his father; grant me this boon, if
possible, I beg you." He answered: "For yourself, my son, I can make
excuse, but how shall my city make excuse for me if I fail to condemn that
man who, for his own base purpose, traffics to the injury of the state?"
For the moment the other made no reply, but retired crestfallen before the
verdict of justice. Afterwards, whether the thought was his own or that he
was prompted by some other, he came and said, "Father, if Sphodrias had
done no wrong you would have released him, that I know; but now, if he has
done something wrong, may he not be excused by you for our sakes?" And the
father answered: "If it can be done without loss of honour on our parts,
so shall it be." At that word the young man, in deep despondency, turned
and went. Now one of the friends of Sphodrias, conversing with Etymocles,
remarked to him: "You are all bent on putting Sphodrias to death, I take
it, you friends of Agesilaus?" And Etymocles replied: "If that be so, we
all are bent on one thing, and Agesilaus on another, since in all his
conversations he still harps upon one string: that Sphodrias has done a
wrong there is no denying, yet Sphodrias is a man who, from boyhood to
ripe manhood, (13) was ever constant to the call of honour. To put such a
man as that to death is hard; nay, Sparta needs such soldiers." The other
accordingly went off and reported what he had just heard to Cleonymus; and
he in the joy of his heart went straightway to Archidamus and said: "Now
we know that you care for us; rest assured, Archidamus, that we in turn
will take great pains that you shall never have cause to blush for our
friendship." Nor did his acts belie his words; but so long as he lived he
was ever faithful to the code of Spartan chivalry; and at Leuctra,
fighting in front of the king side by side with Deinon the polemarch,
thrice fell or ever he yielded up his breath—foremost of the
citizens amidst the foe. And so, albeit he caused his friend the bitterest
sorrow, yet to that which he had promised he was faithful, seeing he
wrought Archidamus no shame, but contrariwise shed lustre on him. (14) In
this way Sphodrias obtained his acquittal.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) See "Cyrop." I. iv. 12.
(12) Lit. "the Philition." See "Pol. Lac." iii. 6.
(13) Lit. "who, whether as child, boy, or young man"; and for the
three stages of growth, see "Pol. Lac." ii. iii. iv.
(14) I.e. both in life and in death.
</pre>
<p>
At Athens the friends of Boeotia were not slow to instruct the people that
his countrymen, so far from punishing Sphodrias, had even applauded him
for his designs on Athens; and in consequence of this the Athenians not
only furnished Piraeus with gates, but set to work to build a fleet, and
displayed great zeal in sending aid to the Boeotians. (15) The
Lacedaemonians, on their side, called out the ban against the Thebans; and
being persuaded that in Agesilaus they would find a more prudent general
than Cleombrotus had proved, they begged the former to undertake the
expedition. (16) He, replying that the wish of the state was for him law,
began making preparations to take the field.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) For the new Athenian confederacy of Delos of this year, B.C. 378,
see "Pol. Lac." xiv. 6; "Rev." v. 6; Diod. xv. 28-30; Plut.
"Pelop." xv.; Hicks, 78, 81; and for an alliance between Athens
and Chalcis in Euboea, see Hicks, 79; and for a treaty with Chios,
Hicks, 80.
(16) See "Ages." ii. 22.
</pre>
<p>
Now he had come to the conclusion that without the occupation of Mount
Cithaeron any attack on Thebes would be difficult. Learning then that the
men of Cleitor were just now at war with the men of Orchomenus, (17) and
were maintaining a foreign brigade, he came to an understanding with the
Cleitorians that in the event of his needing it, this force would be at
his service; and as soon as the sacrifices for crossing the frontier
proved favourable, he sent to the commander of the Cleitorian mercenaries,
and handing him a month's pay, ordered him to occupy Cithaeron with his
men. This was before he himself reached Tegea. Meanwhile he sent a message
to the men of Orchomenus that so long as the campaign lasted they must
cease from war. If any city during his campaign abroad took on itself to
march against another city, his first duty, he declared, would be to march
against such offending city in accordance with a decree of the allies.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) In Arcadia. See Busolt, "Die Lak." 120 foll.
</pre>
<p>
Thus crossing Cithaeron he reached Thespiae, (18) and from that base made
the territory of Thebes his objective. Finding the great plain fenced
round with ditch and palisade, as also the most valuable portions of the
country, he adopted the plan of shifting his encampment from one place to
another. Regularly each day, after the morning meal, he marched out his
troops and ravaged the territory, confining himself to his own side of the
palisadings and trench. The appearance of Agesilaus at any point whatever
was a signal to the enemy, who within the circuit of his entrenchment kept
moving in parallel line to the invader, and was ever ready to defend the
threatened point. On one occasion, the Spartan king having retired and
being well on the road back to camp, the Theban cavalry, hitherto
invisible, suddenly dashed out, following one of the regularly constructed
roads out of the entrenchment. Taking advantage of the enemy's position—his
light troops breaking off to supper or busily preparing the meal, and the
cavalry, some of them on their legs just (19) dismounted, and others in
the act of mounting—on they rode, pressing the charge home. Man
after man of the light troops was cut down; and three cavalry troopers
besides—two Spartans, Cleas and Epicydidas by name, and the third a
provincial (20) named Eudicus, who had not had time to mount their horses,
and whose fate was shared by some Theban (21) exiles. But presently
Agesilaus wheeled about and advanced with his heavy infantry to the
succour; his cavalry dashed at the enemy's cavalry, and the flower of the
heavy infantry, the ten-years-service men, charged by their side. The
Theban cavalry at that instant looked like men who had been imbibing too
freely in the noontide heat—that is to say, they awaited the charge
long enough to hurl their spears; but the volley sped without effect, and
wheeling about within that distance they left twelve of their number dead
upon the field.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) By Cynoscephalae. See "Ages." ii. 22.
(19) Read, after Courier, {arti} for the vulg. {eti}; or, better
still, adopt Hartman's emendation (op. cit. p. 379), {ton men ede
katabebekoton ton de katabainonton}, and translate "some—already
dismounted, and others dismounting."
(20) Lit. "one of the perioeci."
(21) Reading {Thebaion} after Dind. for {'Athenaion}.
</pre>
<p>
Agesilaus had not failed to note with what regularity the enemy presented
himself after the morning meal. Turning the observation to account, he
offered sacrifice with day's dawn, and marched with all possible speed,
and so crossed within the palisadings, through what might have been a
desert, as far as defence or sign of living being went. Once well inside,
he proceeded to cut down and set on fire everything up to the city gates.
After this exploit he beat a retreat, retiring into Thespiae, where he
fortified their citadel for them. Here he left Phoebidas as governor,
while he himself crossed the passes back into Megara. Arrived here he
disbanded the allies, and led the city troops homewards.
</p>
<p>
After the departure of Agesilaus, Phoebidas devoted himself to harrying
the Thebans by sending out robber bands, and laid waste their land by a
system of regular incursions. The Thebans, on their side, desiring to
retaliate, marched out with their whole force into the territory of
Thespiae. But once well inside the district they found themselves closely
beset by Phoebidas and his light troops, who would not give them the
slightest chance to scatter from their main body, so that the Thebans,
heartily vexed at the turn their foray had taken, beat a retreat quicker
than they had come. The muleteers threw away with their own hands the
fruits they had captured, in their anxiety to get home as quickly as
possible; so dire a dread had fallen upon the invading army. This was the
chance for the Spartan to press home his attack boldly, keeping his light
division in close attendance on himself, and leaving the heavy infantry
under orders to follow him in battle order. He was in hopes even that he
might put the enemy to complete rout, so valiantly did he lead the
advance, encouraging the light troops to "come to a close grip with the
invadors," or summoning the heavy infantry of the Thespiaeans to "bring up
their supports." Presently the Theban cavalry as they retired found
themselves face to face with an impassable glen or ravine, where in the
first instance they collected in a mob, and next wheeled right-about-face
in sheer resourcelessness where to cross. The handful of light troops who
formed the Spartan vanguard took fright at the Thebans and fled, and the
Theban horsemen seeing this put in practice the lesson of attack which the
fugitives taught them. As for Phoebidas himself, he and two or three with
him fell sword in hand, whereupon his mercenary troops all took to their
heels.
</p>
<p>
When the stream of fugitives reached the Thespiaean heavy infantry
reserves, they too, in spite of much boasting beforehand that they would
never yield to Thebans, took to flight, though there was now absolutely no
pursuit whatever, for it was now late. The number slain was not large,
but, for all that, the men of Thespiae did not come to a standstill until
they found themselves safe inside their walls. As a sequel, the hopes and
spirits of the Thebans were again kindled into new life, and they made
campaigns against Thespiae and the other provincial cities of Boeotia.
(22) It must be admitted that in each case the democratical party retired
from these cities to Thebes; since absolute governments had been
established in all of them on the pattern previously adopted at Thebes;
and the result was that the friends of Lacedaemon in these cities also
needed her assistance. (23) After the death of Phoebidas the
Lacedaemonians despatched a polemarch with a division by sea to form the
garrison of Thespiae.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) Lit. "their other perioecid cities." For the significance of this
title as applied by the Thebans (and perhaps commonly) to the
other cities of Boeotia, see Freeman, op. cit. ch. iv. pp. 157,
173 foll.
(23) See Grote, "H. G." x. 174; Freeman, op. cit. iv. 171, 172.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 377. With the advent of spring (24) the ephors again called out the
ban against Thebes, and requested Agesilaus to lead the expedition, as on
the former campaign. He, holding to his former theory with regard to the
invasion, even before sacrificing the customary frontier sacrifice, sent a
despatch to the polemarch at Thespiae, with orders to seize the pass which
commands the road over Cithaeron, and to guard it against his arrival.
Then, having once more crossed the pass and reached Plataeae, he again
made a feint of marching first into Thespiae, and so sent a despatch
ordering supplies to be in readiness, and all embassies to be waiting his
arrival there; so that the Thebans concentrated their attention on the
approaches from Thespiae, which they strongly guarded. Next morning,
however, Agesilaus sacrificed at daybreak and set out on the road to
Erythrae, (25) and completing in one day what was a good two days' march
for an army, gave the Thebans the slip, and crossed their palisade-work at
Scolus before the enemy had arrived from the closely-guarded point at
which he had effected his entrance formerly. This done he proceeded to
ravage the eastward-facing districts of the city of Thebes as far as the
territory of Tanagra, for at that date Tanagra was still in the hands of
Hypatodorus and his party, who were friends of the Lacedaemonians. After
that he turned to retire, keeping the walls of Thebes on his left. But the
Thebans, who had stolen, as it were, upon the scene, drew up at the spot
called "The Old Wife's Breast," (26) keeping the trench and palisading in
their rear: they were persuaded that here, if anywhere, lay their chance
to risk a decisive engagement, the ground at this point being somewhat
narrow and difficult to traverse. Agesilaus, however, in view of the
situation, refused to accept the challenge. Instead of marching upon them
he turned sharp off in the direction of the city; and the Thebans, in
alarm for the city in its undefended state, abandoned the favourable
ground on which they were drawn up in battle line, and retired at the
double towards the city along the road to Potniae, which seemed the safer
route. This last move of Agesilaus may be described as a stroke of genius:
(27) while it allowed him to retire to a distance, it forced the enemy
themselves to retreat at the double. In spite of this, however, one or two
of the polemarchs, with their divisions, charged the foe as he raced past.
But again the Thebans, from the vantage-ground of their heights, sent
volleys of spears upon the assailants, which cost one of the polemarchs,
Alypetus, his life. He fell pierced by a spear. But again from this
particular crest the Thebans on their side were forced to turn in flight;
so much so that the Sciritae, with some of the cavalry, scaled up and
speedily cut down the rearmost ranks of the Thebans as they galloped past
into the city. When, however, they were close under cover of their walls
the Thebans turned, and the Sciritae seeing them retreated at more than a
steady walking pace. No one, it is true, was slain; but the Thebans all
the same set up a trophy in record of the incident at the point where the
scaling party had been forced to retreat.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(24) See for affairs of Delos, never actually named by Xenophon,
between B.C. 377 and 374, the Sandwich Marble in Trinity College,
Cambridge; Boeckh, "C. I. G" 158, and "P. E. A." ii. p. 78 foll.;
Hicks, 82.
(25) Erythrae (Redlands) stands between Hysiae and Scolus, east of
Katzula.—Leake, "N. Gr." ii. 329. See Herod. ix. 15, 25; Thuc.
iii. 24; Paus. IX. ii. 1; Strab. IX. ii.
(26) Lit. "Graos Stethos."
(27) Or, "and this move of Agesilaus was regarded as a very pretty
one."
</pre>
<p>
And now, since the hour was come, Agesilaus fell back and encamped on the
very site on which he had seen the enemy drawn up in battle array. Next
day he retired by the road to Thespiae. The light troops, who formed a
free corps in the pay of the Thebans, hung audaciously at his heels. Their
shouts could be heard calling out to Chabrias (28) for not bringing up his
supports; when the cavalry of the Olynthians (who now contributed a
contingent in accordance with their oaths) (29) wheeled round on them,
caught the pursuers in the heat of their pursuit, and drove them uphill,
putting large numbers of them to the sword—so quickly are infantry
overhauled by cavalry on steep ground which can be ridden over. Being
arrived within the walls of Thespiae, Agesilaus found the citizens in a
state of party feud, the men of Lacedaemonian proclivities desiring to put
their political opponents, one of whom was Menon, to death (30)—a
proceeding which Agesilaus would not sanction. After having healed their
differences and bound them over by solemn oath to keep the peace with one
another, he at once retired, taking his old route across Cithaeron to
Megara. Here once more he disbanded the allies, and at the head of the
city troops himself marched back to Sparta.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(28) For the exploits of Chabrias, who commanded a division of mixed
Athenians and mercenaries (see above, S. 14), see Dem. "c. Lept."
479; Polyaen. ii. 1, 2; Diod. xv. 32, 33, who gives interesting
details; Grote, "H. G." x. 172 foll.
(29) See above, "Hell." V. iii. 26.
(30) Or, "under the pretext of furthering Laconian interests there was
a desire to put political opponents to death." For "Menon," Diod.
conj. "Melon."
</pre>
<p>
The Thebans had not gathered in the fruits of their soil for two years
now, and began to be sorely pinched for want of corn; they therefore sent
a body of men on board a couple of triremes to Pagasae, with ten talents
(31) in hand for the purchase of corn. But while these commissioners were
engaged in effecting their purchases, Alcetas, the Lacedaemonian who was
garrisoning Oreus, (32) fitted out three triremes, taking precautions that
no rumour of his proceedings should leak out. As soon as the corn was
shipped and the vessels under weigh, he captured not only the corn but the
triremes, escort and all, numbering no less than three hundred men. This
done he locked up his prisoners in the citadel, where he himself was also
quartered. Now there was a youth, the son of a native of Oreus, fair of
mien and of gentle breeding, (33) who danced attendance on the commandant:
and the latter must needs leave the citadel and go down to busy himself
with this youth. This was a piece of carelessness which the prisoners did
not fail to observe, and turned to good account by seizing the citadel,
whereupon the town revolted, and the Thebans experienced no further
difficulty in obtaining corn supplies.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(31) = 2,437 pounds: 10 shillings.
(32) Oreus, formerly called Histiaea, in the north of Euboea. See
Thuc. vii. 57, viii. 95; Diod. xv. 30; Grote, "H. G." ix. 263. For
Pagasae at the north extremity of the Pagasaean Gulf, "the cradle
of Greek navigation," see Tozer, "Geog. Gr." vi. p. 124; Strab.
IX. v. 15.
(33) Or, "beautiful and brave if ever youth was."
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 376. At the return of spring Agesilaus lay sick—a bedridden
invalid. The history of the case is this: During the withdrawal of his
army from Thebes the year before, when at Megara, while mounting from the
Aphrodision (34) to the Government house he ruptured a vein or other
vessel of the body. This was followed by a rush of blood to his sound leg.
The knee was much swelled, and the pain intolerable, until a Syracusan
surgeon made an incision in the vein near the ankle. The blood thus let
flowed night and day; do what they could to stop the discharge, all
failed, till the patient fainted away; then it ceased. In this plight
Agesilaus was conveyed home on a litter to Lacedaemon, and remained an
invalid the rest of that summer and throughout the winter.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(34) Pausanius (I. xi. 6) mentions a temple of Aphrodite
{'Epistrophoa} (Verticordia), on the way up to the Carian
Acropolis of Megara.
</pre>
<p>
But to resume: at the first burst of spring the Lacedaemonians again
called out the ban, and gave orders to Cleombrotus to lead the expedition.
The king found himself presently with his troops at the foot of Cithaeron,
and his light infantry advanced to occupy the pass which commands the
road. But here they found a detachment of Thebans and Athenians already in
occupation of the desired height, who for a while suffered them to
approach; but when they were close upon them, sprang from their position
and charged, putting about forty to the sword. This incident was
sufficient to convince Cleombrotus that to invade Thebes by this mountain
passage was out of the question, and in this faith he led back and
disbanded his troops.
</p>
<p>
The allies met in Lacedaemon, and arguments were adduced on the part of
the allies to show that faintheartedness would very soon lead to their
being absolutely worn out by the war. They had got it in their power, it
was urged, to fit out a fleet far outnumbering that of Athens, and to
reduce that city by starvation; it was open to them, in the self-same
ships, to carry an army across into Theban territory, and they had a
choice of routes—the road into Phocis, or, if they preferred, by
Creusis. After thus carefully considering the matter they manned a fleet
of sixty triremes, and Pollis was appointed admiral in command. Nor indeed
were their expectations altogether belied. The Athenians were soon so
closely blockaded that their corn vessels could get no farther than
Geraestus; (35) there was no inducing them to coast down father south,
with a Lacedaemonian navy hovering about Aegina and Ceos and Andros. The
Athenians, making a virtue of necessity, manned their ships in person,
gave battle to Pollis under the leadership of Chabrias, and came out of
the sea-fight (36) victorious.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(35) The promontory at the southern extremity of Euboea.
(36) Battle of Naxos, B.C. 376. For interesting details, see Diod. xv.
35, 35.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 375. Then the corn supplies flowed freely into Athens. The
Lacedaemonians, on their side, were preparing to transport an army across
the water into Boeotia, when the Thebans sent a request to the Athenians
urging them to despatch an armament round Peloponnesus, under the
persuasion that if this were done the Lacedaemonians would find it
impossible at once to guard their own or the allied territory in that part
of the world, and at the same time to convery an army of any size to
operate against Thebes. The proposals fell in with the present temper of
the Athenians, irritated with Lacedaemon on account of the exploit of
Sphodrias. Accordingly they eagerly manned a fleet of sixty vessels,
appointing Timotheus as admiral in command, and despatched it on a cruise
round Peloponnesus.
</p>
<p>
The Thebans, seeing that there had been no hostile invasion of their
territory for so long (neither during the campaign of Cleombrotus nor now,
(37) whilst Timotheus prosecuted his coasting voyage), felt emboldened to
carry out a campaign on their own account against the provincial cities;
(38) and one by one they again recovered them.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(37) Lit. "nor at the date of Timotherus's periplus." To the historian
writing of the events of this period several years later, the
coasting voyage of Timotheus is a single incident ({periepleuse}),
and as Grote ("H. G." x. 185, note 3) observes, the words may
"include not simply the time which Timotheus took in actually
circumnavigating Peloponnesos, but the year which he spent
afterwards in the Ionian sea, and the time which he occupied in
performing his exploits near Korkyra, Leukas, and the
neighbourhood generally." For the character and exploits of
Timotheus, son of Conon, see Isocr. "Or." xv. "On the Antidosis,"
SS. 101-139; Jebb, "Att. Or." ii. p. 140 foll.; Rehdantz, "Vit.
Iphicr. Chabr. Timoth. Atheniensium."
(38) Or, "the cities round about their territory," lit. "the perioecid
cities." For the import of the epithet, see V. iv. 46; Freeman,
op. cit. iv. 173, note 1, in reference to Grote, "H. G." x. 183,
note 4. For the battle of Tegyra see Grote, ib. 182; Plut.
"Pelop." 17; Diod. xv. 57 ("evidently this battle," Grote);
Callisthenes, fr. 3, ed. Did. Cf. Steph. Byz., {Tegura}.
</pre>
<p>
Timotheus in his cruise reached Corcyra, and reduced it at a blow. That
done, he neither enslaved the inhabitants nor drove them into exile, nor
changed their laws. And of this conduct he reaped the benefit of the
increased cordiality (39) of all the cities of those parts. The
Lacedaemonians thereupon fitted out and despatched a counter fleet, with
Nicolochus in command, an officer of consummate boldness. This admiral no
sooner caught sight of Timotheus's fleet than without hesitation, and in
spite of the absence of six Ambraciot vessels which formed part of his
squadron, he gave battle, with fifty-five ships to the enemy's sixty. The
result was a defeat at the moment, and Timotheus set up a trophy at
Alyzia. But as soon as the six missing Ambraciot vessels had reinforced
him—the ships of Timotheus meanwhile being docked and undergoing
repairs—he bore down upon Alyzia in search of the Athenian, and as
Timotheus refused to put out to meet him, the Lacedaemonian in turn set up
a trophy on the nearest group of islands.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(39) The Corcyraeans, Acarnanians, and Cephallenians join the alliance
B.C. 375; see Hicks, 83. "This decree dates from the autumn of
B.C. 375, immediately after Timotheos's visit to Korkyra (Xen.
'Hell.' V. iv. 64). The result was that the names of Korkyra,
Kephallenia, and Akarnania were inscribed upon the list (No. 81),
and an alliance was made with them." (See "C. I. A." ii. p. 399
foll.; Hicks, loc. cit.; "Hell." VI. v. 23); "C. I. A." ii. 14.
The tablet is in the Asclepeian collection at the entrance of the
Acropolis at Athens. See Milchofer, "Die Museum Athens," 1881, p.
45.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 374. Timotheus, after repairing his original squadron and manning
more vessels from Corcyra, found himself at the head of more than seventy
ships. His naval superiority was undisputed, but he was forced to send to
Athens for moneys, seeing his fleet was large and his wants not trifling.
</p>
<p>
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</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
BOOK VI
</h2>
<p>
I
</p>
<p>
B.C. 374. The Athenians and Lacedaemonians were thus engaged. But to
return to the Thebans. After the subjugation of the cities in Boeotia,
they extended the area of aggression and marched into Phocis. The
Phocians, on their side, sent an embassy to Lacedaemon, and pleaded that
without assistance from that power they must inevitably yield to Thebes.
The Lacedaemonians in response conveyed by sea into the territory of
Phocis their king Cleombrotus, at the head of four regiments and the
contingents of the allies.
</p>
<p>
About the same time Polydamus of Pharsalus arrived from Thessaly to
address the general assembly (1) of Lacedaemon. He was a man of high
repute throughout the whole of Thessaly, while in his native city he was
regarded as so true a gentleman that the faction-ridden Pharsalians were
content to entrust the citadel to his keeping, and to allow their revenues
to pass through his hands. It was his privilege to disburse the money
needed for sacred rites or other expenditure, within the limits of their
written law and constitution. Out of these moneys this faithful steward of
the state was able to garrison and guard in safety for the citizens their
capital. Every year he rendered an account of his administration in
general. If there was a deficit he made it up out of his own pocket, and
when the revenues expanded he paid himself back. For the rest, his
hospitality to foreigners and his magnificence were on a true Thessalian
scale. Such was the style and character of the man who now arrived in
Lacedaemon and spoke as follows:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) {pros to koinon}, "h.e. vel ad ad senatum vel ad ephoros vel ad
concionem."—Sturz, "Lex. Xen." s.v.
</pre>
<p>
"Men of Lacedaemon, it is in my capacity as 'proxenos' and 'benefactor'
(titles borne by my ancestry from time immemorial) that I claim, or rather
am bound, in case of any difficulty to come to you, and, in case of any
complication dangerous to your interests in Thessaly, to give you warning.
The name of Jason, I feel sure, is not unknown to Lacedaemonian ears. His
power as a prince is sufficiently large, and his fame widespread. It is of
Jason I have to speak. Under cover of a treaty of peace he has lately
conferred with me, and this is the substance of what he urged:
'Polydamas,' he said, 'if I chose I could lay your city at my feet, even
against its will, as the following considerations will prove to you. See,'
he went on, 'the majority and the most important of the states of Thessaly
are my allies. I subdued them in campaigns in which you took their side in
opposition to myself. Again, you do not need to be told that I have six
thousand mercenaries who are a match in themselves, I take it, for any
single state. It is not the mere numbers on which I insist. No doubt as
large an army could be raised in other quarters; but these citizen armies
have this defect—they include men who are already advanced in years,
with others whose beards are scarcely grown. Again, it is only a fraction
of the citizens who attend to bodily training in a state, whereas with me
no one takes mercenary service who is not as capable of endurance as
myself.'
</p>
<p>
"And here, Lacedaemonians, I must tell you what is the bare truth. This
Jason is a man stout of limb and robust of body, with an insatiable
appetite for toil. Equally true is it that he tests the mettle of those
with him day by day. He is always at their head, whether on a field-day
under arms, or in the gymnasium, or on some military expedition. The weak
members of the corps he weeds out, but those whom he sees bear themselves
stout-heartedly in the face of war, like true lovers of danger and of
toil, he honours with double, treble, and quadruple pay, or with other
gifts. On the bed of sickness they will not lack attendance, nor honour in
their graves. Thus every foreigner in his service knows that his valour in
war may obtain for him a livelihood—a life replete at once with
honour and abundance. (2)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) Or, "a life satisfying at once to soul and body."
</pre>
<p>
"Then with some parade he pointed out to me what I knew before, that the
Maracians, and the Dolopians, and Alcetas the hyparch (3) in Epirus, were
already subject to his sway; 'so that I may fairly ask you, Polydamas,' he
proceeded, 'what I have to apprehend that I should not look on your future
subjugation as mere child's play. Perhaps some one who did not know me,
and what manner of man I am, might put it to me: "Well! Jason, if all you
say be true, why do you hesitate? why do you not march at once against
Pharsalia?" For the good reason, I reply, that it suits me better to win
you voluntarily than to annex you against your wills. Since, if you are
forced, you will always be planning all the mischief you can against me,
and I on my side shall be striving to diminish your power; whereas if you
throw in your lot with mine trustfully and willingly, it is certain we
shall do what we can to help each other. I see and know, Polydamas, that
your country fixes her eyes on one man only, and that is yourself: what I
guarantee you, therefore, is that, if you will dispose her lovingly to
myself, I on my side will raise you up to be the greatest man in Hellas
next to me. Listen, while I tell you what it is in which I offer you the
second prize. Listen, and accept nothing which does not approve itself as
true to your own reasoning. First, is it not plain to us both, that with
the adhesion of Pharsalus and the swarm of pettier states dependent on
yourselves, I shall with infinite ease become Tagos (4) of all the
Thessalians; and then the corollary—Thessaly so united—sixteen
thousand cavalry and more than ten thousand heavy infantry leap into life.
Indeed, when I contemplate the physique and proud carriage of these men, I
cannot but persuade myself that, with proper handling, there is not a
nation or tribe of men to which Thessalians would deign to yield
submission. Look at the broad expanse of Thessaly and consider: when once
a Tagos is established here, all the tribes in a circle round will lie
stilled in subjection; and almost every member of each of these tribes is
an archer born, so that in the light infantry division of the service our
power must needs excel. Furthermore, the Boeotians and all the rest of the
world in arms against Lacedaemon are my allies; they clamour to follow my
banner, if only I will free them from Sparta's yoke. So again the
Athenians, I make sure, will do all they can to gain our alliance; but
with them I do not think we will make friends, for my persuasion is that
empire by sea will be even easier to acquire than empire by land; and to
show you the justice of this reasoning I would have you weigh the
following considerations. With Macedonia, which is the timber-yard (5) of
the Athenian navy, in our hands we shall be able to construct a far larger
fleet than theirs. That stands to reason. And as to men, which will be the
better able to man vessels, think you—Athens, or ourselves with our
stalwart and numerous Penestae? (6) Which will better support mariners—a
nation which, like our own, out of her abundance exports her corn to
foreign parts, or Athens, which, but for foreign purchases, has not enough
to support herself? And so as to wealth in general it is only natural, is
it not, that we, who do not look to a string of little islands for
supplies, but gather the fruits of continental peoples, should find our
resources more copious? As soon as the scattered powers of Thessaly are
gathered into a principality, all the tribes around, I repeat, will become
our tributaries. I need not tell you that the king of Persia reaps the
fruits, not of islands, but of a continent, and he is the wealthiest of
men! But the reduction of Persia will be still more practicable, I
imagine, than that of Hellas, for there the men, save one, are better
versed in slavery than in prowess. Nor have I forgotten, during the
advance of Cyrus, and afterwards under Agesilaus, how scant the force was
before which the Persian quailed.'
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) Or, "his underlord in Epirus." By hyparch, I suppose, is implied
that Alcetas regarded Jason as his suzerain. Diodorus (xv. 13, 36)
speaks of him as "king" of the Molossians.
(4) Or, "Prince," and below, "Thessaly so converted into a
Principality." "The Tagos of Thessaly was not a King, because his
office was not hereditary or even permanent; neither was he
exactly a Tyrant, because his office had some sort of legal
sanction. But he came much nearer to the character either of a
King or of a Tyrant than to that of a Federal President like the
General of the Achaians.... Jason of Pherai acts throughout
like a King, and his will seems at least as uncontrolled as that
of his brother sovereign beyond the Kambunian hills. Even Jason
seems to have been looked upon as a Tyrant (see below, 'Hell.' VI.
iv. 32); possibly, like the Athenian Demos, he himself did not
refuse the name" (cf. Arist. "Pol." iii. 4, 9).—Freeman, "Hist.
Fed. Gov." "No True Federation in Thessaly," iv. pp. 152 foll.
(5) See above, and Hicks, 74.
(6) Or, "peasantry."
</pre>
<p>
"Such, Lacedaemonians, were the glowing arguments of Jason. In answer I
told him that what he urged was well worth weighing, but that we, the
friends of Lacedaemon, should so, without a quarrel, desert her and rush
into the arms of her opponents, seemed to me sheer madness. Whereat he
praised me, and said that now must he needs cling all the closer to me if
that were my disposition, and so charged me to come to you and tell you
the plain truth, which is, that he is minded to march against Pharsalus if
we will not hearken to him. Accordingly he bade me demand assistance from
you; 'and if they suffer you,' (7) he added, 'so to work upon them that
they will send you a force sufficient to do battle with me, it is well: we
will abide by war's arbitrament, nor quarrel with the consequence; but if
in your eyes that aid is insufficient, look to yourself. How shall you
longer be held blameless before that fatherland which honours you and in
which you fare so well?' (8)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) Or, reading {theoi}, after Cobet; translate "if providentially
they should send you."
(8) Reading {kai e su pratteis}, after Cobet. The chief MSS. give {ouk
ede anegkletos an dikaios eies en te patridi e se tima kai su
prattois ta kratista}, which might be rendered either, "and how be
doing best for yourself?" (lit. "and you would not be doing best
for yourself," {ouk an} carried on from previous clause), or
(taking {prattois} as pure optative), "may you be guided to adopt
the course best for yourself!" "may the best fortune attend you!
Farewell." See Otto Keller, op. cit. ad loc. for various
emendations.
</pre>
<p>
"These are the matters," Polydamas continued, "which have brought me to
Lacedaemon. I have told you the whole story; it is based partly on what I
see to be the case, and partly on what I have heard from yonder man. My
firm belief is, men of Lacedaemon, that if you are likely to despatch a
force sufficient, not in my eyes only, but in the eyes of all the rest of
Thessaly, to cope with Jason in war, the states will revolt from him, for
they are all in alarm as to the future development of the man's power; but
if you think a company of newly-enfranchised slaves and any amateur
general will suffice, I advise you to rest in peace. You may take my word
for it, you will have a great power to contend against, and a man who is
so prudent a general that, in all he essays to do, be it an affair of
secrecy, or speed, or force, he is wont to hit the mark of his endeavours:
one who is skilled, should occasion serve, to make the night of equal
service to him with the day; (9) or, if speed be needful, will labour on
while breakfasting or taking an evening meal. And as for repose, he thinks
that the time for it has come when the goal is reached or the business on
hand accomplished. And to this same practice he has habituated those about
him. Right well he knows how to reward the expectations of his soldiers,
when by the extra toil which makes the difference they have achieved
success; so that in his school all have laid to heart that maxim, 'Pain
first and pleasure after.' (10) And in regard to pleasure of the senses,
of all men I know, he is the most continent; so that these also are
powerless to make him idle at the expense of duty. You must consider the
matter then and tell me, as befits you, what you can and will do."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) See "Cyrop." III. i. 19.
(10) For this sentiment, see "Mem." II. i. 20 et passim.
</pre>
<p>
Such were the representations of Polydamas. The Lacedaemonians, for the
time being, deferred their answer; but after calculating the next day and
the day following how many divisions (11) they had on foreign service, and
how many ships on the coast of Laconia to deal with the foreign squadron
of the Athenians, and taking also into account the war with their
neighbours, they gave their answer to Polydamas: "For the present they
would not be able to send him sufficient aid: under the circumstances they
advised him to go back and make the best settlement he could of his own
affairs and those of his city." He, thanking the Lacedaemonians for their
straightforwardness, withdrew.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) Lit. "morai."
</pre>
<p>
The citadel of Pharsalus he begged Jason not to force him to give up: his
desire was to preserve it for those who had entrusted it to his safe
keeping; his own sons Jason was free to take as hostages, and he would do
his best to procure for him the voluntary adhesion of his city by
persuasion, and in every way to further his appointment as Tagos of
Thessaly. Accordingly, after interchange of solemn assurances between the
pair, the Pharsalians were let alone and in peace, and ere long Jason was,
by general consent, appointed Tagos of all the Thessalians. Once fairly
vested with that authority, he drew up a list of the cavalry and heavy
infantry which the several states were capable of furnishing as their
quota, with the result that his cavalry, inclusive of allies, numbered
more than eight thousand, while his infantry force was computed at not
less than twenty thousand; and his light troops would have been a match
for those of the whole world—the mere enumeration of their cities
would be a labour in itself. (12) His next act was a summons to all the
dwellers round (13) to pay tribute exactly the amount imposed in the days
of Scopas. (14) And here in this state of accomplishment we may leave
these matters. I return to the point reached when this digression into the
affairs of Jason began.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) See "Cyrop." I. i. 5.
(13) Lit. perioeci.
(14) It is conjectured that the Scopadae ruled at Pherae and Cranusa
in the earlier half of the fifth century B.C.; see, for the change
of dynasty, what is said of Lycophron of Pherae in "Hell." II.
iii. 4. There was a famous Scopas, son of Creon, to whom Simonides
addressed his poem—
</pre>
<p>
{Andr' agathon men alatheos genesthai khalepon khersin te kai posi kai noo
tetragonon, aneu psogou tetugmenon.}
</p>
<p>
a sentiment criticised by Plato, "Protag." 359 A. "Now Simonides says to
Scopas, the son of Creon, the Thessalian:
</p>
<p>
'Hardly on the one hand can a man become truly good; built four-square in
hands and feet and mind, a work without a flaw.'
</p>
<p>
Do you know the poem?"—Jowett, "Plat." i. 153. But whether this
Scopas is the Scopas of our text and a hero of Jason's is not clear.
</p>
<p>
II
</p>
<p>
B.C. 374. The Lacedaemonians and their allies were collecting in Phocia,
and the Thebans, after retreating into their own territory, were guarding
the approaches. At this juncture the Athenians, seeing the Thebans growing
strong at their expense without contributing a single penny to the
maintenance of the fleet, while they themselves, what with money
contributions, and piratical attacks from Aegina, and the garrisoning of
their territory, were being pared to the bone, conceived a desire to cease
from war. In this mood they sent an embassy to Lacedaemon and concluded
peace. (1)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See Curtius, "H. G." vol. iv. p. 376 (Eng. trans.)
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 374-373. This done, two of the ambassadors, in obedience to a decree
of the state, set sail at once from Laconian territory, bearing orders to
Timotheus to sail home, since peace was established. That officer, while
obeying his orders, availed himself of the homeward voyage to land certain
Zacynthian exiles (2) on their native soil, whereupon the Zacynthian city
party sent to Lacedaemon and complained of the treatment they had received
from Timotheus; and the Lacedaemonians, without further consideration,
decided that the Athenians were in the wrong, and proceeded to equip
another navy, and at length collected from Laconia itself, from Corinth,
Leucas, (3) Ambracia, Elis, Zacynthus, Achaia, Epidaurus, Troezen,
Hermione, and Halieis, a force amounting to sixty sail. In command of this
squadron they appointed Mnasippus admiral, with orders to attack Corcyra,
and in general to look after their interests in those seas. They,
moreover, sent an embassy to Dionysius, instructing him that his interests
would be advanced by the withdrawal of Corcyra from Athenian hands.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) See Hicks, 81, p. 142.
(3) Ibid. 81, 86.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 373. Accordingly Mnasippus set sail, as soon as his squadron was
ready, direct to Corcyra; he took with him, besides his troops from
Lacedaemon, a body of mercenaries, making a total in all of no less than
fifteen hundred men. His disembarked, and soon became master of the
island, the country district falling a prey to the spoiler. It was in a
high state of cultivation, and rich with fruit-trees, not to speak of
magnificent dwelling-houses and wine-cellars fitted up on the farms: so
that, it was said, the soldiers reached such a pitch of luxury that they
refused to drink wine which had not a fine bouquet. A crowd of slaves,
too, and fat beasts were captured on the estates.
</p>
<p>
The general's next move was to encamp with his land forces about
three-quarters of a mile (4) from the city district, so that any
Corcyraean who attempted to leave the city to go into the country would
certainly be cut off on that side. The fleet he stationed on the other
side of the city, at a point where he calculated on detecting and
preventing the approach of convoys. Besides which he established a
blockade in front of the harbour when the weather permitted. In this way
the city was completely invested.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) Lit. "five stades."
</pre>
<p>
The Corcyraeans, on their side, were in the sorest straits. They could get
nothing from their soil owing to the vice in which they were gripped by
land, whilst owing to the predominance of the enemy at sea nothing could
be imported. Accordingly they sent to the Athenians and begged for their
assistance. They urged upon them that it would be a great mistake if they
suffered themselves to be robbed of Corcyra. If they did so, they would
not only throw away a great advantage to themselves, but add a
considerable strength to their enemy; since, with the exception of Athens,
no state was capable of furnishing a larger fleet or revenue. Moreover,
Corcyra lay favourably (5) for commanding the Corinthian gulf and the
cities which line its shores; it was splendidly situated for injuring the
rural districts of Laconia, and still more splendidly in relation to the
opposite shores of the continent of Epirus, and the passage between
Peloponnesus and Sicily.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) See Thuc. i. 36.
</pre>
<p>
This appeal did not fall on deaf ears. The Athenians were persuaded that
the matter demanded their most serious attention, and they at once
despatched Stesicles as general, (6) with about six hundred peltasts. They
also requested Alcetas to help them in getting their troops across. Thus
under cover of night the whole body were conveyed across to a point in the
open country, and found their way into the city. Nor was that all. The
Athenians passed a decree to man sixty ships of war, and elected (7)
Timotheus admiral. The latter, being unable to man the fleet on the spot,
set sail on a cruise to the islands and tried to make up the complements
of his crews from those quarters. He evidently looked upon it as no light
matter to sail round Peloponnesus as if on a voyage of pleasure, and to
attack a fleet in the perfection of training. (8) To the Athenians,
however, it seemed that he was wasting the precious time seasonable for
the coastal voyage, and they were not disposed to condone such an error,
but deposed him, appointing Iphicrates in his stead. The new general was
no sooner appointed than he set about getting his vessels manned with the
utmost activity, putting pressure on the trierarchs. He further procured
from the Athenians for his use not only any vessels cruising on the coast
of Attica, but the Paralus and Salaminia (9) also, remarking that, if
things turned out well yonder, he would soon send them back plenty of
ships. Thus his numbers grew to something like seventy sail.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) The name of the general was Ctesicles, according to Diod. xv. 47.
Read {strategon} for {tagon}, with Breitenbach, Cobet, etc. For
Alcetas, see above, "Hell." VI. i. 7.
(7) I.e. by show of hands, {ekheirotonoun}.
(8) See Jowett, note to Thuc. VIII. xcv. 2, ii. p. 525.
(9) The two sacred galleys. See Thuc. iii. 33; Aristoph. "Birds," 147
foll.
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile the Corcyraeans were sore beset with famine: desertion became
every day more frequent, so much so that Mnasippus caused proclamation to
be made by herald that all deserters would be sold there and then; (10)
and when that had no effect in lessening the stream of runaways, he ended
by driving them back with the lash. Those within the walls, however, were
not disposed to receive these miserable slaves within the lines, and
numbers died outside. Mnasippus, not blind to what was happening, soon
persuaded himself that he had as good as got the city into his possession:
and he began to try experiments on his mercenaries. Some of them he had
already paid off; (11) others still in his service had as much as two
months' pay owing to them by the general, who, if report spoke true, had
no lack of money, since the majority of the states, not caring for a
campaign across the seas, sent him hard cash instead of men. But now the
beleaguered citizens, who could espy from their towers that the outposts
were less carefully guarded than formerly, and the men scattered about the
rural districts, made a sortie, capturing some and cutting down others.
Mnasippus, perceiving the attack, donned his armour, and, with all the
heavy troops he had, rushed to the rescue, giving orders to the captains
and brigadiers (12) to lead out the mercenaries. Some of the captains
answered that it was not so easy to command obedience when the necessaries
of life were lacking; whereat the Spartan struck one man with his staff,
and another with the butt of his spear. Without spirit and full of
resentment against their general, the men mustered—a condition very
unfavourable to success in battle. Having drawn up the troops, the general
in person repulsed the division of the enemy which was opposite the gates,
and pursued them closely; but these, rallying close under their walls,
turned right about, and from under cover of the tombs kept up a continuous
discharge of darts and other missiles; other detachments, dashing out at
other gates, meanwhile fell heavily on the flanks of the enemy. The
Lacedaemonians, being drawn up eight deep, and thinking that the wing of
their phalanx was of inadequate strength, essayed to wheel around; but as
soon as they began the movement the Corcyraeans attacked them as if they
were fleeing, and they were then unable to recover themselves, (13) while
the troops next in position abandoned themselves to flight. Mnasippus,
unable to succour those who were being pressed owing to the attack of the
enemy immediately in front, found himself left from moment to moment with
decreasing numbers. At last the Corcyraeans collected, and with one united
effort made a final rush upon Mnasippus and his men, whose numbers were
now considerably reduced. At the same instant the townsmen, (14) eagerly
noticing the posture of affairs, rushed out to play their part. First
Mnasippus was slain, and then the pursuit became general; nor could the
pursuers well have failed to capture the camp, barricade and all, had they
not caught sight of the mob of traffickers with a long array of attendants
and slaves, and thinking that here was a prize indeed, desisted from
further chase.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Or, "he would knock them all down to the hammer."
(11) Or, "cut off from their pay."
(12) Lit. "lochagoi and taxiarchs."
(13) Or, "to retaliate"; or, "to complete the movement."
(14) Reading, after Dindorf, {oi politai}, or, if with the MSS., {oi
oplitai}; translate "the heavy-armed among the assailants saw
their advantage and pressed on."
</pre>
<p>
The Corcyraeans were well content for the moment to set up a trophy and to
give back the enemy's dead under a flag of truce; but the
after-consequences were even more important to them in the revival of
strength and spirits which were sunk in despondency. The rumour spread
that Iphicrates would soon be there—he was even at the doors; and in
fact the Corcyraeans themselves were manning a fleet. So Hypermenes, who
was second in command to Mnasippus and the bearer of his despatches,
manned every vessel of the fleet as full as it would hold, and then
sailing round to the entrenched camp, filled all the transports with
prisoners and valuables and other stock, and sent them off. He himself,
with his marines and the survivors of his troops, kept watch over the
entrenchments; but at last even this remnant in the excess of panic and
confusion got on board the men-of-war and sailed off, leaving behind them
vast quantities of corn and wine, with numerous prisoners and invalided
soldiers. The fact was, they were sorely afraid of being caught by the
Athenians in the island, and so they made safely off to Leucas.
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile Iphicrates had commenced his voyage of circumnavigation, partly
voyaging and partly making every preparation for an engagement. He at once
left his large sails behind him, as the voyage was only to be the prelude
of a battle; his flying jibs, even if there was a good breeze, were but
little used, since by making his progress depend on sheer rowing, he hoped
at once to improve the physique of his men and the speed of his attack.
Often when the squadron was about to put into shore for the purpose of
breakfast or supper, he would seize the moment, and draw back the leading
wing of the column from the land off the point in question; and then
facing round again with the triremes posted well in line, prow for prow,
at a given signal let loose the whole fleet in a stoutly contested race
for the shore. Great was the triumph in being the first to take in water
or whatever else they might need, or the first to breakfast; just as it
was a heavy penalty on the late-comers, not only to come short in all
these objects of desire, but to have to put out to sea with the rest as
soon as the signal was given; since the first-comers had altogether a
quiet time of it, whilst the hindmost must get through the whole business
in hot haste. So again, in the matter of outposts, if he chanced to be
getting the morning meal on hostile territory, pickets would be posted, as
was right and proper, on the land; but, apart from these, he would raise
his masts and keep look-out men on the maintops. These commanded of course
a far wider prospect from their lofty perches than the outposts on the
level ground. So too, when he dined or slept he had no fires burning in
the camp at night, but only a beacon kindled in front of the encampment to
prevent any unseen approach; and frequently in fine weather he put out to
sea immediately after the evening meal, when, if the breeze favoured, they
ran along and took their rest simultaneously, or if they depended on oars
he gave his mariners repose by turns. During the voyage in daytime he
would at one time signal to "sail in column," and at another signal
"abreast in line." So that whilst they prosecuted the voyage they at the
same time became (both as to theory and practice) well versed in all the
details of an engagement before they reached the open sea—a sea, as
they imagined, occupied by their foes. For the most part they breakfasted
and dined on hostile territory; but as he confined himself to bare
necessaries he was always too quick for the enemy. Before the hostile
reinforcement would come up he had finished his business and was out to
sea again.
</p>
<p>
At the date of Mnasippus's death he chanced to be off Sphagiae in Laconian
territory. Reaching Elis, and coasting past the mouth of the Alpheus, he
came to moorings under Cape Ichthus, (15) as it is called. The next day he
put out from that port for Cephallenia, so drawing up his line and
conducting the voyage that he might be prepared in every detail to engage
if necessary. The tale about Mnasippus and his demise had reached him, but
he had not heard it from an eye-witness, and suspected that it might have
been invented to deceive him and throw him off his guard. He was therefore
on the look-out. It was, in fact, only on arrival in Cephallenia that he
learned the news in an explicit form, and gave his troops rest.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) Cape Fish, mod. Cape Katakolon, protecting harbour of Pyrgos in
Elis.
</pre>
<p>
I am well aware that all these details of practice and manouvring are
customary in anticipation of a sea-fight, but what I single out for praise
in the case before us is the skill with which the Athenian admiral
attained a twofold object. Bearing in mind that it was his duty to reach a
certain point at which he expected to fight a naval battle without delay,
it was a happy discovery on his part not to allow tactical skill, on the
one hand, to be sacrificed to the pace of sailing, (16) nor, on the other,
the need of training to interfere with the date of arrival.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(16) Lit. "the voyage."
</pre>
<p>
After reducing the towns of Cephallenia, Iphicrates sailed to Corcyra.
There the first news he heard was that the triremes sent by Dionysius were
expected to relieve the Lacedaemonians. On receipt of this information he
set off in person and surveyed the country, in order to find a spot from
which it would be possible to see the vessels approaching and to signal to
the city. Here he stationed his look-out men. A code of signals was agreed
upon to signify "vessels in sight," "mooring," etc.; which done he gave
his orders to twenty of his captains of men-of-war who were to follow him
at a given word of command. Any one who failed to follow him must not
grumble at the penalty; that he warned them. Presently the vessels were
signalled approaching; the word of command was given, and then the
enthusiasm was a sight to see—every man of the crews told off for
the expedition racing to join his ship and embark. Sailing to the point
where the enemy's vessels lay, he had no difficulty in capturing the
crews, who had disembarked from all the ships with one exception. The
exception was that of Melanippus the Rhodian, who had advised the other
captains not to stop at this point, and had then manned his own vessel and
sailed off. Thus he encountered the ships of Iphicrates, but contrived to
slip through his fingers, while the whole of the Syracusan vessels were
captured, crews and all.
</p>
<p>
Having cut the beaks off the prows, Iphicrates bore down into the harbour
of Corcyra with the captured triremes in tow. With the captive crews
themselves he came to an agreement that each should pay a fixed sum as
ransom, with one exception, that of Crinippus, their commander. Him he
kept under guard, with the intention apparently of exacting a handsome sum
in his case or else of selling him. The prisoner, however, from vexation
of spirit, put an end to his own life. The rest were sent about their
business by Iphicrates, who accepted the Corcyraeans as sureties for the
money. His own sailors he supported for the most part as labourers on the
lands of the Corcyraeans, while at the head of his light infantry and the
hoplites of the contingent he crossed over into Acarnania, and there lent
his aid to any friendly state that needed his services; besides which he
went to war with the Thyrians, (17) a sturdy race of warriors in
possession of a strong fortress.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) Thyreum (or Thyrium), in Acarnania, a chief city at the time of
the Roman wars in Greece; and according to Polybius (xxxviii. 5),
a meeting-place of the League on one occasion. See "Dict. Anct.
Geog." s.v.; Freeman, op. cit. iv. 148; cf. Paus. IV. xxvi. 3, in
reference to the Messenians and Naupactus; Grote, "H. G." x. 212.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 372. Having attached to his squadron the navy also of Corcyra, with a
fleet numbering now about ninety ships he set sail, in the first instance
to Cephallenia, where he exacted money—which was in some cases
voluntarily paid, in others forcibly extorted. In the next place he began
making preparations partly to harass the territory of the Lacedaemonians,
and partly to win over voluntarily the other states in that quarter which
were hostile to Athens; or in case of refusal to go to war with them.
</p>
<p>
The whole conduct of the campaign reflects, I think, the highest credit on
Iphicrates. If his strategy was admirable, so too was the instinct which
led him to advise the association with himself of two such colleagues as
Callistratus and Chabrias—the former a popular orator but no great
friend of himself politically, (18) the other a man of high military
reputation. Either he looked upon them as men of unusual sagacity, and
wished to profit by their advice, in which case I commend the good sense
of the arrangement, or they were, in his belief, antagonists, in which
case the determination to approve himself a consummate general, neither
indolent nor incautious, was bold, I admit, but indicative of a laudable
self-confidence. Here, however, we must part with Iphicrates and his
achievements to return to Athens.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) Reading with the MSS. {ou mala epitedeion onta}. See Grote, "H.
G." x. 206. Boeckh ("P. E. A.," trans. Cornewall Lewis, p. 419)
wished to read {eu mala} for {ou mala k.t.l.}, in which case
translate "the former a popular orator, and a man of singular
capacity"; and for {epitedeion} in that sense, see "Hipparch." i.
8; for {eu mala}, see "Hipparch." i. 25. For details concerning
Callistratus, see Dindorf, op. cit. note ad. loc.; Curtius, "H.
G." iv. 367, 381 foll., v. 90. For Chabrias, Rehdantz, op. cit. In
the next sentence I have again adhered to the reading of the MSS.,
but the passage is commonly regarded as corrupt; see Otto Keller,
op. cit. p. 215 for various emendations.
</pre>
<p>
III
</p>
<p>
The Athenians, forced to witness the expatriation from Boeotia of their
friends the Plataeans (who had sought an asylum with themselves), forced
also to listen to the supplications of the Thespiaeans (who begged them
not to suffer them to be robbed of their city), could no longer regard the
Thebans with favour; (1) though, when it came to a direct declaration of
war, they were checked in part by a feeling of shame, and partly by
considerations of expediency. Still, to go hand in hand with them, to be a
party to their proceedings, this they absolutely refused, now that they
saw them marching against time-honoured friends of the city like the
Phocians, and blotting out states whose loyalty in the great Persian war
was conspicuous no less than their friendship to Athens. Accordingly the
People passed a decree to make peace; but in the first instance they sent
an embassy to Thebes, inviting that state to join them if it pleased them
on an embassy which they proposed to send to Lacedaemon to treat of peace.
In the next place they despatched such an embassy on their own account.
Among the commissioners appointed were Callias the son of Hipponicus,
Autocles the son of Strombichides, Demostratus the son of Aristophon,
Aristocles, Cephisodotus, (2) Melanopus, and Lycaethus.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Plataea destroyed in B.C. 373. See Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 397.
(2) See below, "Hell." VII. i. 12; Hicks, 87.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 371. (These were formally introduced to the Deputies of the
Lacedaemonians and the allies. (3)) Nor ought the name of Callistratus to
be omitted. That statesman and orator was present. He had obtained
furlough from Iphicrates on an undertaking either to send money for the
fleet or to arrange a peace. Hence his arrival in Athens and transactions
in behalf of peace. After being introduced to the assembly (4) of the
Lacedaemonians and to the allies, Callias, (5) who was the dadouchos (or
torch-holder) in the mysteries, made the first speech. He was a man just
as well pleased to praise himself as to hear himself praised by others. He
opened the proceedings as follows:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) The bracketed words read like an annotator's comment, or possibly
they are a note by the author.
(4) See above, "Hell." II. iv. 38.
(5) See above, "Hell." IV. v. 13; Cobet, "Prosop. Xen." p. 67 foll.;
Xen. "Symp."; Plat. "Protag."; Andoc. "de Myst." If this is one
and the same person he must have been an elderly man at this date,
371 B.C.
</pre>
<p>
"Lacedaemonians, the duty of representing you as proxenos at Athens is a
privilege which I am not the first member of my family to enjoy; my
father's father held it as an heirloom of our family and handed it down as
a heritage to his descendants. If you will permit me, I should like to
show you the disposition of my fatherland towards yourselves. If in times
of war she chooses us as her generals, so when her heart is set upon quiet
she sends us out as her messengers of peace. I myself have twice already
(6) stood here to treat for conclusion of war, and on both embassies
succeeded in arranging a mutually agreeable peace. Now for the third time
I am come, and I flatter myself that to-day again I shall obtain a
reconciliation, and on grounds exceptionally just. My eyes bear witness
that our hearts are in accord; you and we alike are pained at the
effacement of Plataeae and Thespiae. Is it not then reasonable that out of
agreement should spring concord rather than discord? It is never the part,
I take it, of wise men to raise the standard of war for the sake of petty
differences; but where there is nothing but unanimity they must be
marvellous folk who refuse the bond of peace. But I go further. It were
just and right on our parts even to refuse to bear arms against each
other; since, as the story runs, the first strangers to whom our
forefather Triptolemus showed the unspeakable mystic rites of Demeter and
Core, the mother and the maiden, were your ancestors;—I speak of
Heracles, the first founder of your state, and of your two citizens, the
great twin sons of Zeus—and to Peloponnesus first he gave as a gift
the seed of Demeter's corn-fruits. How, then, can it be just or right
either that you should come and ravage the corn crops of those from whom
you got the sacred seed of corn, or that we should not desire that they to
whom the gift was given should share abundantly of this boon? But if, as
it would seem, it is a fixed decree of heaven that war shall never cease
among men, yet ought we—your people and our people—to be as
slow as possible to begin it, and being in it, as swift as possible to
bring it to an end."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) B.C. 387 and 374; see Curtius, "H. G." vol. iv. p. 376 (Eng. ed.)
</pre>
<p>
After him Autocles (7) spoke: he was of repute as a versatile lawyer and
orator, and addressed the meeting as follows: "Lacedaemonians, I do not
conceal from myself that what I am about to say is not calculated to
please you, but it seems to me that, if you wish the friendship which we
are cementing to last as long as possible, we are wise to show each other
the underlying causes of our wars. Now, you are perpetually saying that
the states ought to be independent; but it is you yourselves who most of
all stand in the way of independence—your first and last stipulation
with the allied states being that they should follow you whithersoever you
choose to lead; and yet what has this principle of follow-my-leader got to
do with independent action? (8) Again, you pick quarrels without
consulting your allies, and lead them against those whom you account
enemies; so that in many cases, with all their vaunted independence, they
are forced to march against their greatest friends; and, what is still
more opposed to independence than all else, you are for ever setting up
here your decarchies and there your thirty commissioners, and your chief
aim in appointing these officers and governors seems to be, not that they
should fulfil their office and govern legally, but that they should be
able to keep the cities under their heels by sheer force. So that it looks
as if you delighted in despotisms rather than free constitutions. Let us
go back to the date (9) at which the Persian king enjoined the
independence of the states. At that time you made no secret of your
conviction that the Thebans, if they did not suffer each state to govern
itself and to use the laws of its own choice, would be failing to act in
the spirit of the king's rescript. But no sooner had you got hold of
Cadmeia than you would not suffer the Thebans themselves to be
independent. Now, if the maintenance of friendship be an object, it is no
use for people to claim justice from others while they themselves are
doing all they can to prove the selfishness of their aims."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) For the political views of Autocles, see Curtius, "H. G." iv. 387,
v. 94 (Eng. tr.); see also Grote, "H. G." x. 225.
(8) Or, "what consistency is there between these precepts of yours and
political independence?"
(9) Sixteen years before—B.C. 387. See "Pol. Lac." xiv. 5.
</pre>
<p>
These remarks were received in absolute silence, yet in the hearts of
those who were annoyed with Lacedaemon they stirred pleasure. After
Autocles spoke Callistratus: "Trespasses, men of Lacedaemon, have been
committed on both sides, yours and ours, I am free to confess; but still
it is not my view that because a man has done wrong we can never again
have dealings with him. Experience tells me that no man can go very far
without a slip, and it seems to me that sometimes the transgressor by
reason of his transgression becomes more tractable, especially if he be
chastened through the error he has committed, as has been the case with
us. And so on your own case I see that ungenerous acts have sometimes
reaped their own proper reward: blow has been met by counter-blow; and as
a specimen I take the seizure of the Cadmeia in Thebes. To-day, at any
rate, the very cities whose independence you strove for have, since your
unrighteous treatment of Thebes, fallen one and all of them again into her
power. (10) We are schooled now, both of us, to know that grasping brings
not gain. We are prepared, I hope, to be once more moderate under the
influence of a mutual friendship. Some, I know, in their desire to render
our peace (11) abortive accuse us falsely, as though we were come hither,
not seeking friendship, but because we dread the arrival of some (12)
Antalcidas with moneys from the king. But consider, what arrant nonsense
they talk! Was it not, pray, the great king who demanded that all the
states in Hellas should be independent? and what have we Athenians, who
are in full agreement with the king, both in word and deed, to fear from
him? Or is it conceivable that he prefers spending money in making others
great to finding his favourite projects realised without expense?
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Reading, with Breitenbach and Hartman, {as} instead of {os
espoudasate k.t.l.}
(11) Or, more lit. "to avert the peace" as an ill-omened thing.
(12) Without inserting {tis}, as Hartman proposes ("An. Xen." p. 387),
that, I think, is the sense. Antalcidas is the arch-diplomat—a
name to conjure with, like that of Bismarck in modern European
politics. But see Grote, "H. G." x. 213, note 2.
</pre>
<p>
"Well! what is it really that has brought us here? No especial need or
difficulty in our affairs. That you may discover by a glance at our
maritime condition, or, if you prefer, at the present posture of our
affairs on land. Well, then, how does the matter stand? It is obvious that
some of our allies please us no better than they please you; (13) and,
possibly, in return for your former preservation of us, we may be credited
with a desire to point out to you the soundness of our policy.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) See, for this corrupt passage, Otto Keller, op. cit. p. 219;
Hartman, op. cit. p. 387; and Breitenbach, n. ad loc. In the next
sentence I should like to adopt Hartman's emendation (ib.) {on
orthos egnote} for the MSS. {a orthos egnomen}, and translate "we
may like to prove to you the soundness of your policy at the
time." For the "preservation" referred to, see below, VI. v. 35,
and above, II. ii. 20.
</pre>
<p>
"But, to revert once more to the topic of expediency and common interests.
It is admitted, I presume, that, looking at the states collectively, half
support your views, half ours; and in every single state one party is for
Sparta and another for Athens. Suppose, then, we were to shake hands, from
what quarter can we reasonably anticipate danger and trouble? To put the
case in so many words, so long as you are our friends no one can vex us by
land; no one, whilst we are your supports, can injure you by sea. Wars
like tempests gather and grow to a head from time to time, and again they
are dispelled. That we all know. Some future day, if not to-day, we shall
crave, both of us, for peace. Why, then, need we wait for that moment,
holding on until we expire under the multitude of our ills, rather than
take time by the forelock and, before some irremediable mischief betide,
make peace? I cannot admire the man who, because he has entered the lists
and has scored many a victory and obtained to himself renown, is so eaten
up with the spirit of rivalry that he must needs go on until he is beaten
and all his training is made futile. Nor again do I praise the gambler
who, if he makes one good stroke of luck, insists on doubling the stakes.
Such conduct in the majority of cases must end in absolute collapse. Let
us lay the lesson of these to heart, and forbear to enter into any such
lists as theirs for life or death; but, while we are yet in the heyday of
our strength and fortune, shake hands in mutual amity. So assuredly shall
we through you and you through us attain to an unprecedented pinnacle of
glory throughout Hellas."
</p>
<p>
The arguments of the speakers were approved, and the Lacedaemonians passed
a resolution to accept peace on a threefold basis: the withdrawal of the
governors from the cities, (14) the disbanding of armaments naval and
military, and the guarantee of independence to the states. "If any state
transgressed these stipulations, it lay at the option of any power
whatsoever to aid the states so injured, while, conversely, to bring such
aid was not compulsory on any power against its will." On these terms the
oaths were administered and accepted by the Lacedaemonians on behalf of
themselves and their allies, and by the Athenians and their allies
separately state by state. The Thebans had entered their individual name
among the states which accepted the oaths, but their ambassadors came the
next day with instructions to alter the name of the signatories,
substituting for Thebans Boeotians. (15) But Agesilaus answered to this
demand that he would alter nothing of what they had in the first instance
sworn to and subscribed. If they did not wish to be included in the
treaty, he was willing to erase their name at their bidding. So it came to
pass that the rest of the world made peace, the sole point of dispute
being confined to the Thebans; and the Athenians came to the conclusion
that there was a fair prospect of the Thebans being now literally
decimated. (16) As to the Thebans themselves, they retired from Sparta in
utter despondency.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) Grote ("H. G." x. 236) thinks that Diod. xv. 38 ({exagogeis})
belongs to this time, not to the peace between Athens and Sparta
in 374 B.C.
(15) See, for a clear explanation of the matter, Freeman, "Hist. Red.
Gov." iv. p. 175, note 3, in reference to Grote, ib. x. 231 note,
and Paus. IX. xiii. 2; Plut. "Ages." 28; Thirlwall, "H. G." v. p
69 note.
(16) Or, "as the saying is, taken and tithed." See below, VI. v. 35,
and for the origin of the saying, Herod. vii. 132.
</pre>
<p>
IV
</p>
<p>
In consequence of the peace the Athenians proceeded to withdraw their
garrisons from the different sates, and sent to recall Iphicrates with his
fleet; besides which they forced him to restore everything captured
subsequently to the late solemn undertaking at Lacedaemon. The
Lacedaemonians acted differently. Although they withdrew their governors
and garrisons from the other states, in Phocis they did not do so. Here
Cleombrotus was quartered with his army, and had sent to ask directions
from the home authorities. A speaker, Prothous, maintained that their
business was to disband the army in accordance with their oaths, and then
to send round invitations to the states to contribute what each felt
individually disposed, and lay such sum in the temple of Apollo; after
which, if any attempt to hinder the independence of the states on any side
were manifested, it would be time enough then again to invite all who
cared to protect the principle of autonomy to march against its opponents.
"In this way," he added, "I think the goodwill of heaven will be secured,
and the states will suffer least annoyance." But the Assembly, on hearing
these views, agreed that this man was talking nonsense. Puppets in the
hands of fate! (1) An unseen power, it would seem, was already driving
them onwards; so they sent instructions to Cleombrotus not to disband the
army, but to march straight against the Thebans if they refused to
recognise the autonomy of the states. (Cleombrotus, it is understood, had,
on hearing the news of the establishment of peace, sent to the ephorate to
ask for guidance; and then they sent him the above instructions, bidding
him under the circumstances named to march upon Thebes. (2))
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See Grote, "H. G." x. 237: "The miso-Theban impulse now drove them
on with a fury which overcame all other thoughts... a
misguiding inspiration sent by the gods—like that of the Homeric
Ate."
(2) This passage reads like an earlier version for which the above was
substituted by the author.
</pre>
<p>
The Spartan king soon perceived that, so far from leaving the Boeotian
states their autonomy, the Thebans were not even preparing to disband
their army, clearly in view of a general engagement; he therefore felt
justified in marching his troops into Boeotia. The point of ingress which
he adopted was not that which the Thebans anticipated from Phocis, and
where they were keeping guard at a defile; but, marching through Thisbae
by a mountainous and unsuspected route, he arrived before Creusis, taking
that fortress and capturing twelve Theban war-vessels besides. After this
achievement he advanced from the seaboard and encamped in Leuctra on
Thespian territory. The Thebans encamped in a rising ground immediately
opposite at no great distance, and were supported by no allies except the
Boeotians.
</p>
<p>
At this juncture the friends of Cleombrotus came to him and urged upon him
strong reasons for delivering battle. "If you let the Thebans escape
without a battle," they said, "you will run great risks of suffering the
extreme penalty at the hands of the state. People will call to mind
against you the time when you reached Cynoscephelae and did not ravage a
square foot of Theban territory; and again, a subsequent expedition when
you were driven back foiled in your attempt to make an entry into the
enemy's country—while Agesilaus on each occasion found his entry by
Mount Cithaeron. If then you have any care for yourself, or any attachment
to your fatherland, march you against the enemy." That was what his
friends urged. As to his opponents, what they said was, "Now our fine
friend will show whether he really is so concerned on behalf of the
Thebans as he is said to be."
</p>
<p>
Cleombrotus, with these words ringing in his ears, felt driven (3) to join
battle. On their side the leaders of Thebes calculated that, if they did
not fight, their provincial cities (4) would hold aloof from them and
Thebes itself would be besieged; while, if the commonalty of Thebes failed
to get supplies, there was every prospect that the city itself would turn
against them; and, seeing that many of them had already tasted the
bitterness of exile, they came to the conclusion that it was better for
them to die on the field of battle than to renew that experience. Besides
this they were somewhat encouraged by the recital of an oracle which
predicted that the Lacedaemonians would be defeated on the spot where the
monument of the maidens stood, who, as the story goes, being violated by
certain Lacedaemonians, had slain themselves. (5) This sepulchral monument
the Thebans decked with ornaments before the battle. Furthermore, tidings
were brought them from the city that all the temples had opened of their
own accord; and the priestesses asserted that the gods revealed victory.
Again, from the Heracleion men said that the arms had disappeared, as
though Heracles himself had sallied forth to battle. It is true that
another interpretation (6) of these marvels made them out to be one and
all the artifices of the leaders of Thebes. However this may be,
everything in the battle turned out adverse to the Lacedaemonians; while
fortune herself lent aid to the Thebans and crowned their efforts with
success. Cleombrotus held his last council "whether to fight or not,"
after the morning meal. In the heat of noon a little goes a long way; and
the people said that it took a somewhat provocative effect on their
spirits. (7)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) Or, "was provoked."
(4) Lit. "perioecid." See Thuc. iv. 76, Arnold's note, and "Hell." V.
iv. 46, 63.
(5) See Diod. xv. 54; Paus. IX. xiii. 3; Plut. "Pelop." xx.
(6) Or, "it is true that some people made out these marvels."
(7) Or, "they were somewhat excited by it."
</pre>
<p>
Both sides were now arming, and there was the unmistakeable signs of
approaching battle, when, as the first incident, there issued from the
Boeotian lines a long train bent on departure—these were the
furnishers of the market, a detachment of baggage bearers, and in general
such people as had no inclination to join in the fight. These were met on
their retreat and attacked by the mercenary troops under Hiero, who got
round them by a circular movement. (8) The mercenaries were supported by
the Phocian light infantry and some squadrons of Heracleot and Phliasian
cavalry, who fell upon the retiring train and turned them back, pursuing
them and driving them into the camp of the Boeotians. The immediate effect
was to make the Boeotian portion of the army more numerous and closer
packed than before. The next feature of the combat was that in consequence
of the flat space of plain (9) between the opposing armies, the
Lacedaemonians posted their cavalry in front of their squares of infantry,
and the Thebans followed suit. Only there was this difference—the
Theban cavalry was in a high state of training and efficiency, owing to
their war with the Orchomenians and again their war with Thespiae, whilst
the cavalry of the Lacedaemonians was at its worst at this period. (10)
The horses were reared and kept by the wealthiest members of the state;
but whenever the ban was called out, an appointed trooper appeared who
took the horse with any sort of arms which might be presented to him, and
set off on the expedition at a moment's notice. Moreover, these troopers
were the least able-bodied of the men: raw recruits set simply astride
their horses, and devoid of soldierly ambition. Such was the cavalry of
either antagonist.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Or, "surrounded them."
(9) See Rustow and Kochly, op. cit. p. 173.
(10) See "Hipparch." ix. 4; also "Cyrop." VIII. viii.
</pre>
<p>
The heavy infantry of the Lacedaemonians, it is said, advanced by sections
three files abreast, (11) allowing a total depth to the whole line of not
more than twelve. The Thebans were formed in close order of not less than
fifty shields deep, calculating that victory gained over the king's
division of the army implied the easy conquest of the rest.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) It would appear that the "enomoty" (section) numbered thirty-six
files. See "Pol. Lac." xi. 4; xiii. 4. For further details as to
the tactical order of the Thebans, see Diod. xv. 55; Plut.
"Pelop." xxiii.
</pre>
<p>
Cleombrotus had hardly begun to lead his division against the foe when,
before in fact the troops with him were aware of his advance, the cavalry
had already come into collision, and that of the Lacedaemonians was
speedily worsted. In their flight they became involved with their own
heavy infantry; and to make matters worse, the Theban regiments were
already attacking vigorously. Still strong evidence exists for supposing
that Cleombrotus and his division were, in the first instance, victorious
in the battle, if we consider the fact that they could never have picked
him up and brought him back alive unless his vanguard had been masters of
the situation for the moment.
</p>
<p>
When, however, Deinon the polemarch and Sphodrias, a member of the king's
council, with his son Cleonymus, (12) had fallen, then it was that the
cavalry and the polemarch's adjutants, (13) as they are called, with the
rest, under pressure of the mass against them, began retreating; and the
left wing of the Lacedaemonians, seeing the right borne down in this way,
also swerved. Still, in spite of the numbers slain, and broken as they
were, as soon as they had crossed the trench which protected their camp in
front, they grounded arms on the spot (14) whence they had rushed to
battle. This camp, it must be borne in mind, did not lie at all on the
level, but was pitched on a somewhat steep incline. At this juncture there
were some of the Lacedaemonians who, looking upon such a disaster as
intolerable, maintained that they ought to prevent the enemy from erecting
a trophy, and try to recover the dead not under a flag of truce but by
another battle. The polemarchs, however, seeing that nearly a thousand men
of the total Lacedaemonian troops were slain; seeing also that of the
seven hundred Spartans themselves who were on the field something like
four hundred lay dead; (15) aware, further, of the despondency which
reigned among the allies, and the general disinclination on their parts to
fight longer (a frame of mind not far removed in some instances from
positive satisfaction at what had taken place)—under the
circumstances, I say, the polemarchs called a council of the ablest
representatives of the shattered army (16) and deliberated as to what
should be done. Finally the unanimous opinion was to pick up the dead
under a flag of truce, and they sent a herald to treat for terms. The
Thebans after that set up a trophy and gave back the bodies under a truce.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) See above, V. iv. 33.
(13) {sumphoreis}. For the readings of this corrupt passage see Otto
Keller.
(14) Or, "in orderly way." See Curt. "H. G." iv. 400.
(15) See "Ages." ii. 24.
(16) {tous epikairiotatous}. See above, III. iii. 10; "Cyrop." VII.
iv. 4; VIII. iv. 32, vi. 2.
</pre>
<p>
After these events, a messenger was despatched to Lacedaemon with news of
the calamity. He reached his destination on the last day of the
gymnopaediae, (17) just when the chorus of grown men had entered the
theatre. The ephors heard the mournful tidings not without grief and pain,
as needs they must, I take it; but for all that they did not dismiss the
chorus, but allowed the contest to run out its natural course. What they
did was to deliver the names of those who had fallen to their friends and
families, with a word of warning to the women not to make any loud
lamentations but to bear their sorrow in silence; and the next day it was
a striking spectacle to see those who had relations among the slain moving
to and fro in public with bright and radiant looks, whilst of those whose
friends were reported to be living barely a man was to be seen, and these
flitted by with lowered heads and scowling brows, as if in humiliation.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(17) The festival was celebrated annually about midsummer. See Herod.
vi. 67; Thuc. v. 82, and Arnold's note; Pollux. iv. 105; Athen.
xiv. 30, xv. 22; Muller, "Dorians," ii. 389.
</pre>
<p>
After this the ephors proceeded to call out the ban, including the
forty-years-service men of the two remaining regiments; (18) and they
proceeded further to despatch the reserves of the same age belonging to
the six regiments already on foreign service. Hitherto the Phocian
campaign had only drawn upon the thirty-five-years-service list. Besides
these they now ordered out on active service the troops retained at the
beginning of the campaign in attendance on the magistrates at the
government offices. Agesilaus being still disabled by his infirmity, the
city imposed the duty of command upon his son Archidamus. The new general
found eager co-operators in the men of Tegea. The friends of Stasippus at
this date were still living, (19) and they were stanch in their
Lacedaemonian proclivities, and wielded considerable power in their state.
Not less stoutly did the Mantineans from their villages under their
aristocratic form of government flock to the Spartan standard. Besides
Tegea and Mantinea, the Corinthians and Sicyonians, the Phliasians and
Achaeans were equally enthusiastic to joining the campaign, whilst other
states sent out soldiers. Then came the fitting out and manning of ships
of war on the part of the Lacedaemonians themselves and of the
Corinthians, whilst the Sicyonians were requested to furnish a supply of
vessels on board of which it was proposed to transport the army across the
gulf. And so, finally, Archidamus was able to offer the sacrifices usual
at the moment of crossing the frontier. But to return to Thebes.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) I.e. every one up to fifty-eight years of age.
(19) See below, VI. v. 9.
</pre>
<p>
Immediately after the battle the Thebans sent a messenger to Athens
wearing a chaplet. Whilst insisting on the magnitude of the victory they
at the same time called upon the Athenians to send them aid, for now the
opportunity had come to wreak vengeance on the Lacedaemonians for all the
evil they had done to Athens. As it chanced, the senate of the Athenians
was holding a session on the Acropolis. As soon as the news was reported,
the annoyance caused by its announcement was unmistakeable. They neither
invited the herald to accept of hospitality nor sent back one word in
reply to the request for assistance. And so the herald turned his back on
Athens and departed.
</p>
<p>
But there was Jason still to look to, and he was their ally. To him then
the Thebans sent, and earnestly besought his aid, their thoughts running
on the possible turn which events might take. Jason on his side at once
proceeded to man a fleet, with the apparent intention of sending
assistance by sea, besides which he got together his foreign brigade and
his own cavalry; and although the Phocians and he were implacable enemies,
(20) he marched through their territory to Boeotia. Appearing like a
vision to many of the states before his approach was even announced—at
any rate before levies could be mustered from a dozen different points—he
had stolen a march upon them and was a long way ahead, giving proof that
expedition is sometimes a better tool to work with than sheer force.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) Or, "though the Phocians maintained a war 'a outrance' with him."
</pre>
<p>
When he arrived in Boeotia the Thebans urged upon him that now was the
right moment to attack the Lacedaemonians: he with his foreign brigade
from the upper ground, they face to face in front; but Jason dissuaded
them from their intention. He reminded them that after a noble achievement
won it was not worth their while to play for so high a stake, involving a
still greater achievement or else the loss of victory already gained. "Do
you not see," he urged, "that your success followed close on the heels of
necessity? You ought then to reflect that the Lacedaemonians in their
distress, with a choice between life and death, will fight it out with
reckless desperation. Providence, as it seems, ofttimes delights to make
the little ones great and the great ones small." (21)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(21) Cf. "Anab." III. ii. 10.
</pre>
<p>
By such arguments he diverted the Thebans from the desperate adventure.
But for the Lacedaemonians also he had words of advice, insisting on the
difference between an army defeated and an army flushed with victory. "If
you are minded," he said, "to forget this disaster, my advice to you is to
take time to recover breath and recruit your energies. When you have grown
stronger then give battle to these unconquered veterans. (22) At present,"
he continued, "you know without my telling you that among your own allies
there are some who are already discussing terms of friendship with your
foes. My advice is this: by all means endeavour to obtain a truce. This,"
he added, "is my own ambition: I want to save you, on the ground of my
father's friendship with yourselves, and as being myself your
representative." (23) Such was the tenor of his speech, but the secret of
action was perhaps to be found in a desire to make these mutual
antagonists put their dependence on himself alone. Whatever his motive,
the Lacedaemonians took his advice, and commissioned him to procure a
truce.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) Or, "the invincibles."
(23) Lit. "your proxenos."
</pre>
<p>
As soon as the news arrived that the terms were arranged, the polemarchs
passed an order round: the troops were to take their evening meal, get
their kit together, and be ready to set off that night, so as to scale the
passes of Cithaeron by next morning. After supper, before the hour of
sleep, the order to march was given, and with the generals at their head
the troops advanced as the shades of evening fell, along the road to
Creusis, trusting rather to the chance of their escaping notice, than to
the truce itself. It was weary marching in the dead of night, making their
retreat in fear, and along a difficult road, until they fell in with
Archidamus's army of relief. At this point, then, Archidamus waited till
all the allies had arrived, and so led the whole of the united armies back
to Corinth, from which point he dismissed the allies and led his
fellow-citizens home.
</p>
<p>
Jason took his departure from Boeotia through Phocis, where he captured
the suburbs of Hyampolis (24) and ravaged the country districts, putting
many to the sword. Content with this, he traversed the rest of Phocis
without meddling or making. Arrived at Heraclea, (25) he knocked down the
fortress of the Heracleots, showing that he was not troubled by any
apprehension lest when the pass was thrown open somebody or other might
march against his own power at some future date. Rather was he haunted by
the notion that some one or other might one day seize Heraclea, which
commanded the pass, and bar his passage into Hellas—should Hellas
ever be his goal. (26) At the moment of his return to Thessaly he had
reached the zenith of his greatness. He was the lawfully constituted
Prince (27) of Thessaly, and he had under him a large mercenary force of
infantry and cavalry, and all in the highest perfection of training. For
this twofold reason he might claim the title great. But he was still
greater as the head of a vast alliance. Those who were prepared to fight
his battles were numerous, and he might still count upon the help of many
more eager to do so; but I call Jason greatest among his contemporaries,
because not one among them could afford to look down upon him. (28)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(24) An ancient town in Phocis (see Hom. "Il." ii. 521) on the road
leading from Orchomenus to Opus, and commanding a pass from Locris
into Phocis and Boeotia. See Herod. viii. 28; Paus. ix. 35, S. 5;
Strab. ix. 424; "Dict. of Geog." s.v.
(25) Or, "Heracleia Trachinia," a fortress city founded (as a colony)
by the Lacedaemonians in B.C. 426, to command the approach to
Thermopylae from Thessaly, and to protect the Trachinians and the
neighbouring Dorians from the Oetean mountaineers. See "Dict. of
Geog." "Trachis"; Thuc. iii. 92, 93, v. 51, 52; Diod. xii. 59.
(26) B.C. 370. The following sections 28-37 form an episode concerning
Thessalian affairs between B.C. 370 and B.C. 359.
(27) Lit. "Tagos."
(28) For a similar verbal climax see below, VI. v. 47.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 370. The Pythian games were now approaching, and an order went round
the cities from Jason to make preparation for the solemn sacrifice of
oxen, sheep and goats, and swine. It was reported that although the
requisitions upon the several cities were moderate, the number of beeves
did not fall short of a thousand, while the rest of the sacrificial beasts
exceeded ten times that number. He issued a proclamation also to this
effect: a golden wreath of victory should be given to whichever city could
produce the best-bred bull to head the procession in honour of the god.
And lastly there was an order issued to all the Thessalians to be ready
for a campaign at the date of the Pythian games. His intention, as people
said, was to act as manager of the solemn assembly and games in person.
What the thought was that passed through his mind with reference to the
sacred money, remains to this day uncertain; only, a tale is rife to the
effect that in answer to the inquiry of the Delphians, "What ought we to
do, if he takes any of the treasures of the god?" the god made answer, "He
would see to that himself." This great man, his brain teeming with vast
designs of this high sort, came now to his end. He had ordered a military
inspection. The cavalry of the Pheraeans were to pass muster before him.
He was already seated, delivering answers to all petitioners, when seven
striplings approached, quarrelling, as it seemed, about some matter.
Suddenly by these seven the Prince was despatched; his throat gashed, his
body gored with wounds. Stoutly his guard rushed to the rescue with their
long spears, and one of the seven, while still in the act of aiming a blow
at Jason, was thrust through with a lance and died; a second, in the act
of mounting his horse, was caught, and dropped dead, the recipient of many
wounds. The rest leaped on the horses which they had ready waiting and
escaped. To whatever city of Hellas they came honours were almost
universally accorded them. The whole incident proves clearly that the
Hellenes stood in much alarm of Jason. They looked upon him as a tyrant in
embryo.
</p>
<p>
So Jason was dead; and his brothers Polydorus and Polyphron were appointed
princes (29) in his place. But of these twain, as they journeyed together
to Larissa, Polydorus was slain in the night, as he slept, by his brother
Polyphron, it was thought; since a death so sudden, without obvious cause,
could hardly be otherwise accounted for.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(29) Lit. "Tagoi."
</pre>
<p>
Polyphron governed for a year, and by the year's end he had refashioned
his princedom into the likeness of a tyranny. In Pharsalus he put to death
Polydamas (30) and eight other of the best citizens; and from Larissa he
drove many into exile. But while he was thus employed, he, in his turn,
was done to death by Alexander, who slew him to avenge Polydorus and to
destroy the tyranny. This man now assumed the reins of office, and had no
sooner done so than he showed himself a harsh prince to the Thessalians:
harsh too and hostile to the Thebans and Athenians, (31) and an
unprincipled freebooter everywhere by land and by sea. But if that was his
character, he too was doomed to perish shortly. The perpetrators of the
deed were his wife's brothers. (32) The counsellor of it and the inspiring
soul was the wife herself. She it was who reported to them that Alexander
had designs against them; who hid them within the house a whole day; who
welcomed home her husband deep in his cups and laid him to rest, and then
while the lamp still burned brought out the prince's sword. It was she
also who, perceiving her brothers shrank bank, fearing to go in and attack
Alexander, said to them, "If you do not be quick and do the deed, I will
wake him up!" After they had gone in, she, too, it was who caught and
pulled to the door, clinging fast to the knocker till the breath was out
of her husband's body. (33) Her fierce hatred against the man is variously
explained. By some it was said to date from the day when Alexander, having
imprisoned his own favourite—who was a fair young stripling—when
his wife supplicated him to release the boy, brought him forth and stabbed
him in the throat. Others say it originated through his sending to Thebes
and seeking the hand of the wife of Jason in marriage, because his own
wife bore him no children. These are the various causes assigned to
explain the treason of his wife against him. Of the brothers who executed
it, the eldest, Tisiphonus, in virtue of his seniority accepted, and up to
the date of this history (34) succeeded in holding, the government.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(30) See above, VI. i. 2 foll.
(31) See Dem. "c. Aristocr." 120; Diod. xv. 60 foll.
(32) B.C. 359 or 358.
(33) The woman's name was Thebe. See Diod. xvi. 14; Cicero, "de
Inven." II. xlix. 144; "de Div." I. xxv. 52; "de Off." II. vii.
25; Ovid, "Ibis," iii. 21 foll.
(34) Or, "portion of my work;" lit. "argument," {logos}. See
{Kuprianos, Peri ton 'Ell}: p. 111.
</pre>
<p>
V
</p>
<p>
The above is a sketch of Thessalian affairs, including the incidents
connected with Jason, and those subsequent to his death, down to the
government of Tisiphonus. I now return to the point at which we digressed.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 371. Archidamus, after the relief of the army defeated at Leuctra,
had led back the united forces. When he was gone, the Athenians, impressed
by the fact that the Peloponessians still felt under an obligation to
follow the Lacedaemonians to the field, whilst Sparta herself was by no
means as yet reduced to a condition resembling that to which she had
reduced Athens, sent invitations to those states which cared to
participate in the peace authorised by the great king. (1) A congress met,
and they passed a resolution in conjunction with those who wished to make
common cause with them to bind themselves by oath as follows: "I will
abide by the treaty terms as conveyed in the king's rescript, as also by
the decrees of the Athenians and the allies. If any one marches against
any city among those which have accepted this oath, I will render
assistance to that city with all my strength." The oath gave general
satisfaction, the Eleians alone gainsaying its terms and protesting that
it was not right to make either the Marganians or the Scilluntians or the
Triphylians independent, since these cities belonged to them, and were a
part of Elis. (2) The Athenians, however, and the others passed the decree
in the precise language of the king's rescript: that all states—great
and small alike—were to be independent; and they sent out
administrators of the oath, and enjoined upon them to administer it to the
highest authorities in each state. This oath they all, with the exception
of the Eleians, swore to.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) I.e. in B.C. 387, the peace "of" Antalcidas. See Grote, "H. G." x.
274.
(2) See Busolt, op. cit. p. 186.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 371-370. As an immediate consequence of this agreement, the
Mantineans, on the assumption that they were now absolutely independent,
met in a body and passed a decree to make Mantinea into a single state and
to fortify the town. (3) The proceeding was not overlooked by the
Lacedaemonians, who thought it would be hard if this were done without
their consent. Accordingly they despatched Agesilaus as ambassador to the
Mantineans, choosing him as the recognised ancestral friend of that
people. When the ambassador arrived, however, the chief magistrates had no
inclination to summon a meeting of the commons to listen to him, but urged
him to make a statement of his wishes to themselves. He, on his side, was
ready to undertake for himself and in their interests that, if they would
at present desist from their fortification work, he would bring it about
that the defensive walls should be built with the sanction of Lacedaemon
and without cost. Their answer was, that it was impossible to hold back,
since a decree had been passed by the whole state of Mantinea to build at
once. Whereupon Agesilaus went off in high dudgeon; though as to sending
troops to stop them, (4) the idea seemed impracticable, as the peace was
based upon the principle of autonomy. Meanwhile the Mantineans received
help from several of the Arcadian states in the building of their walls;
and the Eleians contributed actually three talents (5) of silver to cover
the expense of their construction. And here leaving the Mantineans thus
engaged, we will turn to the men of Tegea.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) For the restoration of Mantinea, see Freeman, "Fed. Gov." iv. p.
198; Grote, "H. G." x. 283 foll.
(4) See above, V. ii. 1, sub anno B.C. 386.
(5) = 731 pounds: 5 shillings. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 199.
</pre>
<p>
There were in Tegea two political parties. The one was the party of
Callibius and Proxenus, who were for drawing together the whole Arcadian
population in a confederacy, (6) in which all measures carried in the
common assembly should be held valid for the individual component states.
The programme of the other (Stasippus's) party was to leave Tegea
undisturbed and in the enjoyment of the old national laws. Perpetually
defeated in the Sacred College, (7) the party of Callibius and Proxenus
were persuaded that if only the commons met they would gain an easy
victory by an appeal to the multitude; and in this faith they proceeded to
march out the citizen soldiers. (8) At sight of this Stasippus and his
friends on their side armed in opposition, and proved not inferior in
numbers. The result was a collision and battle, in which Proxenus and some
few others with him were slain and the rest put to flight; though the
conquerors did not pursue, for Stasippus was a man who did not care to
stain his hands with the blood of his fellow-citizens. (9)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) Although the historian does not recount the foundation of
Megalopolis (see Pausanias and Diodorus), the mention of the
common assembly of the League {en to koino} in this passage and,
still more, of the Ten Thousand (below, "Hell." VII. i. 38),
implies it. See Freeman, op. cit. iv. 197 foll.; Grote, "H. G." x.
306 foll., ii. 599; "Dict. of Geog." "Megalopolis." As to the date
of its foundation Pausanias (VIII. xxvii. 8) says "a few months
after the battle of Leuctra," before midsummer B.C. 370; Diodorus
(xv. 72) says B.C. 368. The great city was not built in a day.
Messene, according to Paus. IV. xxvii. 5, was founded between the
midsummers of B.C. 370 and B.C. 369.
(7) Lit. "in the Thearoi." For the Theari, see Thuc. v. 47, Arnold's
note; and "C. I. G." 1756 foll.; and for the revolution at Tegea
here recounted, see Grote, "H. G." x. 285 foll.
(8) Or, "they mustered under arms."
(9) Or, "opposed to a wholesale slaughter of the citizens."
</pre>
<p>
Callibius and his friends had retired under the fortification walls and
gates facing Mantinea; but, as their opponents made no further attempts
against them, they here collected together and remained quiet. Some while
ago they had sent messages to the Mantineans demanding assistance, but now
they were ready to discuss terms of reconciliation with the party of
Stasippus. Presently they saw the Mantineans advancing; whereupon some of
them sprang to the walls, and began calling to them to bring succour with
all speed. With shouts they urged upon them to make haste, whilst others
threw open wide the gates to them. Stasippus and his party, perceiving
what was happening, poured out by the gates leading to Pallantium, (10)
and, outspeeding their pursuers, succeeded in reaching the temple of
Artemis, where they found shelter, and, shutting to the doors, kept quiet.
Following close upon their heels, however, their foes scaled the temple,
tore off the roof, and began striking them down with the tiles. They,
recognising that there was no choice, called upon their assailants to
desist, and undertook to come forth. Then their opponents, capturing them
like birds in a fowler's hand, bound them with chains, threw them on to
the prisoner's van, (11) and led them off to Tegea. Here with the
Mantineans they sentenced and put them to death.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Pallantium, one of the most ancient towns of Arcadia, in the
Maenalia (Paus. VIII. xliv. 5; Livy, i. 5), situated somewhat
south of the modern Tripolitza (see "Dict. of Anc. Geog."); like
Asea and Eutaea it helped to found Megalopolis (Paus. VIII. xxvii.
3, where for {'Iasaia} read {'Asea}); below, VII. v. 5; Busolt,
op. cit. p. 125.
(11) For the sequel of the matter, see above, "Hell." VI. iv. 18;
Busolt, op. cit. p. 134.
</pre>
<p>
The outcome of these proceedings was the banishment to Lacedaemon of the
Tegeans who formed the party of Stasippus, numbering eight hundred; but as
a sequel to what had taken place, the Lacedaemonians determined that they
were bound by their oaths to aid the banished Tegeans and to avenge the
slain. With this purpose they marched against the Mantineans, on the
ground that they had violated their oaths in marching against Tegea with
an armed force. The ephors called out the ban and the state commanded
Agesilaus to head the expedition.
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile most of the Arcadian contingents were mustering at Asea. (12)
The Orchomenians not only refused to take part in the Arcadian league, on
account of their personal hatred to Mantinea, but had actually welcomed
within their city a mercenary force under Polytropus, which had been
collected at Corinth. The Mantineans themselves were forced to stay at
home to keep an eye on these. The men of Heraea and Lepreum made common
cause with the Lacedaemonians in a campaign against Mantinea.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) Asea is placed by Leake ("Travels in Morea," i. 84; iii. 34) near
Frangovrysi, a little south of Pallantium.
Heraea, the most important town of Arcadia in the Cynuria, near
Elis, on the high road to Olympia, and commanding other main
roads. See Leake, "Peloponnesiaca," p. 1 foll.; "Morea," ii. 91.
Lepreum, chief town of the Triphylia (Herod. iv. 148, ix. 28;
Thuc. v. 31; above, III. ii. 25; Paus. V. v. 3; Polyb. iv. 77
foll.; Strab. viii. 345), near modern Strovitzi; Leake, "Morea,"
i. 56; Dodwell, "Tour," ii. 347.
Eutaea is placed by Leake between Asea and Pallantium at Barbitza
("Morea," iii. 31); but see Grote, "H. G." x. 288.
</pre>
<p>
Finding the frontier sacrifices favourable, Agesilaus began his march at
once upon Arcadia. He began by occupying the border city of Eutaea, where
he found the old men, women, and children dwelling in their houses, while
the rest of the population of a military age were off to join the Arcadian
league. In spite of this he did not stir a finger unjustly against the
city, but suffered the inhabitants to continue in their homes undisturbed.
The troops took all they needed, and paid for it in return; if any pillage
had occurred on his first entrance into the town, the property was hunted
up and restored by the Spartan king. Whilst awaiting the arrival of
Polytropus's mercenaries, he amused himself by repairing such portions of
their walls as necessity demanded.
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile the Mantineans had taken the field against Orchomenus; but from
the walls of that city the invaders had some difficulty in retiring, and
lost some of their men. On their retreat they found themselves in Elymia;
(13) here the heavy infantry of the Orchomenians ceased to follow them;
but Polytropus and his troops continued to assail their rear with much
audacity. At this conjuncture, seeing at a glance that either they must
beat back the foe or suffer their own men to be shot down, the Mantineans
turned right about and met the assailant in a hand-to-hand encounter.
Polytropus fell fighting on that battlefield; and of the rest who took to
flight, many would have shared his fate, but for the opportune arrival of
the Phliasian cavalry, who swooped round to the conqueror's rear and
checked him in his pursuit. (14)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Elymia, mentioned only by Xenophon, must have been on the
confines of the Mantinice and Orchomenus, probably at Levidhi.—
Leake, "Morea," iii. 75; "Peloponn." p. 229.
(14) See "Cyrop." VII. i. 36.
</pre>
<p>
Content with this achievement, the Mantineans retired homewards; while
Agesilaus, to whom the news was brought, no longer expecting that the
Orchomenian mercenaries could effect a junction with himself, determined
to advance without further delay. (15) On the first day he encamped for
the evening meal in the open country of Tegea, and the day following
crossed into Mantinean territory. Here he encamped under the
westward-facing (16) mountains of Mantinea, and employed himself in
ravaging the country district and sacking the farmsteads; while the troops
of the Arcadians who were mustered in Asea stole by night into Tegea. The
next day Agesilaus shifted his position, encamping about two miles' (17)
distance from Mantinea; and the Arcadians, issuing from Tegea and clinging
to the mountains between Mantinea and that city, appeared with large
bodies of heavy infantry, wishing to effect a junction with the
Mantineans. The Argives, it is true, supported them, but they were not in
full force. And here counsellors were to be found who urged on Agesilaus
to attack these troops separately; but fearing lest, in proportion as he
pressed on to engage them, the Mantineans might issue from the city behind
and attack him on flank and rear, he decided it was best to let the two
bodies coalesce, and then, if they would accept battle, to engage them on
an open and fair field.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) See "Ages." ii. 23.
(16) See Leake, "Morea," iii. 73.
(17) Lit. "twenty stades."
</pre>
<p>
And so ere long the Arcadians had effected their object and were united
with the Mantineans. The next incident was the sudden apparition at break
of day, as Agesilaus was sacrificing in front of the camp, of a body of
troops. These proved to be the light infantry from Orchomenus, who in
company with the Phliasian cavalry had during the night made their way
across past the town of Mantinea; and so caused the mass of the army to
rush to their ranks, and Agesilaus himself to retire within the lines.
Presently, however, the newcomers were recognised as friends; and as the
sacrifices were favourable, Agesilaus led his army forward a stage farther
after breakfast. As the shades of evening descended he encamped unobserved
within the fold of the hills behind the Mantinean territory, with
mountains in close proximity all round. (18)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(18) Lit. "within the hindmost bosom of the Mantinice." In reference
to the position, Leake ("Morea," iii. 75) says: "The northern bay
(of the Mantinic plain between Mantinea and the Argon) corresponds
better by its proximity to Mantinea; by Mount Alesium it was
equally hidden from the city, while its small dimensions, and the
nearness of the incumbent mountains, rendered it a more hazardous
position to an army under the circumstances of that of Agesilaus"
(than had he encamped in the Argon itself). For the Argon (or
Inert Plain), see Leake, ib. 54 foll.
</pre>
<p>
On the next morning, as day broke, he sacrificed in front of the army; and
observing a mustering of men from the city of Mantinea on the hills which
overhung the rear of his army, he decided that he must lead his troops out
of the hollow by the quickest route. But he feared lest, if he himself led
off, the enemy might fall upon his rear. In this dilemma he kept quiet;
presenting a hostile front to the enemy, he sent orders to his rear to
face about to the right, (19) and so getting into line behind his main
body, to move forward upon him; and in this way he at once extricated his
troops from their cramped position and kept continually adding to the
weight and solidity of his line. As soon as the phalanx was doubled in
depth he emerged upon the level ground, with his heavy infantry battalions
in this order, and then again extended his line until his troops were once
more nine or ten shields deep. But the Mantineans were no longer so ready
to come out. The arguments of the Eleians who had lent them their
co-operation had prevailed: that it was better not to engage until the
arrival of the Thebans. The Thebans, it was certain, would soon be with
them; for had they not borrowed ten talents (20) from Elis in order to be
able to send aid? The Arcadians with this information before them kept
quiet inside Mantinea. On his side Agesilaus was anxious to lead off his
troops, seeing it was midwinter; but, to avoid seeming to hurry his
departure out of fear, he preferred to remain three days longer and no
great distance from Mantinea. On the fourth day, after an early morning
meal, the retreat commenced. His intention was to encamp on the same
ground which he had made his starting-point on leaving Eutaea. But as none
of the Arcadians appeared, he marched with all speed and reached Eutaea
itself, although very late, that day; being anxious to lead off his troops
without catching a glimpse of the enemy's watch-fires, so as to silence
the tongues of any one pretending that he withdrew in flight. His main
object was in fact achieved. To some extent he had recovered the state
from its late despondency, since he had invaded Arcadia and ravaged the
country without any one caring to offer him battle. But, once arrived on
Laconian soil, he dismissed the Spartan troops to their homes and
disbanded the provincials (21) to their several cities.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) See "Anab." IV. iii. 29; "Pol. Lac." xi. 10.
(20) 2,437 pounds: 10 shillings. See Busult, op. cit. p. 199.
(21) Lit. "perioeci"; and below, SS. 25, 32.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 370-369. The Arcadians, now that Agesilaus had retired, realising
that he had disbanded his troops, while they themselves were fully
mustered, marched upon Heraea, the citizens of which town had not only
refused to join the Arcadian league, but had joined the Lacedaemonians in
their invasion of Arcadia. For this reason they entered the country,
burning the homesteads and cutting down the fruit-trees.
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile news came of the arrival of the Theban reinforcements at
Mantinea, on the strength of which they left Heraea and hastened to
fraternise (22) with their Theban friends. When they were met together,
the Thebans, on their side, were well content with the posture of affairs:
they had duly brought their succour, and no enemy was any longer to be
discovered in the country; so they made preparations to return home. But
the Arcadians, Argives and Eleians were eager in urging them to lead the
united forces forthwith into Laconia: they dwelt proudly on their own
numbers, extolling above measure the armament of Thebes. And, indeed, the
Boeotians one and all were resolute in their military manouvres and
devotion to arms, (23) exulting in the victory of Leuctra. In the wake of
Thebes followed the Phocians, who were now their subjects, Euboeans from
all the townships of the island, both sections of the Locrians, the
Acarnanians, (24) and the men of Heraclea and of Melis; while their force
was further swelled by Thessalian cavalry and light infantry. With the
full consciousness of facts like these, and further justifying their
appeal by dwelling on the desolate condition of Lacedaemon, deserted by
her troops, they entreated them not to turn back without invading the
territory of Laconia. But the Thebans, albeit they listened to their
prayers, urged arguments on the other side. In the first place, Laconia
was by all accounts most difficult to invade; and their belief was that
garrisons were posted at all the points most easily approached. (As a
matter of fact, Ischolaus was posted at Oeum in the Sciritid, with a
garrison of neodamodes and about four hundred of the youngest of the
Tegean exiles; and there was a second outpost on Leuctrum above the
Maleatid. (25)) Again it occurred to the Thebans that the Lacedaemonian
forces, though disbanded, would not take long to muster, and once
collected they would fight nowhere better than on their own native soil.
Putting all these considerations together, they were not by any means
impatient to march upon Lacedaemon. A strong counter-impulse, however, was
presently given by the arrival of messengers from Caryae, giving positive
information as to the defenceless condition of the country, and offering
to act as guides themselves; they were ready to lose their lives if they
were convicted of perfidy. A further impulse in the same direction was
given by the presence of some of the provincials, (26) with invitations
and promises of revolt, if only they would appear in the country. These
people further stated that even at the present moment, on a summons of the
Spartans proper, the provincials did not care to render them assistance.
With all these arguments and persuasions echoing from all sides, the
Thebans at last yielded, and invaded. They chose the Caryan route
themselves, while the Arcadians entered by Oeum in the Sciritid. (27)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) Or, "effect a junction with."
(23) Or, "in practising gymnastics about the place of arms." See "Pol.
Lac." xii. 5.
(24) See "Hell." IV. vii. 1; "Ages." ii. 20. For a sketch of the
relations of Acarnania to Athens and Sparta, see Hicks, No. 83, p.
150; and above, "Hell." V. iv. 64.
(25) Leuctrum, a fortress of the district Aegytis on the confines of
Arcadia and Laconia ("in the direction of Mount Lycaeum," Thuc. v.
54). See Leake, "Morea," ii. 322; also "Peloponn." p. 248, in
which place he corrects his former view as to the situation of
Leuctrum and the Maleatid.
Oeum or Ium, the chief town of the Sciritis, probably stood in the
Klisura or series of narrow passes through the watershed of the
mountains forming the natural boundary between Laconia and Arcadia
(in the direct line north from Sparta to Tegea), "Dict. of Anc.
Geog." s.v. Leake says ("Morea," iii. 19, 30 foll.) near the
modern village of Kolina; Baedeker ("Greece," p. 269) says perhaps
at Palaeogoulas.
Caryae. This frontier town was apparently (near Arachova) on the
road from Thyrea (in the direction of the Argolid) to Sparta
(Thuc. v. 55; Paus. III. x. 7; Livy, xxxiv. 26, but see Leake,
"Morea," iii. 30; "Peloponn." p. 342).
Sellasia, probably rightly placed "half an hour above Vourlia"
(Baedeker, "Greece," p. 269). The famous battle of Sellasia, in
the spring of B.C. 221, in which the united Macedonians under
Antigonus and the Achaeans finally broke the power of Sparta, was
fought in the little valley where the stream Gorgylus joins the
river Oenus and the Khan of Krevatas now stands. For a plan, see
"Dict. of Anc. Geog." s.v.
(26) "Perioeci."
(27) Diodorus (xv. 64) gives more details; he makes the invaders
converge upon Sellasia by four separate routes. See Leake,
"Morea," iii. 29 foll.
</pre>
<p>
By all accounts Ischolaus made a mistake in not advancing to meet them on
the difficult ground above Oeum. Had he done so, not a man, it is
believed, would have scaled the passes there. But for the present, wishing
to turn the help of the men of Oeum to good account, he waited down in the
village; and so the invading Arcadians scaled the heights in a body. At
this crisis Ischolaus and his men, as long as they fought face to face
with their foes, held the superiority; but, presently, when the enemy,
from rear and flank, and even from the dwelling-houses up which they
scaled, rained blows and missiles upon them, then and there Ischolaus met
his end, and every man besides, save only one or two who, failing to be
recognised, effected their escape.
</p>
<p>
After these achievements the Arcadians marched to join the Thebans at
Caryae, and the Thebans, hearing what wonders the Arcadians had performed,
commenced their descent with far greater confidence. Their first exploit
was to burn and ravage the district of Sellasia, but finding themselves
ere long in the flat land within the sacred enclosure of Apollo, they
encamped for the night, and the next day continued their march along the
Eurotas. When they came to the bridge they made no attempt to cross it to
attack the city, for they caught sight of the heavy infantry in the temple
of Alea (28) ready to meet them. So, keeping the Eurotas on their right,
they tramped along, burning and pillaging homesteads stocked with numerous
stores. The feelings of the citizens may well be imagined. The women who
had never set eyes upon a foe (29) could scarcely contain themselves as
they beheld the cloud of smoke. The Spartan warriors, inhabiting a city
without fortifications, posted at intervals, here one and there another,
were in truth what they appeared to be—the veriest handful. And
these kept watch and ward. The authorities passed a resolution to announce
to the helots that whosoever among them chose to take arms and join a
regiment should have his freedom guaranteed to him by solemn pledges in
return for assistance in the common war. (30) More than six thousand
helots, it is said, enrolled themselves, so that a new terror was excited
by the very incorporation of these men, whose numbers seemed to be
excessive. But when it was found that the mercenaries from Orchomenus
remained faithful, and reinforcements came to Lacedaemon from Phlius,
Corinth, Epidaurus, and Pellene, and some other states, the dread of these
new levies was speedily diminished.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(28) See Pausanias, III. xix. 7.
(29) See Plutarch, "Ages." xxxi. 3 (Clough, vol. iv. p. 38); Aristot.
"Pol." ii. 9-10.
(30) See below, VII. ii. 2.
</pre>
<p>
The enemy in his advance came to Amyclae. (31) Here he crossed the
Eurotas. The Thebans wherever they encamped at once formed a stockade of
the fruit-trees they had felled, as thickly piled as possible, and so kept
ever on their guard. The Arcadians did nothing of the sort. They left
their camping-ground and took themselves off to attack the homesteads and
loot. On the third or fourth day after their arrival the cavalry advanced,
squadron by squadron, as far as the racecourse, (32) within the sacred
enclosure of Gaiaochos. These consisted of the entire Theban cavalry and
the Eleians, with as many of the Phocian or Thessalian or Locrian cavalry
as were present. The cavalry of the Lacedaemonians, looking a mere
handful, were drawn up to meet them. They had posted an ambuscade chosen
from their heavy infantry, the younger men, about three hundred in number,
in the house of the Tyndarids (33); and while the cavalry charged, out
rushed the three hundred at the same instant at full pace. The enemy did
not wait to receive the double charge, but swerved, and at sight of that
many also of the infantry took to headlong flight. But the pursuers
presently paused; the Theban army remained motionless; and both parties
returned to their camps. And now the hope, the confidence strengthened
that an attack upon the city itself would never come; nor did it. The
invading army broke up from their ground, and marched off on the road to
Helos and Gytheum. (34) The unwalled cities were consigned to the flames,
but Gytheum, where the Lacedaemonians had their naval arsenal, was
subjected to assault for three days. Certain of the provincials (35) also
joined in this attack, and shared the campaign with the Thebans and their
friends.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(31) For this ancient (Achaean) town, see Paus. III. ii. 6; Polyb. v.
19. It lay only twenty stades (a little more than two miles) from
the city of Sparta.
(32) Or, "hippodrome." See Paus. III. ii. 6.
(33) Paus. III. xvi. 2.
(34) See Baedeker's "Greece," p. 279. Was Gytheum taken? See Grote,
"H. G." x. 305; Curt. "H. G." Eng. trans. iv. 431.
(35) "Perioeci." See above, III. iii. 6; VI. v. 25; below, VII. ii. 2;
Grote, "H. G." x. 301. It is a pity that the historian should
hurry us off to Athens just at this point. The style here is
suggestive of notes ({upomnemata}) unexpanded.
</pre>
<p>
The news of these proceedings set the Athenians deeply pondering what they
ought to do concerning the Lacedaemonians, and they held an assembly in
accordance with a resolution of the senate. It chanced that the
ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians and the allies still faithful to
Lacedaemon were present. The Lacedaemonian ambassadors were Aracus,
Ocyllus, Pharax, Etymocles, and Olontheus, and from the nature of the case
they all used, roughly speaking, similar arguments. They reminded the
Athenians how they had often in old days stood happily together, shoulder
to shoulder, in more than one great crisis. They (the Lacedaemonians), on
their side, had helped to expel the tyrant from Athens, and the Athenians,
when Lacedaemon was besieged by the Messenians, had heartily leant her a
helping hand. (36) Then they fell to enumerating all the blessings that
marked the season when the two states shared a common policy, hinting how
in common they had warred against the barbarians, and more boldly
recalling how the Athenians with the full consent and advice of the
Lacedaemonians were chosen by united Hellas leaders of the common navy
(37) and guardians of all the common treasure, while they themselves were
selected by all the Hellenes as confessedly the rightful leaders on land;
and this also not without the full consent and concurrence of the
Athenians.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(36) In reference (1) to the expulsion of the Peisistratidae (Herod.
v. 64); (2) the "third" Messenian war (Thuc. i. 102).
(37) See "Revenues," v. 6.
</pre>
<p>
One of the speakers ventured on a remark somewhat to this strain: "If you
and we, sirs, can only agree, there is hope to-day that the old saying may
be fulfilled, and Thebes be 'taken and tithed.'" (38) The Athenians,
however, were not in the humour to listen to that style of argument. A
sort of suppressed murmur ran through the assembly which seemed to say,
"That language may be well enough now; but when they were well off they
pressed hard enough on us." But of all the pleas put forward by the
Lacedaemonians, the weightiest appeared to be this: that when they had
reduced the Athenians by war, and the Thebans wished to wipe Athens off
the face of the earth, they (the Lacedaemonians) themselves had opposed
the measure. (39) If that was the argument of most weight, the reasoning
which was the most commonly urged was to the effect that "the solemn oaths
necessitated the aid demanded. Sparta had done no wrong to justify this
invasion on the part of the Arcadians and their allies. All she had done
was to assist the men of Tegea when (40) the Mantineans had marched
against that township contrary to their solemn oaths." Again, for the
second time, at these expressions a confused din ran through the assembly,
half the audience maintaining that the Mantineans were justified in
supporting Proxenus and his friends, who were put to death by the party
with Stasippus; the other half that they were wrong in bringing an armed
force against the men of Tegea.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(38) Or, "the Thebans be decimated"; for the phrase see above, "Hell."
VI. iii. 20.
(39) See "Hell." II. ii. 19; and "Hell." III. v. 8.
(40) Lit. "because," {oti}.
</pre>
<p>
Whilst these distinctions were being drawn by the assembly itself,
Cleiteles the Corinthian got up and spoke as follows: "I daresay, men of
Athens, there is a double answer to the question, Who began the
wrongdoing? But take the case of ourselves. Since peace began, no one can
accuse us either of wantonly attacking any city, or of seizing the wealth
of any, or of ravaging a foreign territory. In spite of which the Thebans
have come into our country and cut down our fruit-trees, burnt to the
ground our houses, filched and torn to pieces our cattle and our goods.
How then, I put it to you, will you not be acting contrary to your solemn
oaths if you refuse your aid to us, who are so manifestly the victims of
wrongdoings? Yes; and when I say solemn oaths, I speak of oaths and
undertakings which you yourselves took great pains to exact from all of
us." At that point a murmur of applause greeted Cleiteles, the Athenians
feeling the truth and justice of the speaker's language.
</p>
<p>
He sat down, and then Procles of Phlius got up and spoke as follows: "What
would happen, men of Athens, if the Lacedaemonians were well out of the
way? The answer to that question is obvious. You would be the first object
of Theban invasion. Clearly; for they must feel that you and you alone
stand in the path between them and empire over Hellas. If this be so, I do
not consider that you are more supporting Lacedaemon by a campaign in her
behalf than you are helping yourselves. For imagine the Thebans, your own
sworn foes and next-door neighbours, masters of Hellas! You will find it a
painful and onerous exchange indeed for the distant antagonism of Sparta.
As a mere matter of self-interest, now is the time to help yourselves,
while you may still reckon upon allies, instead of waiting until they are
lost, and you are forced to fight a life-and-death battle with the Thebans
single-handed. But the fear suggests itself, that should the
Lacedaemonians escape now, they will live to cause you trouble at some
future date. Lay this maxim to heart, then, that it is not the potential
greatness of those we benefit, but of those we injure, which causes
apprehension. And this other also, that it behoves individuals and states
alike so to better their position (41) while yet in the zenith of their
strength that, in the day of weakness, when it comes, they may find some
succour and support in what their former labours have achieved. (42) To
you now, at this time, a heaven-sent opportunity is presented. In return
for assistance to the Lacedaemonians in their need, you may win their
sincere, unhesitating friendship for all time. Yes, I say it deliberately,
for the acceptance of these benefits at your hands will not be in the
presence of one or two chance witnesses. The all-seeing gods, in whose
sight to-morrow is even as to-day, will be cognisant of these things. The
knowledge of them will be jointly attested by allies and enemies; nay, by
Hellenes and barbarians alike, since to not one of them is what we are
doing a matter of unconcern. If, then, in the presence of these witnesses,
the Lacedaemonians should prove base towards you, no one will ever again
be eager in their cause. But our hope, our expectation should rather be
that they will prove themselves good men and not base; since they beyond
all others would seem persistently to have cherished a high endeavour,
reaching forth after true praise, and holding aloof from ugly deeds.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(41) Lit. "to acquire some good."
(42) Or, "for what," etc.
</pre>
<p>
"But there are further considerations which it were well you should lay to
heart. If danger were ever again to visit Hellas from the barbarian world
outside, in whom would you place your confidence if not in the
Lacedaemonians? Whom would you choose to stand at your right hand in
battle if not these, whose soldiers at Thermopylae to a man preferred to
fall at their posts rather than save their lives by giving the barbarian
free passage into Hellas? Is it not right, then, considering for what
thing's sake they displayed that bravery in your companionship,
considering also the good hope there is that they will prove the like
again—is it not just that you and we should lend them all
countenance and goodwill? Nay, even for us their allies' sake, who are
present, it would be worth your while to manifest this goodwill. Need you
be assured that precisely those who continue faithful to them in their
misfortunes would in like manner be ashamed not to requite you with
gratitude? And if we seem to be but small states, who are willing to share
their dangers with them, lay to heart that there is a speedy cure for this
defect: with the accession of your city the reproach that, in spite of all
our assistance, we are but small cities, will cease to be.
</p>
<p>
"For my part, men of Athens, I have hitherto on hearsay admired and envied
this great state, whither, I was told, every one who was wronged or stood
in terror of aught needed only to betake himself and he would obtain
assistance. To-day I no longer hear, I am present myself and see these
famous citizens of Lacedaemon here, and by their side their trustiest
friends, who have come to you, and ask you in their day of need to give
them help. I see Thebans also, the same who in days bygone failed to
persuade the Lacedaemonians to reduce you to absolute slavery, (43) to-day
asking you to suffer those who saved you to be destroyed.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(43) See "Hell." II. ii. 19; III. v. 8, in reference to B.C. 405.
</pre>
<p>
"That was a great deed and of fair renown, attributed in old story to your
ancestors, that they did not suffer those Argives who died on the Cadmeia
(44) to lie unburied; but a fairer wreath of glory would you weave for
your own brows if you suffer not these still living Lacedaemonians to be
trampled under the heel of insolence and destroyed. Fair, also, was that
achievement when you stayed the insolence of Eurystheus and saved the sons
of Heracles; (45) but fairer still than that will your deed be if you
rescue from destruction, not the primal authors (46) merely, but the whole
city which they founded; fairest of all, if because yesterday the
Lacedaemonians won you your preservation by a vote which cost them
nothing, you to-day shall bring them help with arms, and at the price of
peril. It is a proud day for some of us to stand here and give what aid we
can in pleading for assistance to brave men. What, then, must you feel,
who in very deed are able to render that assistance! How generous on your
parts, who have been so often the friends and foes of Lacedaemon, to
forget the injury and remember only the good they have done! How noble of
you to repay, not for yourselves only, but for the sake of Hellas, the
debt due to those who proved themselves good men and true in her behalf!"
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(44) In reference to the Seven against Thebes, see Herod. IX. xxvii.
4; Isoc. "Paneg." 55.
(45) Herod. IX. xxvii. 3; see Isoc. "Paneg." 56. "The greatness of
Sparta was founded by the succour which Athens lent to the
Heraklid invaders of the Peloponnese—a recollection which ought
to restrain Sparta from injuring or claiming to rule Athens.
Argos, Thebes, Sparta were in early times, as they are now, the
foremost cities of Hellas; but Athens was the greatest of them all
—the avenger of Argos, the chastiser of Thebes, the patron of
those who founded Sparta."—Jebb, "Att. Or." ii. 154.
(46) Plut. "Lyc." vi.
</pre>
<p>
After these speeches the Athenians deliberated, and though there was
opposition, the arguments of gainsayers (47) fell upon deaf ears. The
assembly finally passed a decree to send assistance to Lacedaemon in
force, and they chose Iphicrates general. Then followed the preliminary
sacrifices, and then the general's order to his troops to take the evening
meal in the grove of the Academy. (48) But the general himself, it is
said, was in no hurry to leave the city; many were found at their posts
before him. Presently, however, he put himself at the head of his troops,
and the men followed cheerily, in firm persuasion that he was about to
lead them to some noble exploit. On arrival at Corinth he frittered away
some days, and there was a momentary outburst of discontent at so much
waste of precious time; but as soon as he led the troops out of Corinth
there was an obvious rebound. The men responded to all orders with
enthusiasm, heartily following their general's lead, and attacking
whatever fortified place he might confront them with.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(47) As to the anti-Laconian or Boeotian party at Athens, see Curtius,
"H. G." vol. v. ch. ii. (Eng. tr.)
(48) See Baedeker, "Greece," p. 103.
</pre>
<p>
And now reverting to the hostile forces on Laconian territory, we find
that the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleians had retired in large numbers.
They had every inducement so to do since their homes bordered on Laconia;
and off they went, driving or carrying whatever they had looted. The
Thebans and the rest were no less anxious to get out of the country,
though for other reasons, partly because the army was melting away under
their eyes day by day, partly because the necessities of life were growing
daily scantier, so much had been either fairly eaten up and pillaged or
else recklessly squandered and reduced to ashes. Besides this, it was
winter; so that on every ground there was a general desire by this time to
get away home.
</p>
<p>
As soon as the enemy began his retreat from Laconian soil, Iphicrates
imitated his movement, and began leading back his troops out of Arcadia
into Corinthia. Iphicrates exhibited much good generalship, no doubt, with
which I have no sort of fault to find. But it is not so with that final
feature of the campaign to which we are now come. Here I find his strategy
either meaningless in intent or inadequate in execution. He made an
attempt to keep guard at Oneion, in order to prevent the Boeotians making
their way out homewards; but left meanwhile far the best passage through
Cenchreae unguarded. Again, when he wished to discover whether or not the
Thebans had passed Oneion, he sent out on a reconnaissance the whole of
the Athenian and Corinthian cavalry; whereas, for the object in view, the
eyes of a small detachment would have been as useful as a whole regiment;
(49) and when it came to falling back, clearly the smaller number had a
better chance of hitting on a traversable road, and so effecting the
desired movement quietly. But the height of folly seems to have been
reached when he threw into the path of the enemy a large body of troops
which were still too weak to cope with him. As a matter of fact, this body
of cavalry, owing to their very numbers, could not help covering a large
space of ground; and when it became necessary to retire, had to cling to a
series of difficult positions in succession, so that they lost not fewer
than twenty horsemen. (50) It was thus the Thebans effected their object
and retired from Peloponnese.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(49) See "Hipparch." viii. 10 foll.
(50) See Diod. xv. 63; Plut. "Pelop." 24.
</pre>
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<h2>
BOOK VII
</h2>
<p>
I
</p>
<p>
B.C. 369. In the following year (1) plenipotentiary ambassadors (2) from
the Lacedaemonians and their allies arrived at Athens to consider and take
counsel in what way the alliance between Athens and Lacedaemon might be
best cemented. It was urged by many speakers, foreigners and Athenians
also, that the alliance ought to be based on the principle of absolute
equality, (3) "share and share alike," when Procles of Phlius put forward
the following argument:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) I.e. the official year from spring to spring. See Peter, "Chron.
Table" 95, note 215; see Grote, "H. G." x. 346, note 1.
(2) See Hicks, 89.
(3) For the phrase {epi toi isois kai omoiois}, implying "share and
share alike," see Thuc. i. 145, etc.
</pre>
<p>
"Since you have already decided, men of Athens, that it is good to secure
the friendship of Lacedaemon, the point, as it appears to me, which you
ought now to consider is, by what means this friendship may be made to
last as long as possible. The probability is, that we shall hold together
best by making a treaty which shall suit the best interests of both
parties. On most points we have, I believe, a tolerable unanimity, but
there remains the question of leadership. The preliminary decree of your
senate anticipates a division of the hegemony, crediting you with the
chief maritime power, Lacedaemon with the chief power on land; and to me,
personally, I confess, that seems a division not more established by human
invention than preordained by some divine naturalness or happy fortune.
For, in the first place, you have a geographical position pre-eminently
adapted for naval supremacy; most of the states to whom the sea is
important are massed round your own, and all of these are inferior to you
in strength. Besides, you have harbours and roadsteads, without which it
is not possible to turn a naval power to account. Again, you have many
ships of war. To extend your naval empire is a traditional policy; all the
arts and sciences connected with these matters you possess as home
products, and, what is more, in skill and experience of nautical affairs
you are far ahead of the rest of the world. The majority of you derive
your livelihood from the sea, or things connected with it; so that in the
very act of minding your own affairs you are training yourselves to enter
the lists of naval combat. (4) Again, no other power in the world can send
out a larger collective fleet, and that is no insignificant point in
reference to the question of leadership. The nucleus of strength first
gained becomes a rallying-point, round which the rest of the world will
gladly congregate. Furthermore, your good fortune in this department must
be looked upon as a definite gift of God: for, consider among the
numberless great sea-fights which you have fought how few you have lost,
how many you have won. It is only rational, then, that your allies should
much prefer to share this particular risk with you. Indeed, to show you
how natural and vital to you is this maritime study, the following
reflection may serve. For several years the Lacedaemonians, when at war
with you in old days, dominated your territory, but they made no progress
towards destroying you. At last God granted them one day to push forward
their dominion on the sea, and then in an instant you completely succumbed
to them. (5) Is it not self-evident that your safety altogether depends
upon the sea? The sea is your natural element—your birthright; it
would be base indeed to entrust the hegemony of it to the Lacedaemonians,
and the more so, since, as they themselves admit, they are far less
acquainted with this business than yourselves; and, secondly, your risk in
naval battles would not be for equal stakes—theirs involving only
the loss of the men on board their ships, but yours, that of your children
and your wives and the entire state.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) See "Pol. Ath." i. 19 foll.
(5) See "Hell." II. i.
</pre>
<p>
"And if this is a fair statement of your position, turn, now, and consider
that of the Lacedaemonians. The first point to notice is, that they are an
inland power; as long as they are dominant on land it does not matter how
much they are cut off from the sea—they can carry on existence
happily enough. This they so fully recognise, that from boyhood they
devote themselves to training for a soldier's life. The keystone of this
training is obedience to command, (6) and in this they hold the same
pre-eminence on land which you hold on the sea. Just as you with your
fleets, so they on land can, at a moment's notice, put the largest army in
the field; and with the like consequence, that their allies, as is only
rational, attach themselves to them with undying courage. (7) Further, God
has granted them to enjoy on land a like good fortune to that vouchsafed
to you on sea. Among all the many contests they have entered into, it is
surprising in how few they have failed, in how many they have been
successful. The same unflagging attention which you pay to maritime
affairs is required from them on land, and, as the facts of history
reveal, it is no less indispensable to them. Thus, although you were at
war with them for several years and gained many a naval victory over them,
you never advanced a step nearer to reducing them. But once worsted on
land, in an instant they were confronted with a danger affecting the very
lives of child and wife, and vital to the interests of the entire state.
We may very well understand, then, the strangeness, not to say
monstrosity, in their eyes, of surrendering to others the military
leadership on land, in matters which they have made their special study
for so long and with such eminent success. I end where I began. I agree
absolutely with the preliminary decrees of your own senate, which I
consider the solution most advantageous to both parties. My prayer (8) is
that you may be guided in your deliberations to that conclusion which is
best for each and all of us."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) Or, "the spirit of discipline." See "Mem." III. v. 16; IV. iv. 15;
Thuc. ii. 39; "Pol. Lac." viii.
(7) Or, "with unlimited confidence."
(8) See above, "Hell." VI. i. 13, {kai su prattois ta kratista}, "and
so may the best fortune attend you!"—if that reading and
rendering be adopted.
</pre>
<p>
Such were the words of the orator, and the sentiments of his speech were
vehemently applauded by the Athenians no less than by the Lacedaemonians
who were present. Then Cephisodotus (9) stepped forward and addressed the
assembly. He said, "Men of Athens, do you not see how you are being
deluded? Lend me your ears, and I will prove it to you in a moment. There
is no doubt about your leadership by sea: it is already secured. But
suppose the Lacedaemonians in alliance with you: it is plain they will
send you admirals and captains, and possibly marines, of Laconian breed;
but who will the sailors be? Helots obviously, or mercenaries of some
sort. These are the folk over whom you will exercise your leadership.
Reverse the case. The Lacedaemonians have issued a general order summoning
you to join them in the field; it is plain again, you will be sending your
heavy infantry and your cavalry. You see what follows. You have invented a
pretty machine, by which they become leaders of your very selves, and you
become the leaders either of their slaves or of the dregs of their state.
I should like to put a question to the Lacedaemonian Timocrates seated
yonder. Did you not say just now, Sir, that you came to make an alliance
on terms of absolute equality, 'share and share alike'? Answer me." "I did
say so." "Well, then, here is a plan by which you get the perfection of
equality. I cannot conceive of anything more fair and impartial than that
'turn and turn about' each of us should command the navy, each the army;
whereby whatever advantage there may be in maritime or military command we
may each of us share."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) See above, "Hell." VI. iii. 2; Hicks, 87.
</pre>
<p>
These arguments were successful. The Athenians were converted, and passed
a decree vesting the command in either state (10) for periods of five days
alternately.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) See "Revenues," v. 7.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 369. (11) The campaign was commenced by both Athenians and
Lacedaemonians with their allies, marching upon Corinth, where it was
resolved to keep watch and ward over Oneion jointly. On the advance of the
Thebans and their allies the troops were drawn out to defend the pass.
They were posted in detachments at different points, the most assailable
of which was assigned to the Lacedaemonians and the men of Pellene. (12)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) See Grote, "H. G." x. 349 foll.; al. B.C. 368.
(12) "During the wars of Epameinondas Pellene adhered firmly to her
Spartan policy, at a time when other cities were, to say the
least, less strenuous in the Spartan cause."—Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
Gov." p. 241. Afterwards Pellene is found temporarily on the
Theban side ("Hell." VII. ii. 11).
</pre>
<p>
The Thebans and their allies, finding themselves within three or four
miles (13) of the troops guarding the pass, encamped in the flat ground
below; but presently, after a careful calculation of the time it would
take to start and reach the goal in the gloaming, they advanced against
the Lacedaemonian outposts. In spite of the difficulty they timed their
movements to a nicety, and fell upon the Lacedaemonians and Pellenians
just at the interval when the night pickets were turning in and the men
were leaving their shakedowns and retiring for necessary purposes. (14)
This was the instant for the Thebans to fling themselves upon them; they
plied their weapons with good effect, blow upon blow. Order was pitted
against disorder, preparation against disarray. When, however, those who
escaped from the thick of the business had retired to the nearest rising
ground, the Lacedaemonian polemarch, who might have taken as many heavy,
or light, infantry of the allies as he wanted, and thus have held the
position (no bad one, since it enabled him to get his supplies safely
enough from Cenchreae), failed to do so. On the contrary, and in spite of
the great perplexity of the Thebans as to how they were to get down from
the high level facing Sicyon or else retire the way they came, the Spartan
general made a truce, which in the opinion of the majority, seemed more in
favour of the Thebans than himself, and so he withdrew his division and
fell back.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) Lit. "thirty stades."
(14) Or, "intent on their personal concerns." See "Hell." II. iv. 6;
"Hipparch." vii. 12.
</pre>
<p>
The Thebans were now free to descend without hindrance, which they did;
and, effecting a junction with their allies the Arcadians, Argives, and
Eleians, at once attacked (15) Sicyon and Pellene, and, marching on
Epidaurus, laid waste the whole territory of that people. Returning from
that exploit with a consummate disdain for all their opponents, when they
found themselves near the city of Corinth they advanced at the double
against the gate facing towards Phlius; intending if they found it open to
rush in. However, a body of light troops sallied out of the city to the
rescue, and met the advance of the Theban picked corps (16) not one
hundred and fifty yards (17) from the walls. Mounting on the monuments and
commanding eminences, with volleys of sling stones and arrows they laid
low a pretty large number in the van of the attack, and routing them, gave
chase for three or four furlongs' (18) distance. After this incident the
Corinthians dragged the corpses of the slain to the wall, and finally gave
them up under a flag of truce, erecting a trophy to record the victory. As
a result of this occurrence the allies of the Lacedaemonians took fresh
heart.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) And took (apparently); see below; Diod. xv. 69.
(16) See "Anab." III. iv. 43; and above, "Hell." V. iii. 23.
(17) Lit. "four plethra."
(18) LIt. "three or four stades."
</pre>
<p>
At the date of the above transactions the Lacedeamonians were cheered by
the arrival of a naval reinforcement from Dionysius, consisting of more
than twenty warships, which conveyed a body of Celts and Iberians and
about fifty cavalry. The day following, the Thebans and the rest of the
allies, posted, at intervals, in battle order, and completely filling the
flat land down to the sea on one side, and up to the knolls on the other
which form the buttresses of the city, proceeded to destroy everything
precious they could lay their hands on in the plain. The Athenian and
Corinthian cavalry, eyeing the strength, physical and numerical, of their
antagonists, kept at a safe distance from their armament. But the little
body of cavalry lately arrived from Dionysius spread out in a long thin
line, and one at one point and one at another galloped along the front,
discharging their missiles as they dashed forward, and when the enemy
rushed against them, retired, and again wheeling about, showered another
volley. Even while so engaged they would dismount from their horses and
take breath; and if their foemen galloped up while they were so
dismounted, in an instant they had leapt on their horses' backs and were
in full retreat. Or if, again, a party pursued them some distance from the
main body, as soon as they turned to retire, they would press upon them,
and discharging volleys of missiles, made terrible work, forcing the whole
army to advance and retire, merely to keep pace with the movements of
fifty horsemen.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 369-368. After this the Thebans remained only a few more days and
then turned back homewards; and the rest likewise to their several homes.
Thereupon the troops sent by Dionysius attacked Sicyon. Engaging the
Sicyonians in the flat country, they defeated them, killing about seventy
men and capturing by assault the fortres of Derae. (19) After these
achievements this first reinforcement from Dionysius re-embarked and set
sail for Syracuse.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(19) "East of Sicyon was Epieiceia (see above, "Hell." IV. ii. 14, iv.
13) on the river Nemea. In the same direction was the fortress
Derae." ("Dict. Anct. Geog." "Topography of Sicyonia"), al. Gerae.
So Leake ("Morea," iii. 376), who conjectures that this fortress
was in the maritime plain.
</pre>
<p>
Up to this time the Thebans and all the states which had revolted from
Lacedaemon had acted together in perfect harmony, and were content to
campaign under the leadership of Thebes; but now a certain Lycomedes, (20)
a Mantinean, broke the spell. Inferior in birth and position to none,
while in wealth superior, he was for the rest a man of high ambition. This
man was able to inspire the Arcadians with high thoughts by reminding them
that to Arcadians alone the Peloponnese was in a literal sense a
fatherland; since they and they alone were the indigenous inhabitants of
its sacred soil, and the Arcadian stock the largest among the Hellenic
tribes—a good stock, moreover, and of incomparable physique. And
then he set himself to panegyrise them as the bravest of the brave,
adducing as evidence, if evidence were needed, the patent fact, that every
one in need of help invariably turned to the Arcadians. (21) Never in old
days had the Lacedaemonians yet invaded Athens without the Arcadians. "If
then," he added, "you are wise, you will be somewhat chary of following at
the beck and call of anybody, or it will be the old story again. As when
you marched in the train of Sparta you only enhanced her power, so to-day,
if you follow Theban guidance without thought or purpose instead of
claiming a division of the headship, you will speedily find, perhaps, in
her only a second edition of Lacedaemon." (22)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) For the plan of an Arcadian Federation and the part played by
Lycomedes, its true author, "who certainly merits thereby a high
place among the statesmen of Greece," see Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
Gov." ch. iv. p. 199 foll.
(21) For this claim on the part of the Arcadians, see "Anab." VI. ii.
10 foll.
(22) Or, "Lacedaemonians under another name."
</pre>
<p>
These words uttered in the ears of the Arcadians were sufficient to puff
them up with pride. They were lavish in their love of Lycomedes, and
thought there was no one his equal. He became their hero; he had only to
give his orders, and they appointed their magistrates (23) at his bidding.
But, indeed, a series of brilliant exploits entitled the Arcadians to
magnify themselves. The first of these arose out of an invasion of
Epidaurus by the Argives, which seemed likely to end in their finding
their escape barred by Chabrias and his foreign brigade with the Athenians
and Corinthians. Only, at the critical moment the Arcadians came to the
rescue and extricated the Argives, who were closely besieged, and this in
spite not only of the enemy, but of the savage nature of the ground
itself. Again they marched on Asine (24) in Laconian territory, and
defeated the Lacedaemonian garrison, putting the polemarch Geranor, who
was a Spartan, to the sword, and sacking the suburbs of the town. Indeed,
whenever or wherever they had a mind to send an invading force, neither
night nor wintry weather, nor length of road nor mountain barrier could
stay their march. So that at this date they regarded their prowess as
invincible. (25) The Thebans, it will be understood, could not but feel a
touch of jealousy at these pretensions, and their former friendship to the
Arcadians lost its ardour. With the Eleians, indeed, matters were worse.
The revelation came to them when they demanded back from the Arcadians
certain cities (26) of which the Lacedaemonians had deprived them. They
discovered that their views were held of no account, but that the
Triphylians and the rest who had revolted from them were to be made much
of, because they claimed to be Arcadians. (27) Hence, as contrasted with
the Thebans, the Eleians cherished feelings towards their late friends
which were positively hostile.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) {arkhontas}, see below, "Hell." VII. iv. 33. The formal title of
these Federal magistrates may or may not have been {arkhontes};
Freeman, "H. F. G." 203, note 6.
(24) See Grote, "H. G." x. 356.
(25) Or, "regarded themselves as the very perfection of soldiery."
(26) In reference to "Hell." III. ii. 25 foll., see Freeman, op. cit.
p. 201, and below, "Hell." VII. iv. 12 (B.C. 365); Busolt, op.
cit. p. 186 foll., in reference to Lasion.
(27) Busolt, p. 150.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 368. Self-esteem amounting to arrogance—such was the spirit
which animated each section of the allies, when a new phase was introduced
by the arrival of Philiscus (28) of Abydos on an embassy from Ariobarzanes
(29) with large sums of money. This agent's first step was to assemble a
congress of Thebans, allies, and Lacedaemonians at Delphi to treat of
peace. On their arrival, without attempting to communicate or take counsel
with the god as to how peace might be re-established, they fell to
deliberating unassisted; and when the Thebans refused to acquiesce in the
dependency of Messene (30) upon Lacedaemon, Philiscus set about collecting
a large foreign brigade to side with Lacedaemon and to prosecute the war.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(28) See Hicks, 84, p. 152; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 51; Grote, "H. G."
x. 357; Curtius, "H. G." (Eng. tr.) iv. 458; Diod. xv. 90.
(29) See above, V. i. 28; "Ages." ii. 26.
(30) See Hicks, 86.
</pre>
<p>
Whilst these matters were still pending, the second reinforcements from
Dionysius (31) arrived. There was a difference of opinion as to where the
troops should be employed, the Athenians insisting that they ought to
march into Thessaly to oppose the Thebans, the Lacedaemonians being in
favour of Laconia; and among the allies this latter opinion carried the
day. The reinforcement from Dionysius accordingly sailed round to Laconia,
where Archidamus incorporated them with the state troops and opened the
campaign. Caryae he took by storm, and put every one captured to the
sword, and from this point marching straight upon the Parrhasians of
Arcadia, he set about ravaging the country along with his Syracusan
supporters.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(31) See above, SS. 20, 22, p. 191 foll. The date is B.C. 368
according to Grote, "H. G." x. 362 foll.; al. B.C. 367.
</pre>
<p>
Presently when the Arcadians and Argives arrived with succours, he
retreated and encamped on the knolls above Medea. (32) While he was there,
Cissidas, the officer in charge of the reinforcement from Dionysius, made
the announcement that the period for his stay abroad had elapsed; and the
words were no sooner out of his lips than off he set on the road to
Sparta. The march itself, however, was not effected without delays, for he
was met and cut off by a body of Messenians at a narrow pass, and was
forced in these straits to send to Archidamus and beg for assistance,
which the latter tendered. When they had got as far as the bend (33) on
the road to Eutresia, there were the Arcadians and Argives advancing upon
Laconia and apparently intending, like the Messenians, to shut the Spartan
off from the homeward road.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(32) Or, "Melea," or "Malea." E. Curtius conjectures {Meleas} for
{Medeas} of the MSS., and probably the place referred to is the
township of Malea in the Aegytis (Pausan. VIII. xxvii. 4); see
above, "Hell." VI. v. 24, "the Maleatid." See Dind. "Hist. Gr.,"
Ox. MDCCCLIII., note ad loc.; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 459; Grote, "H.
G." x. 362.
(33) Or, "the resting-place"; cf. mod. "Khan." L. and S. cf. Arist.
"Frogs," 113. "Medea," below, is probably "Malea," (see last
note).
</pre>
<p>
Archidamus, debouching upon a flat space of ground where the roads to
Eutresia and Medea converge, drew up his troops and offered battle. When
happened then is thus told:—He passed in front of the regiments and
addressed them in terms of encouragement thus: "Fellow-citizens, the day
has come which calls upon us to prove ourselves brave men and look the
world in the face with level eyes. (34) Now are we to deliver to those who
come after us our fatherland intact as we received it from our fathers;
now will we cease hanging our heads in shame before our children and
wives, our old men and our foreign friends, in sight of whom in days of
old we shone forth conspicuous beyond all other Hellenes."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(34) See Plut. "Ages." 53 (Clough, vol. iv. p. 41).
</pre>
<p>
The words were scarcely uttered (so runs the tale), when out of the clear
sky came lightnings and thunderings, (35) with propitious manifestation to
him; and it so happened that on his right wing there stood a sacred
enclosure and a statue of Heracles, his great ancestor. As the result of
all these things, so deep a strength and courage came into the hearts of
his soldiers, as they tell, that the generals had hard work to restrain
their men as they pushed forward to the front. Presently, when Archidamus
led the advance, a few only of the enemy cared to await them at the
spear's point, and were slain; the mass of them fled, and fleeing fell.
Many were cut down by the cavalry, many by the Celts. When the battle
ceased and a trophy had been erected, the Spartan at once despatched home
Demoteles, the herald, with the news. He had to announce not only the
greatness of the victory, but the startling fact that, while the enemy's
dead were numerous, not one single Lacedaemonian had been slain. (36)
Those in Sparta to whom the news was brought, as says the story, when they
heard it, one and all, beginning with Agesilaus, and, after him, the
elders and the ephors, wept for joy—so close akin are tears to joy
and pain alike. There were others hardly less pleased than the
Lacedaemonians themselves at the misfortune which had overtaken the
Arcadians: these were the Thebans and Eleians—so offensive to them
had the boastful behaviour of these men become.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(35) See Xen. "Apolog." 12; Homer, "Il." ii. 353; "Od." xx. 113 foll.
(36) According to Diod. xv. 72, ten thousand of the enemy fell.
</pre>
<p>
The problem perpetually working in the minds of the Thebans was how they
were to compass the headship of Hellas; and they persuaded themselves
that, if they sent an embassy to the King of Persia, they could not but
gain some advantage by his help. Accordingly they did not delay, but
called together the allies, on the plea that Euthycles the Lacedaemonian
was already at the Persian court. The commissioners sent up were, on the
part of the Thebans, Pelopidas; (37) on the part of the Arcadians,
Antiochus, the pancratiast; and on that of the Eleians, Archidamus. There
was also an Argive in attendance. The Athenians on their side, getting
wind of the matter, sent up two commissioners, Timagoras and Leon.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(37) See Plut. "Pelop." 30 (Clough, vol. ii. p. 230). For the date see
Grote, "H. G." x. 365, 379; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 460.
</pre>
<p>
When they arrived at the Persian court the influence of Pelopidas was
preponderant with the Persian. He could point out that, besides the fact
that the Thebans alone among all the Hellenes had fought on the king's
side at Plataeae, (38) they had never subsequently engaged in military
service against the Persians; nay, the very ground of Lacedaemonian
hostility to them was that they had refused to march against the Persian
king with Agesilaus, (39) and would not even suffer him to sacrifice to
Artemis at Aulis (where Agamemnon sacrificed before he set sail for Asia
and captured Troy). In addition, there were two things which contributed
to raise the prestige of Thebes, and redounded to the honour of Pelopidas.
These were the victory of the Thebans at Leuctra, and the indisputable
fact that they had invaded and laid waste the territory of Laconia.
Pelopidas went on to point out that the Argives and Arcadians had lately
been defeated in battle by the Lacedaemonians, when his own countrymen
were not there to assist. The Athenian Timagoras supported all these
statements of the Theban by independent testimony, and stood second in
honour after Pelopidas.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(38) See Thuc. iii. 58, 59, 60.
(39) See above, "Hell." III. iv. 3; Lincke, "Zur. Xen. Krit." p. 315.
</pre>
<p>
At this point of the proceedings Pelopidas was asked by the king, what
special clause he desired inserted in the royal rescript. He replied as
follows: "Messene to be independent of Lacedaemon, and the Athenians to
lay up their ships of war. Should either power refuse compliance in these
respects, such refusal to be a casus belli; and any state refusing to take
part in the military proceedings consequent, to be herself the first
object of attack." These clauses were drawn up and read to the
ambassadors, when Leon, in the hearing of the king, exclaimed: "Upon my
word! Athenians, it strikes me it is high time you looked for some other
friend than the great king." The secretary reported the comment of the
Athenian envoy, and produced presently an altered copy of the document,
with a clause inserted: "If the Athenians have any better and juster views
to propound, let them come to the Persian court and explain them." (40)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(40) See Grote, "H. G." x. 402; and "Ages." viii. 3.
</pre>
<p>
Thus the ambassadors returned each to his own home and were variously
received. Timagoras, on the indictment of Leon, who proved that his
fellow-commissioner not only refused to lodge with him at the king's
court, but in every way played into the hands of Pelopidas, was put to
death. Of the other joint commissioners, the Eleian, Archidamus, was loud
in his praises of the king and his policy, because he had shown a
preference to Elis over the Arcadians; while for a converse reason,
because the Arcadian league was slighted, Antiochus not only refused to
accept any gift, but brought back as his report to the general assembly of
the Ten Thousand, (41) that the king appeared to have a large army of
confectioners and pastry-cooks, butlers and doorkeepers; but as for men
capable of doing battle with Hellenes, he had looked carefully, and could
not discover any. Besides all which, even the report of his wealth seemed
to him, he said, bombastic nonsense. "Why, the golden plane-tree that is
so belauded is not big enough to furnish shade to a single grasshopper."
(42)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(41) See above, VI. v. 6; Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." 202; Demosth. "F.
L." 220, etc.
(42) Or, "the golden plane-tree they romance about would not suffice
to," etc.
</pre>
<p>
At Thebes a conference of the states had been convened to listen to the
great king's letter. The Persian who bore the missive merely pointed to
the royal seal, and read the document; whereupon the Thebans invited all,
who wished to be their friends, to take an oath to what they had just
heard, as binding on the king and on themselves. To which the ambassadors
from the states replied that they had been sent to listen to a report, not
to take oaths; if oaths were wanted, they recommended the Thebans to send
ambassadors to the several states. The Arcadian Lycomedes, moreover, added
that the congress ought not to be held at Thebes at all, but at the seat
of war, wherever that might be. This remark brought down the wrath of the
Thebans on the speaker; they exclaimed that he was bent on breaking up the
alliance. Whereupon the Arcadian refused to take a seat in the congress at
all, and got up and betook himself off there and then, accompanied by all
the Arcadian envoys. Since, therefore, the assembled representatives
refused to take the oaths at Thebes, the Thebans sent to the different
states, one by one in turn, urging each to undertake solemnly to act in
accordance with the great king's rescript. They were persuaded that no
individual state would venture to quarrel with themselves and the Persian
monarch at once. As a matter of fact, however, when they arrived at
Corinth—which was the first stated vist—the Corinthians stood
out and gave as their answer, that they had no desire for any common oath
or undertaking with the king. The rest of the states followed suit, giving
answers of a similar tenor, so that this striving after empire on the part
of Pelopidas and the Thebans melted like a cloud-castle into air.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 367. (43) But Epaminondas was bent on one more effort. With a view to
forcing the Arcadians and the rest of the allies to pay better heed to
Thebes, he desired first to secure the adhesion of the Achaeans, and
decided to march an army into Achaea. Accordingly, he persuaded the Argive
Peisias, who was at the head of military affairs in Argos, to seize and
occupy Oneion in advance. Persias, having ascertained that only a sorry
guard was maintained over Oneion by Naucles, the general commanding the
Lacedaemonian foreign brigade, and by Timomachus the Athenian, under cover
of night seized and occupied with two thousand heavy infantry the rising
ground above Cenchreae, taking with him provisions for seven days. Within
the interval the Thebans arrived and surmounted the pass of Oneion;
whereupon the allied troops with Epaminondas at their head, advanced into
Achaea. The result of the campaign was that the better classes of Achaea
gave in their adhesion to him; and on his personal authority Epaminondas
insisted that there should be no driving of the aristocrats into exile,
nor any modification of the constitution. He was content to take a pledge
of fealty from the Achaeans to this effect: "Verily and indeed we will be
your allies, and follow whithersoever the Thebans lead." (44)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(43) B.C. 367, according to Grote, "H. G." x. 365, note 1; al. B.C.
366.
(44) See Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 241: "We read of local
oligarchies (in the several cities of Achaia) which Epameinondas
found and left in possession, but which the home government of
Thebes thought good to expel, and to substitute democracies under
the protection of Theban harmosts. This policy did not answer, as
the large bodies of exiles thus formed contrived to recover the
cities, and to bring them to a far more decided Spartan
partisanship than before."
</pre>
<p>
So he departed home. The Arcadians, however, and the partisans of the
opposite faction in Thebes were ready with an indictment against him:
"Epaminondas," they said, "had merely swept and garnished Achaea for the
Lacedaemonians, and then gone off." The Thebans accordingly resolved to
send governors (45) into the states of Achaea; and those officers on
arrival joined with the commonalty and drove out the better folk, and set
up democracies throughout Achaea. On their side, these exiles coalesced,
and, marching upon each separate state in turn, for they were pretty
numerous, speedily won their restoration and dominated the states. As the
party thus reinstated no longer steered a middle course, but went heart
and soul into an alliance with Lacedaemon, the Arcadians found themselves
between the upper and the nether millstone—that is to say, the
Lacedaemonians and the Achaeans.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(45) Lit. "harmosts."
</pre>
<p>
At Sicyon, hitherto, (46) the constitution was based on the ancient laws;
but at this date Euphron (who during the Lacedaemonian days had been the
greatest man in Sicyon, and whose ambition it was to hold a like
pre-eminence under their opponents) addressed himself to the Argives and
Arcadians as follows: "If the wealthiest classes should ever come into
power in Sicyon, without a doubt the city would take the first opportunity
of readopting a Laconian policy; whereas, if a democracy be set up," he
added, "you may rest assured Sicyon will hold fast by you. All I ask you
is to stand by me; I will do the rest. It is I who will call a meeting of
the people; and by that selfsame act I shall give you a pledge of my good
faith and present you with a state firm in its alliance. All this, be
assured," he added, "I do because, like yourselves, I have long ill
brooked the pride of Lacedaemon, and shall be glad to escape the yoke of
bondage."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(46) See Grote, "H. G." x. 379.
</pre>
<p>
These proposals found favour with the Arcadians and the Argives, who
gladly gave the assistance demanded. Euphron straightway, in the
market-place, in the presence of the two powers concerned, (47) proceeded
to convene the Demos, as if there were to be a new constitution, based on
the principle of equality. (48) When the convention met, he bade them
appoint generals: they might choose whom they liked. Whereupon they
elected Euphron himself, Hippodamus, Cleander, Acrisius, and Lysander.
When these matters were arranged he appointed Adeas, his own son, over the
foreign brigade, in place of the former commander, Lysimenes, whom he
removed. His next step was promptly to secure the fidelity of the foreign
mercenaries by various acts of kindness, and to attach others; and he
spared neither the public nor the sacred moneys for this object. He had,
to aid him, further, the property of all the citizens whom he exiled on
the ground of Laconism, and of this without scruple he in every case
availed himself. As for his colleagues in office, some he treacherously
put to death, others he exiled, by which means he got everything under his
own power, and was now a tyrant without disguise. The method by which he
got the allies to connive at his doings was twofold. Partly he worked on
them by pecuniary aid, partly by the readiness with which he lent the
support of his foreign troops on any campaign to which they might invite
him.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(47) Lit. "the Argives and the Arcadians."
(48) Lit. "on fair and equal terms." See Thuc. v. 79.
</pre>
<p>
II
</p>
<p>
B.C. 366. Matters had so far progressed that the Argives had already
fortified the Trikaranon above the Heraion as an outpost to threaten
Phlius, while the Sicyonians were engaged in fortifying Thyamia (1) on
their frontier; and between the two the Phliasians were severely pinched.
They began to suffer from dearth of necessaries; but, in spite of all,
remained unshaken in their alliance. It is the habit of historians, I
know, to record with admiration each noble achievement of the larger
powers, but to me it seems a still more worthy task to bring to light the
great exploits of even a little state found faithful in the performance of
fair deeds.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) "Thyamia is placed by Ross on the lofty hill of Spiria, the
northern prolongation of Tricaranum, between the villages Stimanga
and Skrapani."—"Dict. Anct. Geog." "Phlius."
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 370-369. Now these Phliasians were friends of Lacedaemon while at the
zenith of her power. After her disaster on the field of Leuctra, when many
of the Perioeci, and the helots to a man, revolted; when, more than that,
the allies, save only quite a few, forsook her; (2) and when united
Hellas, so to speak, was marching on her—these Phliasians remained
stanch in their allegiance; and, in spite of the hostility of the most
powerful states of the Peloponnese, to wit the Arcardians and the Argives,
they insisted on coming to her aid. It fell to their lot to cross into
Prasiae as the rearguard of the reinforcements, which consisted of the men
of Corinth, of Epidaurus and of Troezen, of Hermione, Halieis, and Sicyon
and Pellene, in the days before any of these had revolted. (3) Not even
when the commander of the foreign brigade, picking up the divisions
already across, left them behind and was gone—not even so did they
flinch or turn back, but hired a guide from Prasiae, and though the enemy
was massed round Amyclae, slipped through his ranks, as best they could,
and so reached Sparta. It was then that the Lacedaemonians, besides other
honours conferred upon them, sent them an ox as a gift of hospitality.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) See above, "VI." v. 29.
(3) See "Hell." VII. i. 18.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 369. Later on, when the enemy had retired from Laconia, the Argives,
ill brooking so much zeal for Lacedaemon on the part of Phlius, marched in
full force against the little state, and fell to ravaging their territory.
Even then they remained undaunted; and when the enemy turned to retire,
destroying all that he could lay hands upon, out dashed the cavalry of the
Phliasians and dogged his retreat. And notwithstanding that the Argive's
rear consisted of the whole of his cavalry, with some companies of
infantry to support them, they attacked him, sixty in number, and routed
his whole rearguard. They slew, indeed, but a few of them; but, having so
slain that handful, they paused and erected a trophy in full sight of the
Argive army with as little concern as if they had cut down their enemies
to a man.
</p>
<p>
Once again the Lacedaemonians and their allies were guarding Oneion, (4)
and the Thebans were threatening to scale the pass. The Arcadians and
Eleians (5) were moving forwards through Nemea to effect a junction with
the Thebans, when a hint was conveyed to them by some Phliasian exiles,
"Only show yourselves before Phlius and the town is yours." An agreement
was made, and in the dead of night a party consisting of the exiles
themselves and others with them, about six hundred in number, planted
themselves close under the walls with scaling-ladders. Presently the
scouts from the Trikaranon signalled to the city that the enemy was
advancing. The citizens were all attention; their eyes fixed upon their
scouts. Meanwhile the traitors within were likewise signalling to those
seated under lee of the walls "to scale"; and these, scaling up, seized
the arms of the guards, which they found abandoned, and fell to pursuing
the day sentinels, ten in number (one out of each squad of five being
always left on day duty). (6) One of these was put to the sword as he lay
asleep, and a second as he was escaping to the Heraion; but the other
eight day-pickets leapt down the wall on the side towards the city, one
after another. The scaling party now found themselves in undisputed
possession of the citadel. But the shouting had reached the city below:
the citizens rallied to the rescue; and the enemy began by sallying forth
from the citadel, and did battle in the forefront of the gate leading down
to the city. By and by, being strongly beleaguered by the ever-increasing
reinforcements of the citizens, they retired, falling back upon the
citadel; and the citizens along with the enemy forced their way in. The
centre of the citadel was speedily deserted; for the enemy scaled the
walls and towers, and showered blows and missiles upon the citizens below.
These defended themselves from the ground, or pressed the encounter home
by climbing the ladders which led to the walls. Once masters of certain
towers on this side and the other of the invaders, the citizens came to
close quarters with them with reckless desperation. The invaders, pushed
and pommelled by dint of such audacity and hard hitting, were cooped up
like sheep into narrower and narrower space. But at that critical moment
the Arcadians and the Argives were circling round the city, and had begun
to dig through the walls of the citadel from its upper side. (7) Of the
citizens inside some were beating down their assailants on the wall; (8)
others, those of them who were climbing up from outside and were still on
the scaling-ladders, whilst a third set were delivering battle against
those who had mounted the towers. These last had found fire in the men's
quarters, and were engaged in setting the towers and all ablaze, bringing
up sheaves of corn and grass—an ample harvesting, as luck would have
it, garnered off the citadel itself. Thereupon the occupants of the
towers, in terror of the flames, leapt down one by one, while those on the
walls, under the blows of the defenders, tumbled off with similar
expedition; and as soon as they had once begun to yield, the whole
citadel, in almost less time than it takes to tell, was cleared of the
enemy. In an instant out dashed the cavalry, and the enemy, seeing them,
beat a hasty retreat, leaving behind scaling-ladders and dead, besides
some comrades hopelessly maimed. In fact, the enemy, what between those
who were slain inside and those who leapt from the walls, lost not less
than eighty men. And now it was a goodly sight to see the brave men grasp
one another by the hand and pledge each other on their preservation,
whilst the women brought them drink and cried for joy. Not one there
present but in very sooth was overcome by laughter mixed with tears. (9)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) B.C. 369? al. B.C. 368. See above, "Hell." VII. i. 15; Grote, "H.
G." x. 346.
(5) See above, "Hell." VII. i. 18, and below, S. 8.
(6) Or, "one member of both the squads of five was left behind"—i.e.
two out of the ten could not keep up with the rest in their
flight, and were taken and killed; one indeed had not started, but
was killed in sleep.
(7) Or, "downwards" (L. and S.); or, "in front," "von vorn" (Buchs).
(8) Reading, {tous eti toi teikhous}. See Otto Keller for various
emendations of the passage.
(9) In true Homeric fashion, as Pollux (ii. 64) observes. See Homer,
"Il." vi. 484. See above, VII. i. 32; "Cyrop." VII. v. 32;
"Hiero," iii. 5; "Sym." ii. 24; "Antony and Cleopatra," III. ii.
43.
</pre>
<p>
Next year also (10) Phlius was invaded by the Argives and all the
Arcadians. The reason of this perpetually-renewed attack on Phlius is not
far to seek: partly it was the result of spleen, partly the little
township stood midway between them, and they cherished the hope that
through want of the necessaries of life they would bring it over. During
this invasion the cavalry and the picked troop of the Phliasians, assisted
by some Athenian knights, made another famous charge at the crossing of
the river. (11) They made it so hot for the enemy that for the rest of
that day he was forced to retire under the mountain ridges, and to hold
aloof as if afraid to trample down the corn-crops of a friendly people on
the flat below.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) B.C. 368 (or 367).
(11) The Asopus.
</pre>
<p>
Again another time (12) the Theban commander in Sicyon marched out against
Phlius, taking with him the garrison under his personal command, with the
Sicyonians and Pellenians (for at the date of the incident these states
followed in the wake of Thebes). Euphron was there also with his
mercenaries, about two thousand in number, to share the fortunes of the
field. The mass of the troops began their descent on the Heraion by the
Trikaranon, intending to ravage the flat bottom below. At the gate leading
to Corinth the Theban general left his Sicyonians and Pellenians on the
height, to prevent the Phliasians getting behind him at this point and so
over the heads of his troops as they lay at the Heraion beneath. (13) As
soon as the citizens of Phlius found that hostile troops were advancing on
their corn-land, out dashed the cavalry with the chosen band of the
Phliasians and gave battle, not suffering the enemy to penetrate into the
plain. The best part of the day was spent in taking long shots at one
another on that field; Euphron pushing his attack down to the point where
cavalry could operate, the citizens retaliating as far as the Heraion.
Presently the time to withdraw had come, and the enemy began to retire,
following the circle of the Trikaranon; the short cut to reach the
Pellenians being barred by the ravine which runs in front of the walls.
The Phliasians escorted their retreating foes a little way up the steep,
and then turning off dashed along the road beside the walls, making for
the Pellenians and those with them; whereupon the Theban, perceiving the
haste of the Phliasians, began racing with his infantry to outspeed them
and bring succour to the Pellenians. The cavalry, however, arrived first
and fell to attacking the Pellenians, who received and withstood the
shock, and the cavalry drew back. A second time they charged, and were
supported by some infantry detachments, which had now come up. It ended in
a hand-to-hand fight; and eventually the enemy gave way. On the field lay
dead some Sicyonians, and of the Pellenians many a good man. In record of
the feat the Phliasians began to raise a trophy, as well they might; and
loud and clear the paean rang. As to the Theban and Euphron, they and all
their men stood by and stared at the proceedings, like men who had raced
to see a sight. After all was over the one party retired to Sicyon and the
other withdrew into their city.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) B.C. 367 (or 366).
(13) Lit. "above the Heraion" (where his main body lay).
</pre>
<p>
That too was another noble exploit of the Phliasians, when they took the
Pellenian Proxenus prisoner and, although suffering from scarcity at the
time, sent him back without a ransom. "As generous as brave," such is
their well-earned title who were capable of such performance.
</p>
<p>
The heroic resolution with which these men maintained their loyalty to
their friends is manifest. When excluded from the fruits of their own
soil, they contrived to live, partly by helping themselves from the
enemy's territory, partly by purchasing from Corinth, though to reach that
market they must run the gauntlet of a thousand risks; and having reached
it their troubles began afresh. There were difficulties in providing the
requisite sum, difficulties in arranging with the purveyors, and it was
barely possible to find sureties for the very beasts which should carry
home their marketing. They had reached the depth of despair, and were
absolutely at a loss what to do, when they arranged with Chares to escort
their convoy. Once safe inside Phlius, they begged him to help them to
convey their useless and sick folk to Pellene. (14) These they left at
that place; and after making purchases and packing as many beasts of
burthen as they could, they set off to return in the night, not in
ignorance that they would be laid in wait for by the enemy, but persuaded
that the want of provisions was a worse evil than mere fighting.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) What is the date of this incident? See above, "Hell." VII. ii. 3;
below VII. iv. 17.
</pre>
<p>
The men of Phlius pushed forward with Chares; presently they stumbled on
the enemy and at once grappled to their work. Pressing hard on the foe,
they called cheerily to one another, and shouted at the same time to
Chares to bring up his aid. In short, the victory was theirs; and the
enemy was driven off the road; and so they got themselves and their
supplies safely home. The long night-watching superinduced sleep which
lasted well into the next day. But Chares was no sooner out of bed then he
was accosted by the cavalry and the pick of the heavy infantry with the
following appeal: "Chares, to-day you have it in your power to perform the
noblest deed of arms. The Sicyonians are fortifying an outpost on our
borders, they have plenty of stone-masons but a mere handful of hoplites.
We the knights of Phlius and we the flower of our infantry force will lead
the way; and you shall follow after with your mercenaries. Perhaps when
you appear on the scene you will find the whole thing finished, or perhaps
your coming will send the enemy flying, as happened at Pellene. If you do
not like the sound of these proposals, sacrifice and take counsel of the
gods. Our belief is that the gods will bid you yet more emphatically than
we to take this step. Only this, Chares, you must well consider, that if
you do take it you will have established an outpost on the enemy's
frontier; you will have saved from perdition a friendly city; you will win
eternal glory in your own fatherland; and among friends and foes alike no
name will be heralded with louder praise than that of Chares."
</p>
<p>
Chares was persuaded, and proceeded to offer sacrifice. Meanwhile the
Phliasian cavalry were donning their breastplates and bridling their
horses, and the heavy infantry made every preparation for the march. Then
they took their arms, fell into line, and tramped off to the place of
sacrifice. Chares with the soothsayer stepped forward to meet them,
announcing that the victims were favourable. "Only wait for us," they
exclaimed; "we will sally forth with you at once." The heralds' cry "To
arms!" was sounded, and with a zeal which was almost miraculous the
mercenaries themselves rushed out. As soon as Chares began the march, the
Phliasian cavalry and infantry got in front of him. At first they led off
at a smart pace; presently they began to bowl (15) along more quickly, and
finally the cavalry were tearing over the ground might and main, whilst
the infantry, at the greatest pace compatible with keeping their ranks,
tore after them; and behind them, again, came Chares zealously following
up in their rear. There only remained a brief interval of daylight before
the sun went down, and they came upon the enemy in the fortress, some
washing, some cooking a savoury meal, others kneading their bread, others
making their beds. These, when they saw the vehemence of the attack, at
once, in utter panic, took to flight, leaving behind all their provisions
for the brave fellows who took their place. They, as their reward, made a
fine supper off these stores and others which had come from home, pouring
out libations for their good fortune and chanting the battle-hymn; after
which they posted pickets for the night and slumbered well. The messenger
with the news of their success at Thyamia arrived at Corinth in the night.
The citizens of that state with hearty friendship at once ordered out by
herald all the oxen and beasts of burthen, which they loaded with food and
brought to Phlius; and all the while the fortress was building day by day
these convoys of food were duly despatched.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) See "Anab." VII. iii. 46.
</pre>
<p>
III
</p>
<p>
But on this topic enough, perhaps, has been said to demonstrate the
loyalty of the men of Phlius to their friends, their bravery in war, and,
lastly, their steadfastness in maintaining their alliance in spite of
famine.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 367-366. It seems to have been somewhere about this date that Aeneas
the Stymphalian, (1) who had become general of the Arcadians, finding that
the state of affairs in Sicyon was intolerable, marched up with his army
into the acropolis. Here he summoned a meeting of the Sicyonian
aristocrats already within the walls, and sent to fetch those others who
had been banished without a decree of the people. (2) Euphron, taking
fright at these proceedings, fled for safety to the harbour-town of
Sicyon. Hither he summoned Pasimelus from Corinth, and by his
instrumentality handed over the harbour to the Lacedaemonians. Once more
reappearing in his old character, he began to pose as an ally of Sparta.
He asserted that his fidelity to Lacedaemon had never been interrupted;
for when the votes were given in the city whether Sicyon should give up
her allegiance to Lacedaemon, "I, with one or two others," said he, "voted
against the measure; but afterwards these people betrayed me, and in my
desire to avenge myself on them I set up a democracy. At present all
traitors to yourselves are banished—I have seen to that. If only I
could get the power into my own hands, I would go over to you, city and
all, at once. All that I can do at present, I have done; I have
surrendered to you this harbour." That was what Euphron said to his
audience there, but of the many who heard his words, how many really
believed his words is by no means evident. However, since I have begun the
story of Euphron, I desire to bring it to its close.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) Is this man the famous writer {o taktikos}, a portion of whose
works, the "Treatise on Siege Operations," has been preserved
(recently re-edited by Arnold Hug—"Commentarius Poliorceticus,"
Lips. Trubner, 1884)? So Casaubon supposed. Cf. "Com. Pol." 27,
where the writer mentions {paneia} as the Arcadian term for
"panics." Readers of the "Anabasis" will recollect the tragic end
of another Aeneas, also of Stymphalus, an Arcadian officer. On the
official title {strategos} (general), Freeman ("Hist. Fed. Gov."
204) notes that "at the head of the whole League there seems to
have been, as in so many other cases, a single Federal general."
Cf. Diod. xv. 62.
(2) See above, VII. i. 46.
</pre>
<p>
Faction and party strife ran high in Sicyon between the better classes and
the people, when Euphron, getting a body of foreign troops from Athens,
once more obtained his restoration. The city, with the help of the
commons, he was master of, but the Theban governor held the citadel.
Euphron, perceiving that he would never be able to dominate the state
whilst the Thebans held the acropolis, collected money and set off to
Thebes, intending to persuade the Thebans to expel the aristocrats and
once again to hand over the city to himself. But the former exiles, having
got wind of this journey of his, and of the whole intrigue, set off
themselves to Thebes in front of him. (3) When, however, they saw the
terms of intimacy on which he associated with the Theban authorities, in
terror of his succeeding in his mission some of them staked their lives on
the attempt and stabbed Euphron in the Cadmeia, where the magistrates and
senate were seated. The magistrates, indeed, could not but indict the
perpetrators of the deed before the senate, and spoke as follows:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) Or, "on an opposition journey."
</pre>
<p>
"Fellow-citizens, it is our duty to arraign these murderers of Euphron,
the men before you, on the capital charge. Mankind may be said to fall
into two classes: there are the wise and temperate, (4) who are incapable
of any wrong and unhallowed deed; and there are the base, the bad, who do
indeed such things, but try to escape the notice of their fellows. The men
before you are exceptional. They have so far exceeded all the rest of men
in audacity and foul villainy that, in the very presence of the
magistrates and of yourselves, who alone have the power of life and death,
they have taken the law into their own hands, (5) and have slain this man.
But they stand now before the bar of justice, and they must needs pay the
extreme penalty; for, if you spare them, what visitor will have courage to
approach the city? Nay, what will become of the city itself, if license is
to be given to any one who chooses to murder those who come here, before
they have even explained the object of their visit? It is our part, then,
to prosecute these men as arch-villains and miscreants, whose contempt for
law and justice is only matched by the supreme indifference with which
they treat this city. It is your part, now that you have heard the
charges, to impose upon them that penalty which seems to be the measure of
their guilt."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(4) Lit. "the sound of soul."
(5) Or, "they have been judge and jury both, and executioners to
boot."
</pre>
<p>
Such were the words of the magistrates. Among the men thus accused, all
save one denied immediate participation in the act. It was not their hands
that had dealt the blow. This one not only confessed the deed, but made a
defence in words somewhat as follows:
</p>
<p>
"As to treating you with indifference, men of Thebes, that is not possible
for a man who knows that with you lies the power to deal with him as you
list. Ask rather on what I based my confidence when I slew the man; and be
well assured that, in the first place, I based it on the conviction that I
was doing right; next, that your verdict will also be right and just. I
knew assuredly how you dealt with Archias (6) and Hypates and that company
whom you detected in conduct similar to that of Euphron: you did not stay
for formal voting, but at the first opportunity within your reach you
guided the sword of vengeance, believing that by the verdict of mankind a
sentence of death had already been passed against the conspicuously
profane person, the manifest traitor, and him who lays to his hand to
become a tyrant. See, then, what follows. Euphron was liable on each of
these several counts: he was a conspicuously profane person, who took into
his keeping temples rich in votive offerings of gold and silver, and swept
them bare of their sacred treasures; he was an arrant traitor—for
what treason could be more manifest than Euphron's? First he was the bosom
friend of Lacedaemon, but presently chose you in their stead; and, after
exchange of solemn pledges between yourselves and him, once more turned
round and played the traitor to you, and delivered up the harbour to your
enemies. Lastly, he was most undisguisedly a tyrant, who made not free men
only, but free fellow-citizens his slaves; who put to death, or drove into
exile, or robbed of their wealth and property, not malefactors, note you,
but the mere victims of his whim and fancy; and these were ever the better
folk. Once again restored by the help of your sworn foes and antagonists,
the Athenians, to his native town of Sicyon, the first thing he did was to
take up arms against the governor from Thebes; but, finding himself
powerless to drive him from the acropolis, he collected money and betook
himself hither. Now, if it were proved that he had mustered armed bands to
attack you, I venture to say, you would have thanked me that I slew him.
What then, when he came furnished with vile moneys, to corrupt you
therewith, to bribe you to make him once more lord and master of the
state? How shall I, who dealt justice upon him, justly suffer death at
your hands? For to be worsted in arms implies injury certainly, but of the
body only: the defeated man is not proved to be dishonest by his loss of
victory. But he who is corrupted by filthy lucre, contrary to the standard
of what is best, (7) is at once injured and involved in shame.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) See above, V. iv. 2.
(7) Or, as we should say, "in violation of conscience."
</pre>
<p>
"Now if he had been your friend, however much he was my national foe, I do
confess it had been scarce honourable of me to have stabbed him to death
in your presence: but why, I should like to ask, should the man who
betrayed you be less your enemy than mine? 'Ah, but,' I hear some one
retort, 'he came of his own accord.' I presume, sir, you mean that had he
chanced to be slain by somebody at a distance from your state, that
somebody would have won your praise; but now, on the ground that he came
back here to work mischief on the top of mischief, 'he had the right to
live'! (8) In what part of Hellas, tell me, sir, do Hellenes keep a truce
with traitors, double-dyed deserters, and tyrants? Moreover, I must remind
you that you passed a resolution—if I mistake not, it stands
recorded in your parliamentary minutes—that 'renegades are liable to
be apprehended (9) in any of the allied cities.' Now, here is a renegade
restoring himself without any common decree of the allied states: will any
one tell me on what ground this person did not deserve to die? What I
maintain, sirs, is that if you put me to death, by so doing you will be
aiding and abetting your bitterest foe; while, by a verdict sanctioning
the justice of my conduct, you will prove your willingness to protect the
interests not of yourselves only, but of the whole body of your allies."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Or, "he was wrongfully slain."
(9) For this right of extradition see Plut. "Lys." xxvii.
</pre>
<p>
The Thebans on hearing these pleadings decided that Euphron had only
suffered the fate which he deserved. His own countrymen, however, conveyed
away the body with the honours due to a brave and good man, and buried him
in the market-place, where they still pay pious reverence to his memory as
"a founder of the state." So strictly, it would seem, do the mass of
mankind confine the term brave and good to those who are the benefactors
of themselves.
</p>
<p>
IV
</p>
<p>
B.C. 366. And so ends the history of Euphron. I return to the point
reached at the commencement of this digression. (1) The Phliasians were
still fortifying Thyamia, and Chares was still with them, when Oropus (2)
was seized by the banished citizens of that place. The Athenians in
consequence despatched an expedition in full force to the point of danger,
and recalled Chares from Thyamia; whereupon the Sicyonians and the
Arcadians seized the opportunity to recapture the harbour of Sicyon.
Meanwhile the Athenians, forced to act single-handed, with none of their
allies to assist them, retired from Oropus, leaving that town in the hands
of the Thebans as a deposit till the case at issue could be formally
adjudicated.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) See above, VII. ii. 23; iii. 3; Diod. xv. 76.
(2) See Thuc. viii. 60.
</pre>
<p>
Now Lycomedes (3) had discovered that the Athenians were harbouring a
grievance against her allies, as follows:—They felt it hard that,
while Athens was put to vast trouble on their account, yet in her need not
a man among them stepped forward to render help. Accordingly he persuaded
the assembly of Ten Thousand to open negotiations with Athens for the
purpose of forming an alliance. (4) At first some of the Athenians were
vexed that they, being friends of Lacedaemon, should become allied to her
opponents; but on further reflection they discovered it was no less
desirable for the Lacedaemonians than for themselves that the Arcadians
should become independent of Thebes. That being so, they were quite ready
to accept an Arcadian alliance. Lycomedes himself was still engaged on
this transaction when, taking his departure from Athens, he died, in a
manner which looked like divine intervention.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) See above, VII. i. 23.
(4) This proves that "the Ten Thousand made war and peace in the name
of all Arkadia"; cf. "Hell." VII. i. 38; Diod. xv. 59. "They
received and listened to the ambassadors of other Greek states";
Demosth. "F. L." 220. "They regulated and paid the standing army
of the Federation"; "Hell." VII. iv. 22, 23; Diod. xv. 62. "They
sat in judgment on political offenders against the collective
majority of the Arkadian League"; "Hell." VII. iv. 33; Freeman,
"Hist. Fed. Gov." 203, note 1.
</pre>
<p>
Out of the many vessels at his service he had chosen the one he liked
best, and by the terms of contract was entitled to land at any point he
might desire; but for some reason, selected the exact spot where a body of
Mantinean exiles lay. Thus he died; but the alliance on which he had set
his heart was already consummated.
</p>
<p>
Now an argument was advanced by Demotion (5) in the Assembly of Athens,
approving highly of the friendship with the Arcadians, which to his mind
was an excellent thing, but arguing that the generals should be instructed
to see that Corinth was kept safe for the Athenian people. The
Corinthians, hearing this, lost no time in despatching garrisons of their
own large enough to take the place of the Athenian garrisons at any point
where they might have them, with orders to these latter to retire: "We
have no further need of foreign garrisons," they said. The garrisons did
as they were bid.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(5) Of Demotion nothing more, I think, is known. Grote ("H. G." x.
397) says: "The public debates of the Athenian assembly were not
favourable to the success of a scheme like that proposed by
Demotion, to which secrecy was indispensable. Compare another
scheme" (the attempted surprise of Mitylene, B.C. 428), "divulged
in like manner, in Thuc. iii. 3."
</pre>
<p>
As soon as the Athenian garrison troops were met together in the city of
Corinth, the Corinthian authorities caused proclamation to be made
inviting all Athenians who felt themselves wronged to enter their names
and cases upon a list, and they would recover their dues. While things
were in this state, Chares arrived at Cenchreae with a fleet. Learning
what had been done, he told them that he had heard there were designs
against the state of Corinth, and had come to render assistance. The
authorities, while thanking him politely for his zeal, were not any the
more ready to admit the vessels into the harbour, but bade him sail away;
and after rendering justice to the infantry troops, they sent them away
likewise. Thus the Athenians were quit of Corinth. To the Arcadians, to be
sure, they were forced by the terms of their alliance to send an auxiliary
force of cavalry, "in case of any foreign attack upon Arcadia." At the
same time they were careful not to set foot on Laconian soil for the
purposes of war.
</p>
<p>
The Corinthians had begun to realise on how slender a thread their
political existence hung. They were overmastered by land still as ever,
with the further difficulty of Athenian hostility, or quasi-hostility, now
added. They resolved to collect bodies of mercenary troops, both infantry
and horse. At the head of these they were able at once to guard their
state and to inflict much injury on their neighbouring foes. To Thebes,
indeed, they sent ambassadors to ascertain whether they would have any
prospect of peace if they came to seek it. The Thebans bade them come:
"Peace they should have." Whereupon the Corinthians asked that they might
be allowed to visit their allies; in making peace they would like to share
it with those who cared for it, and would leave those who preferred war to
war. This course also the Thebans sanctioned; and so the Corinthians came
to Lacedaemon and said:
</p>
<p>
"Men of Lacedaemon, we, your friends, are here to present a petition, and
on this wise. If you can discover any safety for us whilst we persist in
warlike courses, we beg that you will show it us; but if you recognise the
hopelessness of our affairs, we would, in that case, proffer this
alternative: if peace is alike conducive to your interests, we beg that
you would join us in making peace, since there is no one with whom we
would more gladly share our safety than with you; if, on the other hand,
you are persuaded that war is more to your interest, permit us at any rate
to make peace for ourselves. So saved to-day, perhaps we may live to help
you in days to come; whereas, if to-day we be destroyed, plainly we shall
never at any time be serviceable again."
</p>
<p>
The Lacedaemonians, on hearing these proposals, counselled the Corinthians
to arrange a peace on their own account; and as for the rest of their
allies, they permitted any who did not care to continue the war along with
them to take a respite and recruit themselves. "As for ourselves," they
said, "we will go on fighting and accept whatever Heaven has in store for
us,"—adding, "never will we submit to be deprived of our territory
of Messene, which we received as an heirloom from our fathers." (6)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(6) See Isocr. "Or." vi. "Archidamos," S. 70; Jebb, "Att. Or." ii.
193.
</pre>
<p>
Satisfied with this answer, the Corinthians set off to Thebes in quest of
peace. The Thebans, indeed, asked them to agree on oath, not to peace only
but an alliance; to which they answered: "An alliance meant, not peace,
but merely an exchange of war. If they liked, they were ready there and
then," they repeated, "to establish a just and equitable peace." And the
Thebans, admiring the manner in which, albeit in danger, they refused to
undertake war against their benefactors, conceded to them and the
Phliasians and the rest who came with them to Thebes, peace on the
principle that each should hold their own territory. On these terms the
oaths were taken.
</p>
<p>
Thereupon the Phliasians, in obedience to the compact, at once retired
from Thyamia; but the Argives, who had taken the oath of peace on
precisely the same terms, finding that they were unable to procure the
continuance of the Phliasian exiles in the Trikaranon as a point held
within the limits of Argos, (7) took over and garrisoned the place,
asserting now that this land was theirs—land which only a little
while before they were ravaging as hostile territory. Further, they
refused to submit the case to arbitration in answer to the challenge of
the Phliasians.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) Or, "as a post held by them within the territory of the state."
The passage is perhaps corrupt.
</pre>
<p>
It was nearly at the same date that the son of Dionysius (8) (his father,
Dionysius the first, being already dead) sent a reinforcement to
Lacedaemon of twelve triremes under Timocrates, who on his arrival helped
the Lacedaemonians to recover Sellasia, and after that exploit sailed away
home.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Concerning Dionysius the first, see above, VII. i. 20 foll. 28.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 366-365. Not long after this the Eleians seized Lasion, (9) a place
which in old days was theirs, but at present was attached to the Arcadian
league. The Arcadians did not make light of the matter, but immediately
summoned their troops and rallied to the rescue. Counter-reliefs came also
on the side of Elis—their Three Hundred, and again their Four
Hundred. (10) The Eleians lay encamped during the day face to face with
the invader, but on a somewhat more level position. The Arcadians were
thereby induced under cover of night to mount on to the summit of the hill
overhanging the Eleians, and at day-dawn they began their descent upon the
enemy. The Eleians soon caught sight of the enemy advancing from the
vantage ground above them, many times their number; but a sense of shame
forbade retreat at such a distance. Presently they came to close quarters;
there was a hand-to-hand encounter; the Eleians turned and fled; and in
retiring down the difficult ground lost many men and many arms.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(9) See above, VII. i. 26; Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 201.
(10) From the sequel it would appear that the former were a picked
corps of infantry and the latter of cavalry. See Thuc. ii. 25;
Busolt, op. cit. p. 175 foll.
</pre>
<p>
Flushed with this achievement the Arcadians began marching on the cities
of the Acroreia, (11) which, with the exception of Thraustus, they
captured, and so reached Olympia. There they made an entrenched camp on
the hill of Kronos, established a garrison, and held control over the
Olympian hill-country. Margana also, by help of a party inside who gave it
up, next fell into their hands.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(11) The mountainous district of Elis on the borders of Arcadia, in
which the rivers Peneius and Ladon take their rise; see "Dict. of
Anct. Geog." s.v.; above, III. ii. 30, IV. ii. 16. Thraustus was
one of the four chief townships of the district. For Margana, see
above, III. ii. 25, 30, IV. ii. 16, VI. v. 2.
</pre>
<p>
These successive advantages gained by their opponents reacted on the
Eleians, and threw them altogether into despair. Meanwhile the Arcadians
were steadily advancing upon their capital. (12) At length they arrived,
and penetrated into the market-place. Here, however, the cavalry and the
rest of the Eleians made a stand, drove the enemy out with some loss, and
set up a trophy.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) I.e. Elis.
</pre>
<p>
It should be mentioned that the city of Elis had previously been in a
state of disruption. The party of Charopus, Thrasonidas and Argeius were
for converting the state into a democracy; the party of Eualcas, Hippias,
and Stratolas (13) were for oligarchy. When the Arcadians, backed by a
large force, appeared as allies of those who favoured a democratic
constitution, the party of Charopus were at once emboldened; and, having
obtained the promise of assistance from the Arcadians, they seized the
acropolis. The Knights and the Three Hundred did not hesitate, but at once
marched up and dislodged them; with the result that about four hundred
citizens, with Argeius and Charopus, were banished. Not long afterwards
these exiles, with the help of some Arcadians, seized and occupied Pylus;
(14) where many of the commons withdrew from the capital to join them,
attracted not only by the beauty of the position, but by the great power
of the Arcadians, in alliance with them.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(13) See below, VII. iv. 31; Busolt, op. cit. p. 175.
(14) Pylus, a town in "hollow" Elis, upon the mountain road from Elis
to Olympia, at the place where the Ladon flows into the Peneius
(Paus. VI. xxii. 5), near the modern village of Agrapidokhori.—
Baedeker, "Greece," p. 320. See Busolt, p. 179.
</pre>
<p>
There was subsequently another invasion of the territory of the Eleians on
the part of the Arcadians, who were influenced by the representations of
the exiles that the city would come over to them. But the attempt proved
abortive. The Achaeans, who had now become friends with the Eleians, kept
firm guard on the capital, so that the Arcadians had to retire without
further exploit than that of ravaging the country. Immediately, however,
on marching out of Eleian territory they were informed that the men of
Pellene were in Elis; whereupon they executed a marvellously long night
march and seized the Pellenian township of Olurus (15) (the Pellenians at
the date in question having already reverted to their old alliance with
Lacedaemon). And now the men of Pellene, in their turn getting wind of
what had happened at Olurus, made their way round as best they could, and
got into their own city of Pellene; after which there was nothing for it
but to carry on war with the Arcadians in Olurus and the whole body of
their own commons; and in spite of their small numbers they did not cease
till they had reduced Olurus by siege.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) This fortress (placed by Leake at modern Xylokastro) lay at the
entrance of the gorge of the Sys, leading from the Aigialos or
coast-land into the territory of Pellene, which itself lay about
sixty stades from the sea at modern Zougra. For the part played by
Pellene as one of the twelve Achaean states at this period, see
above.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 365. (16) The Arcadians were presently engaged on another campaign
against Elis. While they were encamped between Cyllene (17) and the
capital the Eleians attacked them, but the Arcadians made a stand and won
the battle. Andromachus, the Eleian cavalry general, who was regarded as
responsible for the engagement, made an end of himself; and the rest
withdrew into the city. This battle cost the life also of another there
present—the Spartan Socleides; since, it will be understood, the
Lacedaemonians had by this time become allies of the Eleians. Consequently
the Eleians, being sore pressed on their own territory, sent an embassy
and begged the Lacedaemonians to organise an expedition against the
Arcadians. They were persuaded that in this way they would best arrest the
progress of the Arcadians, who would thus be placed between the two foes.
In accordance with this suggestion Archidamus marched out with a body of
the city troops and seized Cromnus. (18) Here he left a garrison—three
out of the twelve regiments (19)—and so withdrew homewards. The
Arcadians had just ended their Eleian campaign, and, without disbanding
their levies, hastened to the rescue, surrounded Cromnus with a double
line of trenches, and having so secured their position, proceeded to lay
siege to those inside the place. The city of Lacedaemon, annoyed at the
siege of their citizens, sent out an army, again under Archidamus, who,
when he had come, set about ravaging Arcadia to the best of his power, as
also the Sciritid, and did all he could to draw off, if possible, the
besieging army. The Arcadians, for all that, were not one whit the more to
be stirred: they seemed callous to all his proceedings.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(16) See Grote, "H. G." x. 429 foll.; al. B.C. 364.
(17) The port town of Elis.
(18) Cromnus, a township near Megalopolis. See Callisthenes, ap.
Athen. 10, p. 452 A. See Schneider's note ad loc.
(19) Lit. "lochi." See Arnold's note to Thuc. v. 68; below, VII. v.
10.
</pre>
<p>
Presently espying a certain rising ground, across which the Arcadians had
drawn their outer line of circumvallation, Archidamus proposed to himself
to take it. If he were once in command of that knoll, the besiegers at its
foot would be forced to retire. Accordingly he set about leading a body of
troops round to the point in question, and during this movement the light
infantry in advance of Archidamus, advancing at the double, caught sight
of the Arcadian Eparitoi (20) outside the stockade and attacked them,
while the cavalry made an attempt to enforce their attack simultaneously.
The Arcadians did not swerve: in compact order they waited impassively.
The Lacedaemonians charged a second time: a second time they swerved not,
but on the contrary began advancing. Then, as the hoarse roar and shouting
deepened, Archidamus himself advanced in support of his troops. To do so
he turned aside along the carriage-road leading to Cromnus, and moved
onward in column two abreast, (21) which was his natural order. When they
came into close proximity to one another—Archidamus's troops in
column, seeing they were marching along a road; the Arcadians in compact
order with shields interlinked—at this conjuncture the
Lacedaemonians were not able to hold out for any length of time against
the numbers of the Arcadians. Before long Archidamus had received a wound
which pierced through his thigh, whilst death was busy with those who
fought in front of him, Polyaenidas and Chilon, who was wedded to the
sister of Archidamus, included. The whole of these, numbering no less than
thirty, perished in this action. Presently, falling back along the road,
they emerged into the open ground, and now with a sense of relief the
Lacedaemonians got themselves into battle order, facing the foe. The
Arcadians, without altering their position, stood in compact line, and
though falling short in actual numbers, were in far better heart—the
moral result of an attack on a retreating enemy and the severe loss
inflicted on him. The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, were sorely
down-hearted: Archidamus lay wounded before their eyes; in their ears rang
the names of those who had died, the fallen being not only brave men, but,
one may say, the flower of Spartan chivalry. The two armies were now close
together, when one of the older men lifted up his voice and cried: "Why
need we fight, sirs? Why not rather make truce and part friends?" Joyously
the words fell on the ears of either host, and they made a truce. The
Lacedaemonians picked up their dead and retired; the Arcadians withdrew to
the point where their advance originally began, and set up a trophy of
victory.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(20) So the troops of the Arcadian Federation were named. Diodorus
(xv. 62) calls them "the select troops," {tous kaloumenous
epilektous}.
(21) See above, III. i. 22.
</pre>
<p>
Now, as the Arcadians lay at Cromnus, the Eleians from the capital,
advancing in the first instance upon Pylus, fell in with the men of that
place, who had been beaten back from Thalamae. (22) Galloping along the
road, the cavalry of the Eleians, when they caught sight of them, did not
hesitate, but dashed at them at once, and put some to the sword, while
others of them fled for safety to a rising knoll. Ere long the Eleian
infantry arrived, and succeeded in dislodging this remnant on the hillock
also; some they slew, and others, nearly two hundred in number, they took
alive, all of whom where either sold, if foreigners, or, if Eleian exiles,
put to death. After this the Eleians captured the men of Pylus and the
place itself, as no one came to their rescue, and recovered the
Marganians.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(22) A strong fortress in an unfrequented situation, defended by
narrow passes (Leake, "Morea," ii. 204); it lay probably in the
rocky recesses of Mount Scollis (modern Santameri), on the
frontier of Achaea, near the modern village of Santameri. See
Polyb. iv. 75. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 179.
</pre>
<p>
The Lacedaemonians presently made a second attempt on Cromnus by a night
attack, got possession of the part of the palisading facing the Argives,
and at once began summoning their besieged fellow-citizens to come out.
Out accordingly came all who happened to be within easy distance, and who
took time by the forelock. The rest were not quick enough; a strong
Arcadian reinforcement cut them off, and they remained shut up inside, and
were eventually taken prisoners and distributed. One portion of them fell
to the lot of the Argives, one to the Thebans, (23) one to the Arcadians,
and one to the Messenians. The whole number taken, whether true-born
Spartans or Perioeci, amounted to more than one hundred.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(23) "The Thebans must have been soldiers in garrison at Tegea,
Megalopolis, or Messene."—Grote, "H. G." x. 433.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 364. And now that the Arcadians had leisure on the side of Cromnus,
they were again able to occupy themselves with the Eleians, and to keep
Olympia still more strongly garrisoned. In anticipation of the approaching
Olympic year, (24) they began preparations to celebrate the Olympian games
in conjunction with the men of Pisa, who claim to be the original
presidents of the Temple. (25) Now, when the month of the Olympic Festival—and
not the month only, but the very days, during which the solemn assembly is
wont to meet, were come, the Eleians, in pursuance of preparations and
invitations to the Achaeans, of which they made no secret, at length
proceeded to march along the road to Olympia. The Arcadians had never
imagined that they would really attack them; and they were themselves just
now engaged with the men of Pisa in carrying out the details of the solemn
assembly. They had already completed the chariot-race, and the foot-race
of the pentathlon. (26) The competitors entitled to enter for the
wrestling match had left the racecourse, and were getting through their
bouts in the space between the racecourse and the great altar.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(24) I.e. "Ol. 104. 1" (July B.C. 364).
(25) For this claim on the part of the Pisatans (as the old
inhabitants), see above, III. ii. 31; Paus. VI. xxii. 2; Diod. xv.
78; Busolt, op. cit. p. 154.
(26) As to the pentathlon, see above, IV. vii. 5. Whether the
preceding {ippodromia} was, at this date, a horse or chariot race,
or both, I am unable to say.
</pre>
<p>
It must be understood that the Eleians under arms were already close at
hand within the sacred enclosure. (27) The Arcadians, without advancing
farther to meet them, drew up their troops on the river Cladaus, which
flows past the Altis and discharges itself into the Alpheus. Their allies,
consisting of two hundred Argive hoplites and about four hundred Athenian
cavalry, were there to support them. Presently the Eleians formed into
line on the opposite side of the stream, and, having sacrificed, at once
began advancing. Though heretofore in matters of war despised by Arcadians
and Argives, by Achaeans and Athenians alike, still on this day they led
the van of the allied force like the bravest of the brave. Coming into
collision with the Arcadians first, they at once put them to flight, and
next receiving the attack of the Argive supports, mastered these also.
Then having pursued them into the space between the senate-house, the
temple of Hestia, and the theatre thereto adjoining, they still kept up
the fighting as fiercely as ever, pushing the retreating foe towards the
great altar. But now being exposed to missiles from the porticoes and the
senate-house and the great temple, (28) while battling with their
opponents on the level, some of the Eleians were slain, and amongst others
the commander of the Three Hundred himself, Stratolas. At this state of
the proceedings they retired to their camp.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(27) "The {temenos} must here be distinguished from the Altis, as
meaning the entire breadth of consecrated ground at Olympia, of
which the Altis formed a smaller interior portion enclosed with a
wall. The Eleians entered into a {temenos} before they crossed the
river Kladeus, which flowed through the {temenos}, but alongside
the Altis. The tomb of Oenomaus, which was doubtless included in
the {temenos}, was on the right bank of the Kladeus (Paus. VI.
xxi. 3); while the Altis was on the left bank of the river."—
Grote, "H. G." x. 438, note 1. For the position of the Altis
(Paus. V. x. 1) and several of the buildings here mentioned, and
the topography of Olympia in general, see Baedeker's "Greece," p.
322 foll.; and Dorpfeld's Plan ("Olympia und Umgegend," Berlin,
1882), there reproduced.
(28) Or, "from the porticoes of the senate-house and the great
temple."
</pre>
<p>
The Arcadians and those with them were so terrified at the thought of the
coming day that they gave themselves neither respite nor repose that
night, but fell to chopping up the carefully-compacted booths and
constructing them into palisades; so that when the Eleians did again
advance the next day and saw the strength of the barriers and the number
mounted on the temples, they withdrew to their city. They had proved
themselves to be warriors of such mettle as a god indeed by the breath of
his spirit may raise up and bring to perfection in a single day, but into
which it were impossible for mortal men to convert a coward even in a
lifetime.
</p>
<p>
B.C. 363. The employment of the sacred treasures of the temple by the
Arcadian magistrates (29) as a means of maintaining the Eparitoi (30)
aroused protest. The Mantineans were the first to pass a resolution
forbidding such use of the sacred property. They set the example
themselves of providing the necessary quota for the Troop in question from
their state exchequer, and this sum they sent to the federal government.
The latter, affirming that the Mantineans were undermining the Arcadian
league, retaliated by citing their leading statesmen to appear before the
assembly of Ten Thousand; and on their refusal to obey the summons, passed
sentence upon them, and sent the Eparitoi to apprehend them as convicted
persons. The Mantineans, however, closed their gates, and would not admit
the Troop within their walls. Their example was speedily followed: others
among the Ten Thousand began to protest against the enormity of so
applying the sacred treasures; it was doubly wrong to leave as a perpetual
heirloom to their children the imputation of a crime so heinous against
the gods. But no sooner was a resolution passed in the general assembly
(31) forbidding the use of the sacred moneys for profane purposes than
those (members of the league) who could not have afforded to serve as
Eparitoi without pay began speedily to melt away; while those of more
independent means, with mutual encouragement, began to enrol themselves in
the ranks of the Eparitoi—the feeling being that they ought not to
be a mere tool in the hands of the corps, but rather that the corps itself
should be their instrument. Those members of the government who had
manipulated the sacred money soon saw that when they came to render an
account of their stewardship, in all likelihood they would lose their
heads. They therefore sent an embassy to Thebes, with instructions to the
Theban authorities warning them that, if they did not open a campaign, the
Arcadians would in all probability again veer round to Lacedaemon.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(29) See above, VII. i. 24. "Were these magistrates, or merely popular
leaders?"—Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 203, note 3.
(30) Or, "Select Troop." See above.
(31) "The common formula for a Greek confederation, {to koinon ton
'Arkadon}, is used as an equivalent of {oi mupioi}" (here and
below, SS. 35, 38)—Freeman, op. cit. 202, note 4.
</pre>
<p>
The Thebans, therefore, began making preparations for opening a campaign,
but the party who consulted the best interests of Peloponnese (32)
persuaded the general assembly of the Arcadians to send an embassy and
tell the Thebans not to advance with an army into Arcadia, unless they
sent for them; and whilst this was the language they addressed to Thebes,
they reasoned among themselves that they could dispense with war
altogether. The presidency over the temple of Zeus, they were persuaded,
they might easily dispense with; indeed, it would at once be a more
upright and a holier proceeding on their parts to give it back, and with
such conduct the god, they thought, might be better pleased. As these were
also the views and wishes of the Eleians, both parties agreed to make
peace, and a truce was established.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(32) See below, VII. v. 1, {oi kedouenoi tes Peloponnesou}. I regard
these phrases as self-laudatory political catchwords.
</pre>
<p>
B.C. 362. The oaths were ratified; and amongst those who swore to them
were included not only the parties immediately concerned, but the men of
Tegea, and the Theban general himself, who was inside Tegea with three
hundred heavy infantry of the Boeotians. Under these circumstances the
Arcadians in Tegea remained behind feasting and keeping holy day, with
outpouring of libations and songs of victory, to celebrate the
establishment of peace. Here was an opportunity for the Theban and those
of the government who regarded the forthcoming inquiry with apprehension.
Aided by the Boeotians and those of the Eparitoi who shared their
sentiments, they first closed the gates of the fortress of Tegea, and then
set about sending to the various quarters to apprehend those of the better
class. But, inasmuch as there were Arcadians present from all the cities,
and there was a general desire for peace, those apprehended must needs be
many. So much so, that the prison-house was eventually full to
overflowing, and the town-hall was full also. Besides the number lodged in
prison, a number had escaped by leaping down the walls, and there were
others who were suffered to pass through the gates (a laxity easily
explained, since no one, excepting those who were anticipating their own
downfall, cherished any wrathful feeling against anybody). But what was a
source of still graver perplexity to the Theban commander and those acting
with him—of the Mantineans, the very people whom they had set their
hearts on catching, they had got but very few. Nearly all of them, owing
to the proximity of their city, had, in fact, betaken themselves home.
Now, when day came and the Mantineans learned what had happened, they
immediately sent and forewarned the other Arcadian states to be ready in
arms, and to guard the passes; and they set the example themselves by so
doing. They sent at the same time to Tegea and demanded the release of all
Mantineans there detained. With regard to the rest of the Arcadians they
further claimed that no one should be imprisoned or put to death without
trial. If any one had any accusation to bring against any, than by the
mouth of their messengers there present they gave notice that the state of
Mantinea was ready to offer bail, "Verily and indeed to produce before the
general assembly of the Arcadians all who might be summoned into court."
The Theban accordingly, on hearing this, was at a loss what to make of the
affair, and released his prisoners. Next day, summoning a congress of all
the Arcadians who chose to come, he explained, with some show of apology,
that he had been altogether deceived; he had heard, he said, that "the
Lacedaemonians were under arms on the frontier, and that some of the
Arcadians were about to betray Tegea into their hands." His auditors
acquitted him for the moment, albeit they knew that as touching themselves
he was lying. They sent, however, an embassy to Thebes and there accused
him as deserving of death. Epaminondas (who was at that time the general
at the head of the war department) is reported to have maintained that the
Theban commander had acted far more rightly when he seized than when he
let go the prisoners. "Thanks to you," he argued, "we have been brought
into a state of war, and then you, without our advice or opinion asked,
make peace on your own account; would it not be reasonable to retort upon
you the charge of treason in such conduct? Anyhow, be assured," he added,
"we shall bring an army into Arcadia, and along with those who share our
views carry on the war which we have undertaken."
</p>
<p>
V
</p>
<p>
B.C. 362. This answer was duly reported to the general assembly of the
Arcadians, and throughout the several states of the league. Consequently
the Mantineans, along with those of the Arcadians who had the interests of
Peloponnesus at heart, as also the Eleians and the Achaeans, came to the
conclusion that the policy of the Thebans was plain. They wished
Peloponnesus to be reduced to such an extremity of weakness that it might
fall an easy prey into their hands who were minded to enslave it. "Why
else," they asked, "should they wish us to fight, except that we may tear
each other to pieces, and both sides be driven to look to them for
support? or why, when we tell them that we have no need of them at
present, do they insist on preparing for a foreign campaign? Is it not
plain that these preparations are for an expedition which will do us some
mischief?"
</p>
<p>
In this mood they sent to Athens, (1) calling on the Athenians for
military aid. Ambassadors also went to Lacedaemon on behalf of the
Eparitoi, summoning the Lacedaemonians, if they wished to give a helping
hand, to put a stop to the proceedings of any power approaching to enslave
Peloponnesus. As regards the headship, they came to an arrangement at
once, on the principle that each of the allied states should exercise the
generalship within its own territory.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(1) For a treaty of alliance between Athens, the Arkadians, Achaeans,
Eleians, and Phliasians, immediately before Mantinea, B.C. 362,
{epi Molonos arkhontos}, see Hicks, 94; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. p.
405. It is preserved on a stele ("broken at bottom; but the top is
surmounted by a relief representing Zeus enthroned, with a
thunderbolt; a female figure (= the {Summakhia}?) approaches
lifting her veil, while Athena stands by") now standing among the
sculptures from the Asklepieion on the Acropolis at Athens. See
Milchhofer, p. 47, no. 7, "Die Museum," Athens, 1881. For the
date, see Demosth. "c. Polycl." 1207.
</pre>
<p>
While these matters were in progress, Epaminondas was prosecuting his
march at the head of all the Boeotians, with the Euboeans, and a large
body of Thessalians, furnished both by Alexander (2) and by his opponents.
The Phocians were not represented. Their special agreement only required
them to render assistance in case of an attack on Thebes; to assist in a
hostile expedition against others was not in the bond. Epaminondas,
however, reflected that inside Peloponnesus itself they might count upon
the Argives and the Messenians, with that section of the Arcadians which
shared their views. These latter were the men of Tegea and Megalopolis, of
Asea and Pallantium, with any townships which owing to their small size or
their position in the midst of these larger cities were forced to follow
their lead.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(2) For Alexander of Pherae, see above, VI. iv. 34. In B.C. 363 the
Thebans had sent an army under Pelopidas into Thessaly to assist
their allies among the Thessalians with the Phthiot Achaeans and
the Magnetes against Alexander. At Kynos Kephelae Alexander was
defeated, but Pelopidas was slain (see Grote, "H. G." x. 420
foll.). "His death, as it brought grief, so likewise it produced
advantage to the allies; for the Thebans, as soon as they heard of
his fall, delayed not their revenge, but presently sent seven
thousand foot and seven hundred horse, under the command of
Malcitas and Diogiton. And they, finding Alexander weak and
without forces, compelled him to restore the cities he had taken,
to withdraw his garrisons from the Magnesians and Achaeans of
Phthiotos and swear to assist the Thebans against whatsoever
enemies they should require."—Plut. "Pelop." 35 (Clough, ii.
236).
</pre>
<p>
Epaminondas advanced with rapid strides; but on reaching Nemea he
slackened speed, hoping to catch the Athenians as they passed, and
reflecting on the magnitude of such an achievement, whether in stimulating
the courage of his own allies, or in plunging his foes into despondency;
since, to state the matter concisely, any blow to Athens would be a gain
to Thebes. But during his pause at Nemea those who shared the opposite
policy had time to converge on Mantinea. Presently the news reached
Epaminondas that the Athenians had abandoned the idea of marching by land,
and were preparing to bring their supports to Arcadia by sea through
Lacedaemon. This being so, he abandoned his base of Nemea and pushed on to
Tegea.
</p>
<p>
That the strategy of the Theban general was fortunate I will not pretend
to assert, but in the particular combination of prudence and daring which
stamps these exploits, I look upon him as consummate. In the first place,
I cannot but admire the sagacity which led him to form his camp within the
walls of Tegea, where he was in greater security that he would have been
if entrenched outside, and where his future movements were more completely
concealed from the enemy. Again, the means to collect material and furnish
himself with other necessaries were readier to his hand inside the city;
while, thirdly, he was able to keep an eye on the movements of his
opponents marching outside, and to watch their successful dispositions as
well as their mistakes. More than this: in spite of his sense of
superiority to his antagonists, over and over again, when he saw them
gaining some advantage in position, he refused to be drawn out to attack
them. It was only when he saw plainly that no city was going to give him
its adhesion, and that time was slipping by, that he made up his mind that
a blow must be struck, failing which, he had nothing to expect save a vast
ingloriousness, in place of his former fame. (3) He had ascertained that
his antagonists held a strong position round Mantinea, and that they had
sent to fetch Agesilaus and the whole Lacedaemonian army. He was further
aware that Agesilaus had commenced his advance and was already at Pellene.
(4) Accordingly he passed the word of command (5) to his troops to take
their evening meal, put himself at their head and advanced straight upon
Sparta. Had it not been for the arrival (by some providential chance) of a
Cretan, who brought the news to Agesilaus of the enemy's advance, he would
have captured the city of Sparta like a nest of young birds absolutely
bereft of its natural defenders. As it was, Agesilaus, being forewarned,
had time to return to the city before the Thebans came, and here the
Spartans made distribution of their scanty force and maintained watch and
ward, albeit few enough in numbers, since the whole of their cavalry were
away in Arcadia, and so was their foreign brigade, and so were three out
of their twelve regiments. (6)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(3) Or, "dull obscurity in place of renown."
(4) Pellene (or Pellana), a town of Laconia on the Eurotas, and on the
road from Sparta to Arcadia; in fact the frontier fortress on the
Eurotas, as Sellasia on the Oenus; "Dict. of Anct. Geog." s.v.;
see Paus. iii. 20, S. 2; Strab. viii. 386; Polyb. iv. 81, xvi. 37;
Plut. "Agis," 8; Leake, "Morea," iii. 14 foll.
(5) Cf. "Hipparch." iv. 9.
(6) Lit. "lochi." See above, VII. iv. 20; "Pol. Lac." xi. 4.
</pre>
<p>
Arrived within the city of Sparta, (7) Epaminondas abstained from gaining
an entry at a point where his troops would have to fight on level ground
and under attack from the houses above; where also their large numbers
would give them no superiority over the small numbers of the foemen. But,
singling out a position which he conceived would give him the advantage,
he occupied it and began his advance against the city upon a downward
instead of an upward incline.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(7) Grote ("H. G." x. 455) says: "Though he crossed the Eurotas and
actually entered into the city of Sparta," as the words {epei de
egeneto en te polei ton Spartiaton} certainly seem to me to imply.
Others interpret "in the close neighbourhood of."
</pre>
<p>
With regard to what subsequently took place, two possible explanations
suggest themselves: either it was miraculous, or it may be maintained that
there is no resisting the fury of desperation. Archidamus, advancing at
the head of but a hundred men, and crossing the one thing which might have
been expected to form an obstacle to the enemy, (8) began marching uphill
against his antagonists. At this crisis these fire-breathing warriors,
these victorious heroes of Leuctra, (9) with their superiority at every
point, aided, moreover, by the advantage of their position, did not
withstand the attack of Archidamus and those with him, but swerved in
flight.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(8) Or, "to serve as his defence"; or, "the one obstacle to his
progress," i.e. Archidamus's. It was a miraculous thing that the
Thebans did not stop him.
(9) See Mahaffy, "Hist. Gk. Lit." vol. ii. p. 268, 1st ed. See above,
"Hell." VI. iv. 24; Diod. xv. 39, 56.
</pre>
<p>
The vanguard of Epaminondas's troops were cut down; when, however, flushed
with the glory of their victory, the citizens followed up their pursuit
beyond the right point, they in turn were cut down—so plainly was
the demarking line of victory drawn by the finger of God. So then
Archidamus set up a trophy to note the limit of his success, and gave back
those who had there fallen of the enemy under a truce. Epaminondas, on his
side, reflecting that the Arcadians must already be hastening to the
relief of Lacedaemon, and being unwilling to engage them in conjunction
with the whole of the Lacedaemonian force, especially now that the star of
Sparta's fortune shone, whilst theirs had suffered some eclipse, turned
and marched back the way he came with all speed possible into Tegea. There
he gave his heavy infantry pause and refreshment, but his cavalry he sent
on to Mantinea; he begged them to "have courage and hold on," instructing
them that in all likelihood they would find the flocks and herds of the
Mantineans and the entire population itself outside their walls,
especially as it was the moment for carrying the corn. So they set off.
</p>
<p>
The Athenian cavalry, started from Eleusis, had made their evening meal at
the Isthmus, and passing through Cleonae, as chance befell, had arrived at
Mantinea and had encamped within the walls in the houses. As soon as the
enemy were seen galloping up with evidently hostile intent, the Mantineans
fell to praying the Athenian knights to lend them all the succour they
could, and they showed them all their cattle outside, and all their
labourers, and among them were many children and graybeards who were
free-born citizens. The Athenians were touched by this appeal, and, though
they had not yet broken fast, neither the men themselves nor their horses,
went out eagerly to the rescue. And here we must needs pause to admire the
valour of these men also. The enemy whom they had to cope with far
outnumbered them, as was plain to see, and the former misadventure of the
cavalry in Corinth was not forgotten. (10) But none of these things
entered into their calculations now—nor yet the fact that they were
on the point of engaging Thebans and Thessalians, the finest cavalry in
the world by all repute. The only thing they thought of was the shame and
the dishonour, if, being there, they did not lend a helping hand to their
allies. In this mood, so soon as they caught sight of the enemy, they fell
with a crash upon him in passionate longing to recover the old ancestral
glory. Nor did they fight in vain—the blows they struck enabled the
Mantineans to recover all their property outside, but among those who
dealt them died some brave heroes; (11) brave heroes also, it is evident,
were those whom they slew, since on either side the weapons wielded were
not so short but that they could lunge at one another with effect. The
dead bodies of their own men they refused to abandon; and there were some
of the enemy's slain whom they restored to him under a flag of truce.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(10) Or, "and in Corinth an untoward incident had been experienced by
the cavalry." See Grote, "H. G." x. 458, note 2. Possibly in
reference to "Hell." VI. v. 51, 52.
(11) Probably Xenophon's own son Gryllus was among them.
</pre>
<p>
The thoughts now working in the mind of Epaminondas were such as these:
that within a few days he would be forced to retire, as the period of the
campaign was drawing to a close; if it ended in his leaving in the lurch
those allies whom he came out to assist, they would be besieged by their
antagonists. What a blow would that be to his own fair fame, already
somewhat tarnished! Had he not been defeated in Lacedaemon, with a large
body of heavy infantry, by a handful of men? defeated again at Mantinea,
in the cavalry engagement, and himself the main cause finally of a
coalition between five great powers—that is to say, the
Lacedaemonians, the Arcadians, the Achaeans, the Eleians, and the
Athenians? On all grounds it seemed to him impossible to steal past
without a battle. And the more so as he computed the alternatives of
victory or death. If the former were his fortune, it would resolve all his
perplexities; if death, his end would be noble. How glorious a thing to
die in the endeavour to leave behind him, as his last legacy to his
fatherland, the empire of Peloponnesus! That such thoughts should pass
through his brain strikes me as by no means wonderful, as these are
thoughts distinctive to all men of high ambition. Far more wonderful to my
mind was the pitch of perfection to which he had brought his army. There
was no labour which his troops would shrink from, either by night or by
day; there was no danger they would flinch from; and, with the scantiest
provisions, their discipline never failed them.
</p>
<p>
And so, when he gave his last orders to them to prepare for impending
battle, they obeyed with alacrity. He gave the word; the cavalry fell to
whitening their helmets, the heavy infantry of the Arcadians began
inscribing their clubs as the crest on their shields, (12) as though they
were Thebans, and all were engaged in sharpening their lances and swords
and polishing their heavy shields. When the preparations were complete and
he had led them out, his next movement is worthy of attention. First, as
was natural, he paid heed to their formation, and in so doing seemed to
give clear evidence that he intended battle; but no sooner was the army
drawn up in the formation which he preferred, than he advanced, not by the
shortest route to meet the enemy, but towards the westward-lying mountains
which face Tegea, and by this movement created in the enemy an expectation
that he would not do battle on that day. In keeping with this expectation,
as soon as he arrived at the mountain-region, he extended his phalanx in
long line and piled arms under the high cliffs; and to all appearance he
was there encamping. The effect of this manouvre on the enemy in general
was to relax the prepared bent of their souls for battle, and to weaken
their tactical arrangements. Presently, however, wheeling his regiments
(which were marching in column) to the front, with the effect of
strengthening the beak-like (13) attack which he proposed to lead himself,
at the same instant he gave the order, "Shoulder arms, forward," and led
the way, the troops following.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(12) Grote ("H. G." x. 463) has another interpretation.
(13) Or, "the wedge-like attack of his own division"; see Grote, "H.
G." x. 469 foll. I do not, however, think that the attacking
column was actually wedge-shaped like the "acies cuneata" of the
Romans. It was the unusual depth of the column which gave it the
force of an ironclad's ram. Cf. "Cyrop." II. iv. for {eis
metopon}.
</pre>
<p>
When the enemy saw them so unexpectedly approaching, not one of them was
able to maintain tranquility: some began running to their divisions, some
fell into line, some might be seen bitting and bridling their horses, some
donning their cuirasses, and one and all were like men about to receive
rather than to inflict a blow. He, the while, with steady impetus pushed
forward his armament, like a ship-of-war prow forward. Wherever he brought
his solid wedge to bear, he meant to cleave through the opposing mass, and
crumble his adversary's host to pieces. With this design he prepared to
throw the brunt of the fighting on the strongest half of his army, while
he kept the weaker portion of it in the background, knowing certainly that
if worsted it would only cause discouragement to his own division and add
force to the foe. The cavalry on the side of his opponents were disposed
like an ordinary phalanx of heavy infantry, regular in depth and
unsupported by foot-soldiers interspersed among the horses. (14)
Epaminondas again differed in strengthening the attacking point of his
cavalry, besides which he interspersed footmen between their lines in the
belief that, when he had once cut through the cavalry, he would have
wrested victory from the antagonist along his whole line; so hard is it to
find troops who will care to keep their own ground when once they see any
of their own side flying. Lastly, to prevent any attempt on the part of
the Athenians, who were on the enemy's left wing, to bring up their
reliefs in support of the portion next them, he posted bodies of cavalry
and heavy infantry on certain hillocks in front of them, intending to
create in their minds an apprehension that, in case they offered such
assistance, they would be attacked on their own rear by these detachments.
Such was the plan of encounter which he formed and executed; nor was he
cheated in his hopes. He had so much the mastery at his point of attack
that he caused the whole of the enemy's troops to take flight.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(14) See Rustow and Kochly, p. 176; and for the {amippoi}
Harpocration, s.v.; Pollus, i. 131; "Hipparch." v. 13; Thuc. v.
58; Herod. vii. 158; Caes. "B. G." i. 48; "B. Civ." iii. 84.
</pre>
<p>
But after he himself had fallen, the rest of the Thebans were not able any
longer to turn their victory rightly to account. Though the main battle
line of their opponents had given way, not a single man afterwards did the
victorious hoplites slay, not an inch forward did they advance from the
ground on which the collision took place. Though the cavalry had fled
before them, there was no pursuit; not a man, horseman or hoplite, did the
conquering cavalry cut down; but, like men who have suffered a defeat, as
if panic-stricken (15) they slipped back through the ranks of the fleeing
foemen. Only the footmen fighting amongst the cavalry and the light
infantry, who had together shared in the victory of the cavalry, found
their way round to the left wing as masters of the field, but it cost them
dear; here they encountered the Athenians, and most of them were cut down.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(15) Or, "they timorously slipped back."
</pre>
<p>
The effective result of these achievements was the very opposite of that
which the world at large anticipated. Here, where well-nigh the whole of
Hellas was met together in one field, and the combatants stood rank
against rank confronted, there was no one doubted that, in the event of
battle, the conquerors would this day rule; and that those who lost would
be their subjects. But God so ordered it that both belligerents alike set
up trophies as claiming victory, and neither interfered with the other in
the act. Both parties alike gave back their enemy's dead under a truce,
and in right of victory; both alike, in symbol of defeat, under a truce
took back their dead. And though both claimed to have won the day, neither
could show that he had thereby gained any accession of territory, or
state, or empire, or was better situated than before the battle.
Uncertainty and confusion, indeed, had gained ground, being tenfold
greater throughout the length and breadth of Hellas after the battle than
before.
</p>
<p>
At this point I lay aside my pen: the sequel of the story may haply
commend itself (16) to another.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
(16) Or, "win the attention of some other writer."
</pre>
<p>
<br /><br />
</p>
<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 1174 ***</div>
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